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Szkoła Rzymska. Szkic o jezuickiej eklezjologii i myśli politycznej w przededniu Soboru Watykańskiego I (część druga)

Author(s): Adam Wielomski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2014

The second part of the article concerns the political thought of the Roman School. This problem is marginal in the reflection of this movement. However, the theology and ecclesiology of the Roman School has a political dimension, because is constructed immediately after the Spring of Nations (1848-1849). Highlighting elements of thought such as authority and tradition in the nineteenth century have a counter-revolutionary dimension. Few writings of theologians in the political matters are about the following topics: 1 / open criticism of political, social and cultural liberalism; 2 / affirmation of the traditional view in the relationship of the state and the Catholic Church, where the state is in position of subordination; 3 / affirmation of papal infallibility in political issues , 4 / defense of the independence and integrity of the Papal States.

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Szkoła Rzymska. Szkic o jezuickiej eklezjologii i myśli politycznej w przededniu Soboru Watykańskiego I. Część pierwsza

Author(s): Adam Wielomski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2013

This article is about the theology of Jesuits in the First Vatican Council (1869-1870). This theology is neo-scholastic and ultramontain, known in the literature as the Roman School. Here's a catholic response to an unstable period of the nineteenth century, full of revolutions and counter-revolutions. We can point some of characteristics of the Roman School: 1 / recognition a primary act of faith as an irrational. Grace to the decision in favor of the faith, the world can be rationally explained. 2 / Theology is evolutionary, but teleological. 3 / The Bishop of Rome watches over the truth of rational explanations of the world and the development of theology. Pope separates truth from error. For this reason, must be infallible in matters of dogma and needs to have full authority in the Catholic Church.

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Kallikles i symetryzm. Polaryzacja polityczna jako ujarzmianie „sprawiedliwego z natury”

Author(s): Anna Czepiel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The article aims at describing affirmatively a symmetrist — that is someone who transcends the usual polarized scheme of political debate in Poland — as a contemporary Callicles from Plato’s dialogue Gorgias and as a heir of the creative romantic individualism, the tradition which enjoins the love of the self with the love and activity directed at the nation‑state. Like Callicles, the symmetrist does not think he/she needs to obtain any permission to speak from one of the polarized tribes — from “the many”. Instead, the symmetrist, as if nothing has happened, takes his/her right to speak “as Heracles drove off Geryon’s cattle on the ground that this is what’s just by nature”. In the second half of the article, the author — by means of an analysis of Karl Popper’s and Józef Tischner’s works — indicates that both sides of the Polish political and philosophical polarization (Catholic conservatism and tolerantionist, cosmopolitan liberalism) treat such a romantic participant as their worst enemy. In this context, the figure of a liberal skeptic becomes identical with the figure of the priest from Adam Mickiewicz’s fourth part of Forefathers’ Eve, who preaches Gustaw — the young man with a restless heart, situated between lightness and darkness — by suggesting the Church’s rigidity as the only recipe for life: “Do you know the Gospel?”. Then Gustaw responds rhetorically: “Do you know misfortune?”. This is when he is speaking about his unfulfilled love for a girl, but not only. In the next (despite the numeration), third part of Forefathers’ Eve we know that the protagonist also seeks to repair the political community, to change it into a fortunate song.

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FEATURES OF PASTORAL MINISTRY IN THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX COMMUNITIES OF WESTERN EUROPE

Author(s): SORIN ȘELARU / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2022

In recent years, the Romanian Orthodox Church has significantly intensified its mission, support, and pastoral effort towards the Romanian Orthodox faithful who have chosen to live and work outside Romania, organising dioceses and numerous parishes, missions, and monasteries that meet the needs of its faithful outside Romania. Starting from the specificity of the current context in which the Church carries out its pastoral ministry for the Romanian Orthodox faithful who have chosen to work and live outside Romania, I will try to present some of the challenges facing the pastoral ministry of our Church in the communities of Western Europe, and then point out some of its coordinates. As a method, I will first show what is common in the pastoral ministry of the Romanian Orthodox Church, in order to then underline its specific accents.

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A Contribution to the Biography of Ivan Šalić

Author(s): Josip Jagodar / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

Contemporary historiography, so far, has not engaged in researching the biography of Ivan Šalić, the personal secretary of the Archbishop of Zagreb Alojzije Stepinac. Since the communist system was averse to Šalić and the Catholic Church in Croatia, it is not surprising that, to date, no one has made a critical review and analyzed his life and priestly service. This paper aims to show the life and significance of Ivan Šalić based on archival documents held in the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and Šalić’s birthplace in Bebrina (near Slavonski Brod). Numerous postal cards and letters testify to his life, especially the period when he was imprisoned in the Stara Gradiška Penitentiary (1946–1953). The paper will present his life from birth to death and analyze the correspondence with his family to emphasize his importance for the Catholic Church in Croatia.

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Ideologia jako deformacja religii

Author(s): Piotr Jaroszyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 32/2022

Contemporary ideologies of the Western world such as socialism, liberalism, or communism are directed against religion: against religion as such, and in a special way against Christianity. This could give the impression that there is an attempt to build a society completely anti-religious or at least a religion-free society. Meanwhile, it turns out that the ideology that is supposed to replace religion is in itself some form of hidden religiosity, a sort of religion à rebour. Ideology cannot destroy religion because, by its very nature, it carries within itself the seeds of religion. And just as the slain martyr becomes a source of religious revival, so ideology becomes a source of intellectual revival which, despite its anti-religious edge, is open to faith and, moreover, it opens to faith in a rational manner. For the beginning of religion is not some irrational form of superstition, but the most rational questions possible, the answers to which will likely entail an arduous and difficult quest. Ideology is not able to destroy religion completely, because it contains aspects of religiosity that, albeit deformed, contain religion’s crucial connection to the rational search for answers to the ultimate rational questions.

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Ideologizacja religii – powody i zakres

Author(s): Robert T. Ptaszek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 32/2022

Since the title issue is very broad, the considerations on the interrelationship between religion and ideology presented in this paper were limited to the Catholic religion and the Western cultural circle. In other cultures and religions (e.g., in the areas dominated by Islam), the situation looks somewhat different—primarily because of the overlap between the spheres of religion and politics. The ideologization of the Catholic religion is always the case when, instead of treating it as a path that leads to salvation and eternal life, it is considered to be merely a means to achieve other (non-religious) goals. In the article I show that apart from similarities between ideological and religious doctrines there are also important differences between them. I also demonstrate that attempts to ideologize the Catholic religion have been undertaken since its inception. However, since the Enlightenment they have intensified, and at present, they are at their peak.

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Šta je kršćanski fašizam?

Author(s): Jason Blakely / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2023

Kršćanski fašizam bi vjerovatno trebao biti oksimoron, kontradikcija u terminima. Međutim, činjenica je da su kršćani i kršćanski teološki koncepti imali veliku ulogu u fašističkim pokretima, kao i u svim bitnim modernim ideologijama. Zapravo, ideja s kojom sam se poigravao je ta da su sve moderne ideologije izvedene iz, djelimično proglašene iz kršćanskih teologija i kršćanskog poimanja prošlosti. Ali se pojavljuju sa napola formiranim djelomičnim istinama. Dakle, uzevši u obzir liberalizam Grothiusa i Lockea, tu postoji djelomična istina iz perspektive crkvene patristike. Pojedinačna duša, integritet pojedinačne duše, ali naduvana do tačke političke doktrine apsolutnog individualizma.

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Mieczysław Ryba, Kościół i państwo na Kresach południowo-wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej

Author(s): Mirosław Szumiło / Language(s): Polish Issue: 33/1/2023

Review of: Mieczysław Ryba, Kościół i państwo na Kresach południowo-wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej

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O odnosu komunističke Jugoslavije i Islamske zajednice

Author(s): Hamza Memišević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2023

Review of: Amir Duranović, Islamska zajednica u jugoslavenskom socijalizmu, Sarajevo, UMHIS, 2021, str. 314

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Cemîl Sıdkî ez-Zehâvî’nin el-Fecru’s-Sâdık Adlı Eseri Özelinde Vehhâbîlik Eleştirisi

Author(s): İbrahim Hakkı İnal,Mehmet Sever / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 50/2023

Wāhhabism, which emerged in the mid-18th century, is a movement that draws attention with its reactivity in Islamic thought. The views of its founder, Muḥammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhāb, were built to deny the centuries-old religious understanding of the Muslim community, based on a bida‘-centered thought. In this direction, Wahhābism has transformed the elimination of institutions and structures that it regards as signs of disbelief into a structural character. This study examines the critical treatise on Wahhābism by the Iraqi poet Jamīl Sidqī al-Zahāwī (d. 1936), who was disturbed by its activities in Iraq. Zahāwī wrote al-Fajr al-Sādiq to reveal the historical origins of Wahhabism and criticise its political and religious activities, and tried to explain the unknown aspects of this religious movement. The work, in terms of its content, has examined the issues that occupy the agenda of Muslim society such as shirk (polytheism), bida‘ (heretical innovation), tawassul (request), and takfir (excommunication). The work, which is a refutation, draws attention as an important source in scholarly studies on Wahhā- bism in terms of its content. In this study, the theoretical and historical criticism put forward by Zahāwī will be tried to be revealed by using the textual analysis method. According to Zahāwī, Wahhabism is a movement instrumentalised for political rather than religious pur- poses. The sociological basis of this structure, which is based on Khārijite thought, is based on tribalism and contains reactionism against the other.

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İRAN İSLAM CUMHURİYETİ’NİN BALKANLAR POLİTİKASI: BOSNA-HERSEK VE ARNAVUTLUK ÖRNEKLERİ

Author(s): Doğacan Başaran,Emrah KAYA / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2023

The Islamic Republic of Iran defined its identity through religious values following the Islamic Revolution in 1979. This has shaped Iran's perception of interests and threats. Consequently, Tehran has adopted a strategy known as Shia expansionism. Iran supports Shia groups and attempts to convert individuals from other religious groups to Shia Islam. Iran also seeks to gain influence in the Balkans through an active public diplomacy, focusing on Sufis in the region. Moreover, Tehran occasionally resorts to methods of hard power, such as terrorism and intelligence operations, to achieve its objectives in this region. Additionally, Iran's Balkans policy varies from country to country based on the density of the Muslim population. This article provides a detailed examination of Iran's Balkans policy through the examples of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Albania.

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INHABITING THE MIDDLE GROUND: THE CASE OF BORN-AGAIN CATHOLICS

Author(s): Levi Allen / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

Once fierce adversaries, American Catholics and Evangelical Christians have grown closer politically over the past decades, finding common ground on issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage. These bonds have grown so strong that a notable portion of Catholics now identify as "born-again" despite their religious tradition not being characterized as one that requires its members to have a born-again experience. This manuscript investigates how prevalent these born-again Catholics are throughout the electorate and how they differ politically and religiously from born-again Protestants as well as Catholics who do not identify as born-again. Using data from the Cooperative Election Study (CES), I find that born-again Catholics display higher levels of religiosity and identify as being more conservative and more Republican than Catholics who do not identify as born again. However, as a group, they are not as conservative, nor display as high levels of religiosity, as their white evangelical counterparts. In short, born-again Catholics appear to be habiting a "middle ground,"having "dual-reference groups" as Welch and Leege (1988) called it, and, in so doing, they span the divide between Catholicism and Evangelicalism. These born-again Catholics may also be the bridge that is responsible for the forging of political bonds between the two religious traditions.

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ARE CATHOLICS UNIQUELY CROSS-PRESSURED? POLICY BELIEFS AND VOTING BEHAVIOR BY RELIGIOUS TRADITION IN RECENT U.S. ELECTIONS

Author(s): Laura S. Antkowiak / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The Catholic Church’s pro-life, pro-social justice policy agenda takes the sides of both major US political parties. This potentially cross-pressures Catholic voters’ choice between those parties, but could alternatively legitimate a Catholic voter’s personal partisan preference. This paper examines whether Catholic voters who share the Church’s core policy positions are more or less likely than comparably cross-pressured non-Catholic voters to exhibit political behaviors associated with cross-pressures: avoiding identification with a major party, avoiding voting or a major-party vote choice, defecting from one’s party in voting, and selectively misperceiving candidate issue positions. Analyzing data from the 2016-2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies and the 1992-2016 American National Election Studies, I find little evidence that Catholics are uniquely, strongly cross-pressured. If anything, cross-pressured (and other) Catholics are more likely than comparable non-Catholics–even those in faith traditions that are more clearly aligned with a single party–to embrace partisan politics. In some cases, partisan differences between Catholics in their responsiveness to cross-pressures exceed differences between Catholics and non-Catholics.

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CATHOLIC PARTISANSHIP IN THE 2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: DEMOGRAPHIC AND CULTURAL CLEAVAGES

Author(s): Thomas V. Feingold,James L. Guth / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

Catholics have long been an important force in American electoral politics, but the direction of that influence has changed in recent decades. Once a mainstay of the New Deal coalition, the community’s political loyalties have shifted away from the Democrats to a virtual partisan equilibrium, with white Catholics drifting to the Republican camp and the growing number of Latino and other “new ethnics” providing Democratic votes. Here we examine the demographic structure of Catholic partisanship, testing four perspectives used by Shafer and Spady to identify the social underpinnings of partisan orientations, perspectives which also characterize the literature on Catholic alignments. These alternative views stress (1) social class and education; (2) racial and ethnic influences; 3) “domestic roles,” such as gender, sexuality, family structure, and residence; and, finally (4) religious cleavages. We find that ethnic divisions contribute massively to contemporary Catholic partisanship, but that socioeconomic influences have faded dramatically. Religious factors, especially theological views, have become much more salient. We also discover that socioeconomic status is more influential for Latinos, while religion matters more for white Catholics. Finally, we show that conclusions drawn about the structure of Catholic partisanship depend in part on the survey used and the specific measures available.

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A HOME FOR THE POLITICALLY HOMELESS? THE AMERICAN SOLIDARITY PARTY, CATHOLICS, AND THIRD PARTIES IN U.S. POLITICS

Author(s): Sean C. Thomas / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

U.S. Catholics in recent decades have been given the choice between Republicans and Democrats, representing two parties whose platforms diverge significantly from Catholic social teaching (CST). The American Solidarity Party (ASP) was founded on the same principles as CST, particularly consistent respect for the dignity of human life, including safeguards and support for the poor, vulnerable, and oppressed. Thus, it offers U.S. Catholic voters, as well as many other constituencies, an alternative that can greatly reduce their cognitive dissonance regarding CST in the voting process. However, this reduction in cognitive dissonance is balanced by the low probability of immediate electoral success. 71 ASP supporters were interviewed at length to ascertain why they support the party, how they view the party’s internal dynamics, and what they hope to see the party achieve. The ASP attracts supporters committed to upholding human dignity. While members appreciate having finally a found a political home that respects their commitment, their characteristically principled stances often discord with other supporters’ stances. They have developed novel strategies, perhaps shaped by their Christian Democratic ideologies, to navigate their differences to form a united front as they strive to promote, in conventional and unconventional ways, greater protection for human dignity.

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CHURCH ATTENDANCE AND PROTEST PARTICIPATION IN THE UNITED STATES

Author(s): Joshua Hochberg / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

While church attendance is linked to many forms of civic and political engagement, the relationship between church attendance and protest participation is underexplored. Drawing on three waves of the Cooperative Election Study, I examine whether church attendance is positively and significantly associated with protest participation among both the general US adult population and specific religious traditions. I find that church attendance is a positive and significant predictor of protest participation among the general population, Catholics, Mainline Protestants, Black Protestants, and Jews. However, church attendance is only moderately associated with protest participation among Evangelicals. These findings further our under-standing of the relationship between church attendance and protest participation and civic engagement more broadly.

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Polityka państwa wobec Kościoła prawosławnego w Polsce w latach 1918-1921

Author(s): Andrzej Borkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 25/2023

The Polish government aimed at finalizing the matter of autocephaly as soon as possible.Initially, he laid the foundations for a diplomatic mission in Moscow, which eventually led to negotiationswith the Moscow Patriarchate. The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Public Enlightenment sought toinitially regulate the matter of the Orthodox Church within its competence, namely in the area of theCongress Kingdom, conducting talks with representatives of the Civil Administration of Eastern Territoriesin Vilnius and the Civil Administration of Volhynia and Podolia. Preliminary talks between the governmentand church hierarchs on autocephaly in the period from independence to the end of the Polish-Soviet warwith the Treaty of Riga of March 18, 1921 were an important step in regulating the canonical and legalposition of the Orthodox Church in Poland.

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Religious Syncretism and Control Over the Territory: Pharaohs in Southern Levant During the Late Bronze Age

Author(s): Giulia Tucci / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Egyptian domination on the territories of Southern Levant during the Late Bronze Age brought the conquerors to maintain close contacts with the local population. Among other techniques of domination, the Pharaohs made massive use of political and religious propaganda. The identification of some divinities of the Egyptian and Palestinian Pantheons enabled both populations to share the same places of worship, which promoted contact with local communities and made integration and life together possible. This cultural entanglement operation had both ideological and functional goals. Palestinian shrines and temples became multifunctional centers well integrated into the socio-cultural context, used as the centers for the collection of taxes imposed by the Egyptian rulers.

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Old Hittite Opposition in the Religious Aspect

Author(s): Vladimir Shelestin / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

The paper proposes a new approach to the conflict between Hattušili I and Tawananna using the new interpretation of some historiolae of Zuwi’s ritual. A political interpretation of these historiolae explains their content better than a magical one. Tracing the parallels between the animal figures in Zuwi’s ritual and in the political rhetoric of Hattušili I allows us to reconstruct an alliance between the royal relatives as well as the priesthood being the opponents to the Old Hittite external expansion.

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