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7 Nisan 1933’de, Almanya’da, Hitler hükümetinin ırkçı yasalarından ilki olan ve Nazi yöneticilere rejim düşmanlarından, özellikle de Yahudilerden kurtulma fırsatı sunan, “devlet memurluğu mesleğinin ihyasına dair yasa” kabul ediliyordu. Ari ırktan olmadıkları için üniversitelerdeki kürsülerinden kovulan çok sayıda bilim adamının Nazi Almanya’sını terk etmek zorunda kaldığı bu 1933 yılında, hemen hemen aynı tarihlerde, kuruluşunun henüz onuncu yılındaki genç Türkiye Cumhuriyeti de bizzat Atatürk’ün öncülüğünde, kökten bir üniversite reformu gerçekleştirme çabasındaydı. Her iki ülkenin tarihindeki bu ilginç kesişme, Nazilerin kovduğu birçok akademisyenin mesleklerine Türk üniversitelerinde devam edebilmelerini sağladı.
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This study is on the historical reading of the transfer of the 1934 Thrace events to the newspaper news of the period. As a result of the Turkification policies in the nation-state building process, the Settlement Law of 2510 was adopted on 14 June 1934 within the scope of the policy of transition to a monolingual society. The expected result from this Law is concentrated in two different regions; however, it was designed to ensure that the population, far from Turkish culture, migrated to the regions where the Turks were more numerous. In order to eliminate possible threats on the borderlines of Thrace and Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions, which were seen as a security vulnerability by the Turkish government in this period, strengthening works were started on the fragile population structure of these areas. As a result, revealing the motives and the involvement of the events that caused thousand of people to become victims in a very short time determines the purpose and importance of the study. In the research, the framing method was used in the context of cultural analysis. The way in which the issue was framed in the newspapers Akşam, Haber, Hakimiyeti Milliye and Milliyet of the period is worth examining not only with the selected and prominent ones, but also with the eliminated and left behind. It stands out that the facts are hidden with the claim that what happened in the field is exaggerated, and that the conflict from the historical memory extends to the Ottoman Empire.
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This article analyses the wider context of policy conflict concerning public memory of the 1989 events. It uses Pierre Nora’s concept of lieux de mémoire in trying to explain why 23 August 1939 has been turned into a European Remembrance Day whereas 9 November 1989 has not. By investigating closely the role that various memory actors played during debates at the European level, it advances the idea that the anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact has been more successful in establishing itself within the European remembrance landscape because it has allowed for the promotion of a unifying narrative of the European past. In doing so, the article questions the frequently advanced idea that memory clashes in the EU form around an East–West divide that in some cases overlaps with a Right–Left divide. The analysis digs deep into the complex dynamics lying at the heart of memory contests concerning the end of the Cold War within the EU and provides a more differentiated view of discussions preceding EU decisions on policies of memory.
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People houses that founded in 1932, were active within nine branch and these branches studies which had worked under Fine Art Department were to considered very important. People houses where music revolution experienced far and wide, were purposed to disseminated polyhonic music culture formed by Gökalp’s national music opinions. General Secretariat of CHP, issued a circular letter in 1948 for learning the situation of music studies and determining which music studies did people houses showing tendency to? 9 question adressed to 93 people houses and 71 of them answered these questions within the circular letter at issued. Document analysis method used in research and limited with 15 people houses that had been located in east and southeast province which answered the 1948 circular letter, In conclusion part, the situation of music studies and at what rate of goals achieved in these mentioned people houses discussed. Within the frame of 1948 circular letter, music studies in east – southeast people houses substantially, didn’t reach main purposes.
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The events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution were followed with great interest and undoubted sympathy by the Unitarian Church in Romania. The reprisal campaign launched by the Romanian communist authorities in 1957 with the aim of consolidating its power, led to profound changes in the functioning of the Church in 1959: 17 ministers were convicted and imprisoned, and a network of informers was created through the blackmail and church officials who were compromised or intimidated, effectively ensuring the total subordination and control of the institution. This paper examines a specific stage in the life of the theological teacher Dániel Simén (1903–1969), a victim of state retribution, and seeks to answer the question of whether or not the actions and behaviour of church officials justified the retaliatory measures taken by the Romanian authorities against the Church, and what were the accusations that were used as a pretext for the state authorities to take offensive action against the Church in connection with the 1956 revolution in Hungary. The analysis is based on the interrogation reports in Simén’s investigation file, the testimonies given against him and the volumes of sermons, by him and other ministers, which form the decisive element of the accusation.
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This article analyzes the perception of women’s identity as it was created in the press in the period of Nikita Khrushchev’s rule (in the magazine Tarybinė moteris, “The Soviet Woman”) as well as in the poetry written by both men and women of the so-called 1930s generation. By taking a closer look at discourses across different levels, connections, conflicts, tensions, denials and contradictions were revealed, uncovering the complicated and tense relationship between the ideological, masculine and feminine paradigms that offer different identities. This serves to demonstrate how men and women have tried to accommodate their traditionally inherited, personal relationships with ideological perceptions. After describing the engineering of a woman’s image in the magazine and analyzing the images in male and female poetry, it became clear that this version of Soviet feminism was more regularly and consistently realized by men in their work, who had described the process of creating the Soviet world (the emergence of collective farms and the role of women in this process, ideological connection between the woman and the new order etc.). It was revealed that women were much more likely to be portrayed as negative characters in respect to the system than men, their worldview being based on values inherited from the interwar Lithuania, determining their obscurantism and secretive life. The emancipation of women in men’s discourse is almost without exception based on directly transposed Soviet postulates. A more personal perspective and relationship with a woman emerges as a traditionally inherited patriarchal paradigm of the woman-as-a-mother identity, which is disassociated from the Mother Heroine image by a personal and intimate articulation of the relationship. The images of the emancipation of Soviet women that appear in male poetry are taken up as postulates of the new system, but these images are never incorporated in the articulation of their worldview, always remaining as part of the new society’s architectonics. In the work of J. Degutytė, the only more prominent female poet of the period in question, two directions in the conception of women’s identity are observed: the official one, which shows the adopted image of hyperreality as being at the core of the new woman’s identity, an assumed woman’ self-image as being responsible for social sensitivity, and the stance of the party-appreciating mother. When the self-image of a woman is not thematized but rather manifests itself as the self-awareness of the speaking female subject, the female “I” appears as the acting subject that transforms the female attributes (emotionality, sensitivity etc.), traditionally perceived as restrictive, into opening up opportunities for action and possessing an existential perspective. The most intense exposure of the female subject to the world is portrayed as an act of creativity, whereas the creative aspirations of women in the poetry of men of the same time are associated exclusively with childbirth.
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O. Брик. Доклад Томашевского делится на 3 части. Последняя - критика Белого, не вызывает возражений, 2-ая заключает в себе интересные наблюдения, но 1-ая, методологическая - неубедительна. Говоря о ритме прозы, нужно прежде всего определить, что мы изучаем: ритм чтения или ритм написанного? Ритм декламационный нужно отличать от ритма имманентного. Но предположим, что изучаем ритм чтения. На чем базируется кривая ритма? Докладчик кладет в основу интонационные отрезки, но вместо интонации подставляет экспирацию. Подход, диктуемый аналогией со стихотворным ритмом, оказывается несостоятельным. Кроме того, выводы сделаны на основании небольшого материала, что не делает их общеубедительными.
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The article examines an episode from the life of the newly elected Metropolitan of Nevrokop Boris. The incident, relayed in a later letter by Archimandrite Methodius in his position as an eyewitness, is insignificant at first glance, but in fact represents Boris’s first meeting with his future physical killer. The letter is probably the earliest evidence containing a proposal for the canonization of the Bulgarian metropolitan killed during the first years of the communist regime.
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Bilingual volume published in cooperation with the Embassy of Italy in Poland and with the Italian Institute of Culture to celebrate the centenary of the Italian-Polish diplomatic relations (1919–2019).Texts by the renowned Italian and Polish authors (translated from Italian to Polish or vice versa) are divided into two parts: “Diplomacy, economy, history” and “Art, film, literature, theatre”. Such division allows to follow the Polish-Italian bonds in different fields, from translation and performance of the Italian tragedies on the Polish stages, to cooperation with the FIAT company. There is also reflection on the Polish-Italian relations in the difficult interwar period and during the Second World War. In this context one text has exceptional significance - that of Vincenzo Mario Palmieri, Italian anatomic pathologist and a member of the international commission that examined the Katyń massacre in 1943.The volume not only for the Italophiles but also for all those interested in the history of the 20th century and in the issues of the international relations.
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În istoria tradiţilor militare româneşti, ziua de 14 octombrie 1920 se înscrie ca o dată importantă pentru teritoriul românesc al Moldovei dintre Carpaţi şi Nistru. Atunci a luat fintă în garnizoana ROMAN "ŞCOALA PREGĂTITOARE DE OFIŢERI DE REZERVĂ".
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The history of the revolution of the Republic of Turkey is a lesson that conveys to generations the war of independence of the Turkish nation, our national heroes. The aim of this study is to examine the literary products contained in the 8th-grade history of revolution and Kemalism textbook taught by the Ministry of National Education in our country in the 2020-2021 academic year. Document analysis from qualitative research methods was used in the study. The data were analyzed by content analysis. As a result of the study, the textbook is quite rich in literary works, but the book mostly uses the same types of literacies. On the other hand, it has been found that genres such as songs and folk songs that will feed students emotionally have never been used, and literary genres such as memoirs, stories, and novels have not been adequately used.
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At the end of the 19th century and in the first years of the 20th century, as it has already been presented in my studies, the socialist movement was at a critical point. Some socialist intellectuals left PSDMR and joined the “Sincere Liberal Faction”, united with the National Liberal Party. Other socialists came closer to the actions of the Russian socialists that had, in Romania, connections as Constantin Dobrogeanu Gherea, Christian Rakovski and other political activists. The Social Democratic Party from Romania, during the last stage of the World War I, divided between the socialists and the communist followers after the Russian Revolution of February 1917 and the Counterrevolution of October 1917, when the radicals, “the reds” or Bolsheviks seized the power having V.I. Lenin and Lev Trotsky as main leaders. In January 1918, Romania and the Soviet Russia ended the diplomatic relations and a lot of Bolsheviks from Bessarabia entered in Romania. There were some strikes, as that in December 1918 (workers in printing industry). In the summer of 1919, Romanian Army had destroyed the Bolshevik Republic from Budapest, led by Bela Kun, a Bolshevik agent, preventing the communism to get positions in Central and Western Europe. In 1919, the communist uprising of Spartakist Movement in Germany was defeated. In Romania, a group of communists, many of them with other origins (Ukrainian, Polish, Bulgarian, Jew, Hungarian) put the bases of the Communist Party from Romania (PCdR) founded in Bucharest on May 8th 1921. Because of its anti-Romanian attitude, PCdR was declared illegal in April 1924, being in this situation until August 23 1944. In this article we will try to present the activity between 1921 and 1924 because, later, even the communist government of Romania, tried to minimize the importance of the “illegal activity”, because of the assumed Soviet political line.
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The Historical Chronology of Hungarians in (Czecho)Slovakia in the Period of 1914–1945 is a result of many years, or rather, many decades of research work by the author, Gyula Popély. It also fits well into the portfolio of the Forum Minority Research Institute, as it complements and forms a unified whole with the chronology by Árpád Popély, published by the institute in 2006, which processed the history of Hungarians in Czechoslovakia between 1944 and 1992. The present volume brings closer to the reader the first two periods of the history of Hungarians in Slovakia in the form of factual descriptions in chronological order: the history of the years between 1914 and 1938, and between 1938 and 1945. The volume has been divided by the author into five structural parts. The descriptions of the first thematic and temporal unit show the path of Hungarians leading to the position of a national minority, starting from the outbreak of the First World War to the signing of the Treaty of Trianon. This section deals with, among others, the formation and establishment of the Czechoslovak statehood, the peace conference, the period of the Soviet Republic of Hungary, and the conclusion of the Trianon peace. The second chapter of the volume is entitled The Hungarian Multiparty System in Czechoslovakia (1920–1936). Measured in time, this is the book’s most voluminous and least dramatic part. It shows how the Hungarians fit into the Czechoslovak state and how they fought their political struggle with the Czechoslovak state power. The third structural part is entitled Under the Flag of the United Provincial Christian Socialist Party and Hungarian National Party (1936–1938) and covers the events of the period from the formation of the United Hungarian Party to the first Vienna Award, assigned to specific dates. It is a chronicle of a serious time of crisis, at the end of which the majority of Hungarians in Slovakia became citizens of Hungary again as a result of the first Vienna Award. The fourth chapter only covers the events of just over 6 months, in essence, the period of Slovak autonomy. This and the next chapter—which is a coverage of the period from March 1939 to the spring of 1945—present in parallel the life of Hungarians left in Slovakia and those who, as a result of the First Vienna Award, became nationals of Hungary. It is a chronicle of a tragic era when events such as the devastation by World War II and the tragedy of the Holocaust frame the story.The volume is closed with a personal name and place name index.
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Die Forschungsliteratur über die deutschbaltischen Frauen schließt für gewöhnlich die Möglichkeit einer als politische Bewegung verstandenen deutschbaltischen Frauenbewegung aus. Der vorliegende Artikel spricht sich für eine weiter gefasste Definition von „Frauenbewegung“ aus und plädiert dafür, den Deutschen Frauenbund zu Riga als einen Teil von ihr zu verstehen. Zu diesem Zweck werden Quellen aus dem Umfeld des Frauenbundes untersucht, in erster Linie Jahresberichte sowie Abhandlungen zur Vereinsgeschichte. Der Frauenbund wurde als direkte Antwort auf die Revolution von 1905 noch in demselben Jahr gegründet. Als Folge der revolutionären Ereignisse wurden Frauen stärker öffentlich aktiv. Der Frauenbund strebte nach einer Bewahrung und Festigung des deutschbaltischen “Volkstums” durch soziale und kulturelle Arbeit. Er verfügte, so könnte man sagen, über eine Doppelnatur. Seine Mitglieder beteiligten sich am „nationalen Aktivismus“, d.h. an der Bewahrung des Deutschtums, aber auch an emanzipatorischen Aktivitäten, d.h. an der Förderung der Frauenrechte in Bildung und Beruf wie auch bis zu einem gewissen Grad an der Überwindung von Klassen- und ethnischen Barrieren. Der Bund war keine politische Organisation, aber in einem bestimmten Fall betätigte er sich ausdrücklich politisch: 1917 bat der Bund, zusammen mit anderen Organisationen, die deutsche Kaiserin in einer Petition um die Eingliederung der drei baltischen Provinzen in den deutschen Staat. Zwar hat der Frauenbund die Gründung eines unabhängigen und demokratischen Lettlands nicht gerade unterstützt, doch als dieser Staat dann existierte, bereitete es den Mitgliedern des Frauenbundes kein wirkliches Problem, mit anderen nationalen Organisationen, z.B. mit denen der lettischen Frauen, zusammenzuarbeiten. Die meisten Aktivitäten des Frauenbundes richteten sich an Deutschbalten. Aber es gibt auch Beispiele für die Zusammenarbeit mit lettischen Organisationen in der Zwischenkriegszeit. Der Frauenbund bemühte sich auch darum, Klassen- und soziale Barrieren innerhalb der deutschbaltischen Gemeinschaft zu überbrücken, und trug so zu einer gewissen inneren Demokratisierung bei. Er bezeichnete sich selbst nicht als feministisch, unterstützte aber die sozialen, politischen und wirtschaftlichen Rechte der Frau, wenn auch manchmal, insbesondere hinsichtlich der politischen Rechte, nur sehr diskret. Mit manchen dieser Aktivitäten setzte sich der Bund für eine aktivere Rolle der Frauen in der Gesellschaft ein. Außerdem trug er dazu bei, das häusliche Leben, also die weibliche Sphäre, besser sichtbar zu machen und auf diese Weise aufzuwerten. Die Tatsache, dass der Frauenbund bisweilen recht undemokratisch agierte (insbesondere bei der Petition von 1917), berechtigt nicht dazu, ihn nicht als Teil der Frauenbewegung zu betrachten. Feminismus bzw. Frauenbewegungen korrelieren nicht automatisch mit demokratischen Werten. In jedem Fall förderte der Deutsche Frauenbund zu Riga in gewisser Weise die Frauenrechte und zeigte außerdem der Welt, und den Männern, dass Frauen zu vielem imstande waren.
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Review of: FICERI, Ondrej. Potrianonské Košice. Premeny etnických identít obyvateľov Košíc v medzivojnovom Československu [Košice Post-Trianon. Ethnic Identity Changes of Inhabitants of Košice in Interwar Czechoslovakia]. Bratislava: VEDA, Vydavateľstvo SAV, 2019, 336 pp. ISBN 978-80-224-1737-2
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In the era of the 1st Republic (1889–1930), Brazil offered a promising market and the outstanding economic opportunities for the exploitation of natural resources for businesses. These favorable opportunities were used by old and new imperialists to take advantage of their specific habit and their strength. This study is a short presentation of these aspirations.
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The institutional organization of the American cultural diplomacy from the end of the First World War and the full engagement of the United States in the Second World War was an experimental, reactive, and unsubstantial policy. Even though the idea of using culture or arts as diplomatic tools was rejected by many governmental officials, there were many personalities like President Roosevelt, who foresaw that the power of art and culture represents an important part of states’ foreign policy. In fact, since the Cold War till now, cultural diplomacy has acquired special significance becoming an important instrument that operates among the other diplomatic methods.
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The concept of „informal empire” was conceived in the 1950s with the publication of the article by John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson intitled The Imperialism of Free Trade. The purpose of this article is to define the meaning and provide an overview of the practical application of the con-cept in the context of some concrete examples from Latin America, such as the case of the promotion of free trade and investments, as well as the abolishment of slave trade.
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