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Les rapports entre l’Église et l’État au sein des Églises orthodoxes «établies localement»

Author(s): Archim GRIGORIOS D. PAPATHOMAS / Language(s): French Issue: 1/2010

This paper applies the Church’s understanding of the dual nature – in one person – of Christ, human and divine, to the issue of the strained between the Church and the State, within the Creation and the History. This question is approached and analysed through two theological, ecclesiological and canonical categories, alterity (otherness) and communion, which are based on the antinomical conciliar formula of a (comm)union ”without confusion and without division”. With the help of the systematic and canonical theology of the Fourth Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon (451), it has investigated the Christological question, according to the author, of the relationships between the Church and the State on a global level, in the name of the a double and symmetrical divergence: occurs: on the one hand, the autonomisation of otherness leading to the minorisation of communion, in other words, division and separation between Church and State arising from turning otherness into absolute autonomy (without any communion and relationship); and on the other hand, the alienation of communion causing confusion, and leading to the absorption of otherness, in other words, absorption of the weak locally established Church by the powerful State leading to ”confusion” (in the Chalcedonian sense) – without any alterity. In the first case, priority is given to being ”without confusion” at the detriment of being ”without division” (communion), whereas in the second, we observe the predominance of ”without division” and the total abolition of ”without confusion” (otherness-autonomy). The author enshrines in Church, Body of Christ, its very nature a combination of alterity (otherness) and communion. He argues that these characteristics are undermined by the twin distortions of State infliction and untamed separation, which are marred the relations between these two entities, the Church and the State. For fifteen centuries now, this conception of relationships between the Church and the State has placed a burden at an ecumenical level. More precisely, the ecclesiological vision of the Council of Chalcedon was the simultaneous coexistence of otherness and communion between State and Church as a clearly paradoxical or antinomial feature of the christological mode of coexistence of the two natures of Christ: the human nature and the divine one. It naturally emerges that the coexistence of Church and State in a given state territory is realised through the acceptance of their ontological and institutional otherness and the preservation of communi(cati)on and relationship among them. Special reference is made to the case of the Political Dimension of the Church Eschatology.

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The Oxford Movement’s Arguments for the Union of Church and State

Author(s): Piotr Musiewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 13/2014

The nineteenth century Oxford Movement, formed mostly by Anglican clergymen, is known to have produced the Anglo-Catholic wing in the Church of England; nonetheless, it also had an important political dimension, ignored by scholars for a long time. One of its core political ideas was a conviction about the necessity of a certain type of union of Church and State. I shall focus on seven of the arguments that the Oxford Movement presented for such a model, which have been reconstructed after examining its writings. The first argument shows the Movement’s adherence to historical English patterns of the union of Church and State. The second presents some of the criticism of a model of separation. The third and fourth outline two important theories of the Oxford Movement: the incorporation of the Church into the State and the theological superiority of the Church over the State. The fifth is in fact a set of arguments for assessing various historical political models and events. The next argument refers to Richard Hooker’s conditions for the union of Church and State, while the last reconstructs the Oxford Movement’s way of thinking on relations between morality, religion and politics, and therefore the philosophical justification of their political idea.

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Kościół rzymski jako pierwszy "suwerenny byt polityczny"?

Author(s): Bogdan Szlachta / Language(s): Polish Issue: 18/2016

Research Objective: The purpose of this article is to present an important theoretical proposition which lead to establish hierarchical Roman Church as the first in the history sovereign political being.The Research Problem and Methods: Some researchers, among them the author of the present text, try to prove that as from the second half of the 19th century, the papacy which crowned the Roman Church aimed to establish a legal entity, independent from the influence of secular rulers.The Process of Argumentation: The concept of the Church as sacerdotium, and especially the concepts justifying the independence of the Pope as a legislative authority, were of special importance in this regard, since they were based on a thesis assuming the need for legal order undisturbed by the will of a secular legislator. These concepts, supported mainly by the document of Pope Gregory VII, Dictatus papae pronounced in 1075, have been worked out by the 12th and 13th century jurists of religious law not so much on the basis of Roman law (regarded as possible to be interpreted, yet unchangeable), as on the basis of religious law, open to modifications and even changes, introduced slowly, yet consciously.Research Results: The changes of canon (religious) law shaped in the way presented above were both to justify the universalistic political demands as well as to enable the elaboration of concepts supporting the legal independence of the Church and the primacy of the Pope in it; independence from the “external” influence on the “nonterritorial” community of those believing in Christ, lead by the hierarchical sacerdotium, so a group of clergymen. Conclusions, Innovations and Recommendations:In the eleventh and twelfth centuries was establish very important political proposition, which peaked in the next century in papalistic as well as hierocratic conception of the Church. This proposition was important not only for the Church, but also for another political beings in the Late Middle Ages and at the beginning of the Modern Times, above all in Renaissance.

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Political Imagination – Contributions to a Christian Vision of Politics

Author(s): Mátyás Szalay / Language(s): English Issue: 19/2016

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: On the one hand, contemporary politics is so overwhelmed by imagination that there is a risk for politics to be dissolved into mere creative communication. On the other hand, in an age when politics is reduced to simple administration, there is little room for imagination and the new possibilities it brings. By illuminating the ambiguous nature of the imaginative act I would like to show how a Christian vision of politics may help to understand both sides of this paradox.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: There are two radically distinct ways to carry out imagination depending on the subject’s fundamental attitude. Thus I will elaborate through a phenomenological analysis how this difference is present in all dimension of political imagination concerning the following essential criteria: a) the focus on the intentional object, b) methodology, c) temporal structure.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: If the act of fantasy is really that negative in all these aspects why do philosophers prefer it to the act of imagination? I argue that historically speaking the pivotal point is the Kantian philosophy and it is the Kantian heritage that influenced Feuerbach to lay the new fundaments of political fantasy.RESEARCH RESULTS: Through interpreting a crucial passage of Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity I show that the way Kant and Feuerbach transformed the concept of a receptive and obedient imagination focused on the Christian mystery are fatal for political philosophy.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: I insist that contemporary Christian politics is once again on a cross‑road, either it remains captivated by fantasy or it gets liberated by becoming true imagination. Imagination is centered on the mystery that illuminates the whole sphere of politics in all of its horizontal and vertical dimensions and thus allows for a radically new beginning of political reflection.

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Understanding Political Islam in Algeria. Experiences, Past and Present

Author(s): Lofti Sour / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

This paper addresses the issue of the political Islam which has a long history in Algeria, since the link between Islam and politics is not a new phenomenon in contemporary Algeria. The various resistance movements against the French Colonization gained justification not only in the name of Algeria but also of Islam. Thus, Algeria's specific historical experience largely determined the timing and particular nature of its own Islamist movement. This article attempts to trace the modern origins of the Islamist movement from the role Islam played in resistance to French colonial rule, to contemporary Algeria which is a key test case for the role of Islam in politics and its influence on both internal and external policies. Aside from analyzing the politico-religious landscape in Algeria and the relationship between the state and religion, the paper also examines how Algerian Islamism has evolved into transnational terrorism under the light of the analytical background.

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Lojalni obywatele czy zdrajcy narodu? Żydzi mesjanistyczni w relacji do państwa Izrael

Author(s): Seweryn Osowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 34/2020

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to present the complicated relations between the Messianic Jews and the contemporary Israeli state. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The problem raised concerns the religious discrimination of members of the Messianic Movement and the influence of biblical ideas on the formation of their attitude towards the modern state of Israel. A research method was used to analyze texts and synthesize conclusions about the problem. THE PROCESS OF AGRUMENTATION: It consists of several parts. The introduction provides a proper definition of the Messianic Movement. In the further part of the article the process of its origin is described, indicating important historical aspects leading to its creation. Then the attitude of believers in Jesus Jews towards the modern state of Israel is shown, taking into account its biblical context. The last chapters present the issue of religious discrimination taking place in Israeli society and its further implications. THE RESEARCH RESULTS: The process of analysis concludes that the Messianic Jews are loyal citizens of the State of Israel, and at the same time are subject to constant religious discrimination. Changing this situation is a long and slow process. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: 1. The main conclusion is that the Israeli law needs to be amended to enable Jews who believe in Jesus to acquire citizenship under the Return Law. 2. Due to the changes in the Israeli media concerning the presentation of the Messianic Jews in a more objective way, it is possible to improve their reception in society in the long term. 3. The Messianic Jews have an unwavering loyalty to the State of Israel due to their strong religious beliefs.

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Potestas i auctoritas w rozumieniu władzy Konstantyna Wielkiego

Author(s): Kazimierz Ilski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 33/2019

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The goal is to expand the arguments in research on the concept of “political theology” of Eusebius of Caesarea and the religious policy of Constantine the Great. At the beginning of the 4th century, along with social and religious changes, new justifications were sought for the monarchical power of emperors. Christianity was becoming the basis for shaping authority both in the structures of the Church and in the structures of the state. We examine this problem from the point of view of the concepts of potestas and auctoritas . THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The problem belongs to several scientific disciplines: history, philology, classical theology, sociology, political science. The analysis of references is drawn from philological methods, but the interpretation retains interdisciplinary character. THE PROCCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After determining the semantic scope of key concepts and pointing to the risk of their divergence in different languages, the analysis of “political theology” takes place with a distinction between the views of the Latin West and the Greek speaking East. The main focus is placed on Vita Constantini by Eusebius of Caesarea. RESEARCH RESULTS: Eusebius, acting with full conviction from the beginning of his writing activity and ultimately, Constantine the Great, perhaps under Eusebius’ influence, co founded the idea of political monotheism as the basis of a functional monarchy. Eusebius disseminated the idea of “God’s people” in a relationship with One God and subject to one law and one emperor. To shape the ideal image of the emperor, even the emperor’s apotheosis was presented based on the Christian theology. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Despite the enormity of literature and a variety of hypotheses, studying the writings of Eusebius of Caesarea is not a completed task. Distinguishing his views from the political practice of Constantine the Great is a promising research task.

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SECULAR SPIRITUALITY VERSUS RELIGIOSITY – COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES IN ADVERTISING

Author(s): Anna Ryłko-Kurpiewska,Wojciech Kujaszewski / Language(s): English Issue: 47/2023

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to identify the specificity of religious and spiritual content in advertising aimed at different markets. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The article demonstrates that the use of religious and spiritual content is specific to image advertising and is a trend that is functional: it serves to disguise the purpose of persuasion, to increase the contextual effect, to build community between sender and receiver and to inspire trust in the addressee. The methodology used in the text is content analysis, desk research, research into the persuasive potential of advertisements, and ancillary semiotic research. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Preliminary considerations introduced the concept of faith and secular spirituality. The body of the article then analyses the research material, which is a selection of television and online advertisements for the Merci brand, the jewellery manufacturer and retailer Pandora A/S, the Cartier brand and Ikea shops. In collecting the material for the article, purposive sampling was used, taking into account commercials aired in Italy, Poland, Germany, France, the Czech Republic and Russia before Christmas Eve between 2014 and 2022. RESEARCH RESULTS: The research showed that content relating to religious values and secular spirituality is selected syncretistically in order to broaden the group of planned ad addressees. The very construction of the advertisements resembles a multi-level structure, the elements of which, by levelling the criticism of the recipient, serve to achieve the inference planned by the sender. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The process of secularisation is evident in advertising, which is reflected in spots aired during religious holidays, which are explored by advertising broadcasters. This is facilitated both by the temporal context and by different consumer experiences derived from knowledge structures built on religious and cultural perceptions.

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Ukrainian Orthodox: National Identification of Churches During the Russian-Ukrainian War

Author(s): Vitalii MUDRAKOV,Olha PAVLYK,Volodymyr DUDCHENKO,Olena HAPCHENKO / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The article deals with the description of the problem of identification of Ukrainian Orthodoxy in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The authors proceed from the special role of religion in international relations and modern hybrid conflicts in general as well as the peculiarities of the Russian-Ukrainian war as Orthodox countries in particular. The concept of the “national passport of Orthodox churches” of Ukraine has been formulated as a methodological mechanism for quality control and protection of the own identity: to what extent “Ukrainian” in the name of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church reflects belonging to the people of Ukraine. The analysis is based exclusively on church documents: certificates of independence, statutes, resolutions, appeals, etc. An important aspect of the research is the interpretation of the normative part of the documents in terms of their projection and functionality. The authors come to the conclusion that Ukrainian Orthodoxy represented by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church have different orientations in their identity and reflect, respectively, constructive and destructive models of functionality in the life of Ukrainian society and become a factor of protection/aggravation in the hybrid war. The material was developed within the framework of the project “Social functionality of religion under the conditions of large-scale dangers: ideological-theoretical and practical dimensions” under the state registration number: 0121U109446.

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Przywództwo integralne motywowane religią katolicką jako szansa dla polityki integracyjnej

Author(s): Monika Maria Brzezińska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 48/2023

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The article aims to characterize the style of integrative leadership motivated by the Catholic religion (PIRK) and indicate its theoretical potential in contemporary political leadership.THE PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem of the article is a reflection on the theoretical potential of PIRK in the context of increasing segmentation of politics and activities of political actors in terms of their effectiveness and efficiency. The considerations are based on the theory of policy integration, which, although it allows the study of the dynamics of integration processes, has limitations in the form of effective leadership. The theory of integrative leadership complements the analysis of policy integration, understood as goal-oriented actions implemented using optimized means and methods.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The argument begins with introducing the integration policy and indicating its central deficits. The final result of the study is an attempt to characterize the PIRK style and examine its potential to eliminate emerging tensions.RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis indicates that PIRK has better analytical, operational and political skills than the same style without considering the religious factor. Although it is not always fully flexible, thanks to its ability to adapt actively and creatively, it adapts better to environmental needs in the long term..CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Although the preliminary analysis of PIRK showed that it has a more significant potential in reducing policy integration deficits than leadership based only on efficiency, these studies require further critical reflection. They can also be a starting point for research on integrative leadership in its relationships with other religions.

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УЛОГА РЕЛИГИЈЕ У ПОЛИТИЧКИМ ПРОЦЕСИМА ЕГИПТА, ЕРИТРЕЈЕ И ЕТИОПИЈЕ У XX И XXI ВЕКУ

Author(s): Milica Škorić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 36/2021

Although secularization is the principle of most countries today, in this paper in the example of Egypt, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, we will show the connection of the religious community of Oriental-Christian Christians with the authorities of the selected states. The Church has been exploited for decades in these countries for political goals, reforms, ideas of revolution, etc. This paper, among other things is exploring status of copts and divisions in understanding their identities. Religious leaders relations with the authorities in the XX and XXI century have been a central point of work. The example of secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, which was followed by the separation of the church, proved that independent church in independent state is important element in controlling the masses and directing citizens in the desired direction. To a large extent, the paper is based on explaining the political situation in the elected states and the place of the church in those periods. It has been shown that the church often followed the authorities for the sake of survival and peace, but opposite examples are known too. The fates of these chiefs were often death, exile, or imprisonment.

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The Contingency of Islamic Socio-Political Leadership in the Balanipa Kingdom

Author(s): Andi Nurkidam / Language(s): English Issue: 116/2023

TSocio-political leadership in the Balanipa Kingdom of West Sulawesi was strongly influenced by relations with several major kingdoms in South Sulawesi and the invasion of the intruders to the land of Mandar. This research aims to describe the pattern of leadership in the Balanipa kingdom that mirrors the concept of Islamic socio-political leadership. The research uses the grounded research method, which seeks to explore data and historical sources provided in several books and classic manuscripts, such as the Mandar Lontarak manuscript, and data in a verbal form i.e., stories and testimonies given by historical figures in Mandar. Heuristic techniques are used to find and collect historical sources and classify them according to their type, which consists of the Lontarak classic manuscript, books, interviews, and historical speeches obtained from several community leaders and descendants of historical actors. The results show that discourse on the history of the kingdom in Mandar began with the formation of The Balanipa Kingdom in the mid-16th century. The coronation of the king as a leader and the appointment of the king in The Balanipa Kingdom is the condition in the form of an obligation to pass on the values and principles of Islamic leadership, that prioritize people’s interests in the areas of economy, security, and public order.

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Порфирий, халдеи, иудеи

Author(s): Roman Svetlov,Dmitry Shmonin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2023

The article seeks to explain the issue of why Porphyry of Tire, the first thinker introducing the discourses of the «Chaldean oracles» into Platonism, did not integrate Chaldaism and Judaism in his ideas on the nature of barbarian "theologies". For example, Julian the Apostate had accomplished such integration in his “political theology”. In the authors' opinion the reason for Porphyry's caution was his assessment of theurgy and its role in the genuine piety. The well-known discussion on the efficacy of theurgy in Porphyry's «Letter to Anebon» and «On the Egyptian Mysteries» of Iamblichus shows us two different modes of understanding of the Chaldean wisdom. Meantime, focusing on Iamblichus' approaches, Julian achieved this integration.

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From the History of Diplomatic Relations between Pope Pius II and Mehmed II – “Epistola ad Mahometum” (1461)

Author(s): George Akhalkatsishvili / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The history of Papal diplomatic engagements with the Ottoman Empire, particularly the efforts of Pope Pius II (born Enea SilvioPiccolomini, (1405-1464) to form anti-Ottoman coalitions and to reclaim Constantinople for the Christian world, is not unfamiliar in Georgian historiography. We possess studies by historians such as I. Khubashvili, M. Makharadze, D. Paichadze, and B. Kvachadze. However, there is still ongoing debate about whether there was a real correspondence between the Pope and Sultan Mehmed II (1444-1446)/(1451-1481) in 1461. There are different opinions among scholars regarding this issue.Pius II, known in history as the "Diplomat Pope," distinguished himself with efforts to form anti-Ottoman coalitions and to reclaimConstantinople from Ottoman control. Within a year of his papal consecration in 1459, he convened a congress of European rulers in the city of Mantua (Northern Italy) to lay the foundations for a crusade against the Ottomans. This attempt by the Pope ended in failure because the European states, weakened by the Hundred Years' War (1337-1453), were not able to unite against the then formidable Ottoman army. Since Pius's carefully planned anti-Ottoman campaign did not materialize and all hopes were lost, the last of his diplomatic efforts was to send a letter to Sultan Mehmed II, which we will examine in this work. My interest in this topic was sparked by the introduction of new European and Middle Eastern sources, which, after analysis, I believe, will allow me to draw certain conclusions regarding the Papal Letter of 1461.

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Ideologia liberalinego kapitalizmu, „credo” socjalizmu i personalistyczna koncepcja życia społecznego kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego

Author(s): Ryszard Ficek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 54/2022

The article explores Stefan Wyszyński's personalist concept of social life in relation to the ideologies of liberal capitalism and socialism. The analysis aims to reveal these systems not as strictly antinomic or analogous, emphasizing the evolution of liberal ideology and capitalism since the mid-19th century. In contrast, socialist ideology emerged in opposition to 19th-century capitalism but never manifested in a specific form, often resulting in a hybrid system combining liberal-capitalist ideas and a neo-feudal bureaucracy. A detailed analysis and critical reinterpretation of these doctrines in the context of Wyszyński's personalist thought highlight the dangers associated with ideologically driven promotion of extreme and distorted concepts of the human person, especially when applied to the specific realities of the contemporary world.

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WŁADZE SAMORZĄDOWE WOJEWÓDZTWA ŚLĄSKIEGO WOBEC POWSTANIA ADMINISTRACJI APOSTOLSKIEJ NA GÓRNYM ŚLĄSKU

Author(s): Lech Krzyżanowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2022

The apostolic administration for polish Silesia was established by decree Sanctissimus Dominus noster on 7 november 1922. it covered an area which hitherto was part of the diocese of Wrocław and which was included in the polish state when the new borders were drawn up after the Silesian uprisings and the plebiscite. not accepting any continued sovereignty of the diocese of Wrocław over that part of the territory of the Second polish republic, the polish authorities insisted that a new church ad- ministration unit be created there. The authorities disapproved of the discriminatory practices used by wrocław bishops against the polish faithful and therefore demanded creation of a separate diocese. when the apostolic administration was created instead, they initially adopted a wait-and-see ap- proach. in addition, the new head of the adminis- tration, fr august Hlond, who was not particularly well known in Upper Silesia then, aroused concern. His attitude of tolerance towards German catholics caused controversy in the first period. The contro- versy calmed down with time and mutual trust and willingness to cooperate began to prevail, built on the conviction that the apostolic administrator’s line of action was right. The structure he administered, to which Cieszyn Silesia was added, was transformed into the diocese of Katowice after the concordat was signed in 1925.

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Croatian and Slovak Political Catholicism and Clericalism in the Period Between the First and the Second World War

Author(s): Domagoj Tomas / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

In this article, the presence and influence of clericalism on Croatian and Slovak political Catholicism between the two world wars is examined through a comparative analysis, based on some Croatian interwar Catholic periodicals, recent Croatian and Slovak historiographical studies, as well as studies by some foreign historians. Also, the focus of the research attention was on re-examining the causes of the findings. At the very beginning, the terms clericalism and political Catholicism are defined as key terminological determinants used later in the article. That is followed by a brief review of some peculiarities of the modern Croatian and Slovak nation genesis, as one of the variables that had great influence on the peculiarities of Croatian and Slovak society and political culture as a whole. The central part of the article analyses the development and activities of Croatian and Slovak interwar political Catholicism, primarily through political activities of the Croatian People's Party and the Slovak People's Party/Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. Finally, a comparison of similarities and differences between the Croatian and Slovak political Catholicism follows, with explanations of possible causes for such a situation, and a quantitative analysis of the presence and impact of clericalism on Croatian and Slovak interwar political Catholicism.

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Semnale de avertizare privind stadiul avansat de radicalizare islamică

Author(s): Iulia-Mihaela DRĂGAN / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 04/2023

The article analyzes the primary cognitive and behavioral indicators observable following the manifestation of the Islamic radicalization process, specifically the advanced stage of radicalization. The research scope is also related to identifying signals of Islamic radicalization by utilizing a methodology based on the analysis of cases of radicalization among Romanian citizens. As the research aims to analyze the main signals indicating the advanced stage of individual radicalization, these indicators are valuable for early warning, both from the perspective of practitioners and competent authorities in preventing and combating radicalization. They are also beneficial for civil society to increase awareness regarding the identification of radical discourse encountered in the online environment.

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Warning signs of advanced Islamic radicalization

Author(s): Iulia-Mihaela DRĂGAN / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2023

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Drama politiky a otázka společného dobra podle Gastona Fessarda

Author(s): Jiří Baroš / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2023

Recent years have witnessed a growing interest in the category of common good. This has led many scholars to reappropriate the paradigmatic conceptualizations of common good in the long history of this concept. This paper deals with a sophisticated analysis of common good proposed by the French theologian Gaston Fessard, whose ideas strongly influenced not only the French debates about this concept, but also Jorge Maria Bergoglio´s thought. These two authors share an emphasis on the dynamic character of common good, which can only be ultimately achieved by relating it to the Infinite. Their vision of (political) reality is dialectical; they emphasize antinomies and tensions omnipresent in human life. In the first part of my article, I focus on Fessard’s thematization of the dramatic character of political life and the dynamics of the emergence of political authority, whose main aim is to mediate the common good. The second part is dedicated to a thorough analysis of Fessard’s distinction between the content and form of the common good. Particularly, I pay attention to his understanding of liberalism and human rights. In the end, I show the uniqueness as well as the relevance of his philosophical analysis to contemporary issues.

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