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Polski rodowód „wojowniczości” syjonizmu

Polski rodowód „wojowniczości” syjonizmu

Author(s): Jerzy Ochmann / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2015

While the Zionist trends in other countries slided to the fore the political, social and economic ideas, Poland enriched contemporary Zionism in category valor. The transformation of the psyche of the Jewish occurred in the revisionist Zionism in Poland in three phases: Vladimir Jabotinsky (years 1923–1936) began her and gave her the basics, Abraham Stern (in 1936–1939) radicalized it, and Menachem Begin made it applicable in the country Israel. Polish Jews with the help of the Polish Government have enriched the psyche of Jewish valor and virtue, thanks to the modern Israel is the greatest military power in the Middle East.The aim of the article is to show one aspect of Zionism – its militancy, which has grown in the revisionist Zionism. An interesting theme is that this feature evolved in Poland and the main ideologists were W. Jabotinsky, A. Stern and M. Begin. The intentions of the Zionists gained the support of the then (1937–1939), the authorities of the Polish government. Article presents personalities government, the facts support and types of aid

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Wojny na Bliskim Wschodzie i ich wpáyw na zakáócenie dialogu miĊdzykulturowego na linii chrzeĞcijaĔstwo – islam

Wojny na Bliskim Wschodzie i ich wpáyw na zakáócenie dialogu miĊdzykulturowego na linii chrzeĞcijaĔstwo – islam

Author(s): Raul Andrzej Kosta / Language(s): Polish Issue: 17/2008

The author depicts the conditions of dialogue between the Muslims and the Christians as they are changing due to the latest events in the Middle East. He has carried out an analysis of political actions undertaken by the West and by the Arab countries, and has explained the sources of misunderstandings and their tinderbox. Christianity and Islam are the two religions struggling for the primacy in the contemporary world. The lack of understanding each other leads to huge problems. In the author’s opinion , the dialogue can only be established, when the authorities of both parties will introduce an educational process of mutual understanding.

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America Got Angry – The Radicalization of Political Discourse in the Contemporary U.S. on the Example of Donald Trump’s Rhetoric

America Got Angry – The Radicalization of Political Discourse in the Contemporary U.S. on the Example of Donald Trump’s Rhetoric

Author(s): Małgorzata Furgacz / Language(s): English Issue: 13/2017

It is the intention of the following paper to delve into the problem of the progressing radicalization of the American political discourse from the perspective of linguistic, cultural and political studies. I will probe into the rhetorical coarseness and specious persuasive strategies of Donald Trump’s discourse, for he has taken the American political scene by storm. The issues related with popular entertainment, culture of the new anger, political correctness or hate speech, together with their social ramifications, will be taken into scrutiny. It remains beyond doubt that the quality of public and political debate has a tangible effect on the society as a whole, which is why it is necessary to understand rhetorical manifestations of the latest trends in public discourses as well as their aftereffects.

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Postawy duchownych wspólnot nierzymskokatolickich w relacjach z aparatem państwa jako próba zachowania odrębnej tożsamości religijnej na Ziemi Lubuskiej w latach 1945-1956

Postawy duchownych wspólnot nierzymskokatolickich w relacjach z aparatem państwa jako próba zachowania odrębnej tożsamości religijnej na Ziemi Lubuskiej w latach 1945-1956

Author(s): Anna Chabasińska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

Religious identity is the result of solicitous repeatedness of spiritual choices of the ancestry. Cultivation of their believes and values in the most intimate sphere of human experiences. It signifies the continuity of a certain culture, its strength of influencing the believers. The content of the article is deliberation on clerical attitude of religious communities to the state apparatus. The author has tried to present the most distinctive persons of confessional environment who influenced religious identity building of their believers.

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Patriotyzm na kartach Kronik Klasztoru Jasnogórskiego z okresu Polski Ludowej

Patriotyzm na kartach Kronik Klasztoru Jasnogórskiego z okresu Polski Ludowej

Author(s): Jarosław Durka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

While reading the Chronicle of Jasna Góra Monastery we can find the Paulinites' definition of „patriotism‟ quite different from its official meaning popular in Polish People's Republic. They did not approve the acts of violence, socialist principles especially atheism. Paulinites understood the term „patriotism‟ as deep and true love for their mother-country; love connected sentimentally with such traditional values as: God – Honour – Homeland. Despite all the attempts to marginalize the Church, the Monastery remained the Polish spiritual capital city. In the Chronicle there is the sense of hope for better, undefined future. The hope was supported by religiousness and patriotic attitude of pilgrims frequently gathering at Jasna Góra. Any efforts of Communists could abstract Polish people from their religion. It was believed that the system and Government imposed by the Communists were only an episode of Polish history because they were not rooted in the tradition deeply. On the other hand, John Paul „s support was extraordinary important for Paulinites and their attitude towards the homeland. It also helped and mobilized illegal political opposition in Poland that succeeded in 1989 finally.

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Związek Muzułmanek Tatarstanu i jego rola w odrodzeniu poczucia tożsamości religijnej kobiet

Związek Muzułmanek Tatarstanu i jego rola w odrodzeniu poczucia tożsamości religijnej kobiet

Author(s): Izabela Kończak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

The phenomenon of Islamic revival in Russia, which traces its roots back to the period of “perestroika”, has contributed to the increase of Russian Muslim society's activity. The latter manifests itself in the number of various organizations established to represent the interests of the followers of Islam. The Tatarstan Union of Muslim Women represents the interests of the women. Its basic aim is to support them at two levels – following the tradition and observing the rules of Islam, as well as gaining broad education, including laic one. Modern Muslim woman should remember about her origin and respect cultural and religious patterns but at the same time she should not resign from active participation in the life of the local and regional communities. This publication presents ways in which the statute aims of the Tatarstan Union of Muslim Women are realized, with special focus on these influencing the revival of Tatarstan women's religious identity, e.g. the promotion of matchmaker services, Muslim marriages, issue of proper dress and sex separation.

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Paweł Kempka w Sejmie Śląskim

Paweł Kempka w Sejmie Śląskim

Author(s): Witold Marcoń / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

Paweł Kempka lived from 1886 to 1972. He trained as a lawyer. He held various positions such as an attorney, notary public, national activist, member of the Silesian Parliament. He was one of the developers and experts in the autonomy of Silesia, which was reflected in parliamentary speeches in the years 1922-1935 three terms of office of the regional body. He fought for a return to the Polish Upper Silesia. He was one of the leading activists of the Christian Democracy alongside Wojciech Korfanty.

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Historia – religia – władza. Iłarion Smirnow i historiografia tzw. uczonych monachów

Historia – religia – władza. Iłarion Smirnow i historiografia tzw. uczonych monachów

Author(s): Norbert Morawiec / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

The article presents the historical work of Iłarion Smirnov, „learned monarch”, member of the centro-Russian orthodox community which was aware of their differences both from the Orthodox laymen and the „white” clergy (the so-called Płaton's school). The Monachs were immersed in mystical-spiritual existence which constituted a specific Orthodox outlook – cultural matrix, creating all aspects of „Orthodox” „existence”, also scientific. The new mystical confession policy of Alexander I, which denied the previous status of hierarchy, was bound to lead to a firm reaction, an ideological counter-attack. It was enough to prove the historical necessity of the existence of hierarchy and its soteriological mission. Therefore, Iłarion made the upper Orthodox hierarchy the subject of history (metaphor of hierarchy), and its fate was interwoven into regular periods, „centuries‟, with alternating human failures on the way to the „Heavenly Kingdom” and victories of the hierarchy ascribed to the Divine Providence (metaphor of cyclical nature).

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FAILURE OF ORTHODOXY: A POLITICAL THEOLOGY AND ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY

FAILURE OF ORTHODOXY: A POLITICAL THEOLOGY AND ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY

Author(s): Trajče Stojanov / Language(s): English Issue: 19-20/2023

From Schmitt`s first use of the term in 1922, political theology has become a very potent topic not just for the theological analyses, but for political and philosophical as well. A number of thinkers from Catholic or Protestant space have written a lot on this topic, trying to highlight this relation of the Christianity and politics. But, as far as we are familiar, there are not a lot of studies on Orthodoxy and politics. Just in the recent years, a several studies were published tackling this relation.In this paper we would try to deal with this relation, and to offer a plausible answer why Orthodoxy couldn’t provide satisfying political theology, or why Orthodoxy wasn’t interested in social, cultural and political reality, as that was the case with Catholicism or Protestantism. For that reason, the paper will use historical approach, tracking the origins of the current situation in modern Orthodoxy back in the antient history of Christianity, but in the history of philosophy, as well. We will try to offer an answer to the obvious question posed by numerous researchers before – why Orthodoxy couldn’t produce social, cultural and political reality, as that was the case with western Christianity? While Western Christianity not only became „politicized“, but also managed to create a specific social and cultural ethos. Even more - it managed to create cultural products, derived from their specific confessional space. Tracking back the historical circumstances in Orthodoxy, our conclusion is that it is due to the inherent mysticism of Orthodoxy that doesn’t allowed faith to be „secularized“ into political realities. This paper will also examine the different approaches in East and West Christianity. Actually, this difference will be our main focus, so through it we can strengthen our thesis more firmly.

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LIBERTATEA DE EXPRIMARE ȘI RELATIVIZAREA ADEVĂRULUI ÎN CULTURA POSTMODERNĂ

LIBERTATEA DE EXPRIMARE ȘI RELATIVIZAREA ADEVĂRULUI ÎN CULTURA POSTMODERNĂ

Author(s): Cristinel-Mugurel Popa / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/2023

The effects of our thoughts is reflected in our behavior that is marked by instincts, teachings, experiences or the social-cultural group. The postmodernism open a new perspectives upon different types of relation between State and Church, about relation between absolute Truth and different views about interpretation of it. The postmodernism give a unique chance for free expression in what you think, say or do. Freedom of your own interpretation of personal experiences, represent your fundament of entire list of deeds. The absolute Truth is not any longer like a base for objective analyze of bad or wrong acts, only your personal interpretation is enough to define this actions. The postmodernism open the door for a long list of new terms that shown by the liberty of free expression without any barriers between cultures, classes or religion but in same way show by the sacrifice of truth for the wish of reinterpretation of it.

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A Symbiosis of Religious Affections and State Socialism: Bulgaria’s Foreign Cultural Policy of the Late 1970s

A Symbiosis of Religious Affections and State Socialism: Bulgaria’s Foreign Cultural Policy of the Late 1970s

Author(s): Viktoria Vitanova-Kerber / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

State Socialism aimed to create a utopian atheist society, where religion was supposed to become superfluous and therefore disappear. Despite the strong anti-religious campaign in 1950s’ and 1960s’ socialist Bulgar- ia, religion did not vanish but remained in the periphery of public and private life. That applied not only to traditional orthodox Christianity but also to different Theosophy-based groups and ideas, which became influential in the policy of the cultural minister of the 1970s Lyudmila Zhivkova. Her large scaled international cultural projects and the live- ly bilateral relations with India, Nepal and Sri Lanka not only aimed at increasing the country’s diplomatic prestige but also at popularising Zhivkova’s esoteric conception of national and personal development for which I introduce the term “esoteric nationalism”. Further discussing Bulgaria’s active participation at the general assembly of the United Na- tions in 1979, this paper will argue that non-hegemonic religious ideas were not always considered hostile by the Eastern European totalitar- ian authorities. Moreover, the Bulgarian case exemplifies the potential which an esoteric-socialist symbiosis had nationally and internationally.

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Dyplomacja religijna Republiki Turcji

Dyplomacja religijna Republiki Turcji

Author(s): Łukasz Sławomir Fraszka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2023

The aim of this article is to analyse the religious dimension of Turkey’s foreign policy in the era of Justice and Development Party rule and the forms of its implementation. The article argues that the Republic of Turkey, in the era of AKP rule, is becoming one of the main state actors in international relations, which is beginning to use religion as an instrument of soft power in its foreign policy. At the same time, using “religious diplomacy” as a formal tool to strengthen the state’s image in the international arena. „Religious diplomacy” is the primary tool of Turkish soft power to strengthen the country’s international position after the Cold War. It aims to promote the Turkish model of Islam as a moderate type of Islam that can coexist with modernity and multiculturalism. It also promotes Turkish language and culture alongside religious curricula by linking Sunni Islam and Turkish nationalism.

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Religious activity and expression of national identity of Ukrainians during the introduction of the new Soviet ritual: 1960’s–1970’s

Religious activity and expression of national identity of Ukrainians during the introduction of the new Soviet ritual: 1960’s–1970’s

Author(s): Nadia Kindrachuk / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2023

The party ideologues of the Soviet totalitarian state artificially developed and actively introduced into the life of the titular nation of the Ukrainian SSR a new Soviet ritualism, the main goal of which was to raise from every Ukrainian a Russified citizen of the Soviet type without national identity and religious beliefs, with a Russian consciousness, mentality and language. The article proves that the ancient church and religious traditions and customs of the Ukrainian people continued to be a part of the everyday culture of Ukrainians. The religious activity of representatives of the Ukrainian ethnic group was especially observed during the celebration of Christmas, Epiphany, Easter and other church holidays. And although the number of adherents of religious rites in the republic was different – from less in the East to more in the West, Christian values, despite atheism, continued to be the basis of the spiritual life of the absolute majority of Ukrainians.

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A brief introduction to Christian and Confucian studies in North Korea

A brief introduction to Christian and Confucian studies in North Korea

Author(s): Nicolas Levi / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2023

The question of religions in North Korea remains a sensitive issue in this country. Due to the nature of the North Korean regime, studies on religions were banned until the 1980’s. It’s only after that a research institution dealing with religious issues were established in the major university of the country. This institution is dealing with the main religions existing in North Korea. The main challenge was to combine the ideological framework with religious aspirations. The present study analyzes North Korean discursive strategies concerning religious studies. It focuses on the academic work of North Korean researchers dealing with religious studies.

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Between Separatism and Pragmatism: Judaism as National Identity in the Haredi Political Discourse

Between Separatism and Pragmatism: Judaism as National Identity in the Haredi Political Discourse

Author(s): Lior Alperovitch / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

The Zionist perception of the Jewish people as a nation caused the Ultra-orthodox discourse split in the 1930s into two main positions. One taking a passive but reluctant stance, which held an indifferent non-Zionist position. And the second, a strong anti-Zionism perspective that established an uncompromising theological conception that saw Zionism no less as an act of Satan. With the establishment of the State of Israel, the ultra-Orthodox leadership was forced to decide how to conduct politicly in the “Jewish state”. two main positions shaped the discourse. one by Rabbi Avraham Yeshayahu Karelitz, (Chazon Ish), that proposed a pragmatic approach holding utilitarian nature. And the other that demanded severe separatism and presented an alienating and hostile attitude to the very idea that the ultra-Orthodox leadership would take part in the Israeli political game, by led Rabbi Yoel Moshe Teitelbaum of Satmar. By examining the ideological, theological and halakhic origins of each of the approaches, this article seeks to show that the position held by the Satmar Rebbe in the context of the question of the character of the Jewish people, has a common and surprising ideological basis between Zionism and the serve ultra-Orthodox position, who sees the Jewish people as a nation. While the pragmatic view considered the Jewish people as a religious community, therefore treats the Jewish state only as a hollow political tool, what enabled political flexibility, which largely reminded the political conduct of the Agudat Israel in Eastern Europe between two world wars.

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Mizrahi Politics, Religion, and Ethnic Thinking

Mizrahi Politics, Religion, and Ethnic Thinking

Author(s): Gal Levy / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

In recent decades two major approaches sought to explain the intersection of Mizrahi ethnicity and citizenship in Israel. Since the early 1990s, Yoav Peled’s Multiple Citizenship paradigm has become dominant in explaining the differential, hierarchical and fragmented incorporation regime. Accordingly, affiliation to Jewish religion was part of an ethno-national discourse of citizenship which confined Mizrahim (Jews emanating from Muslim countries) to be trapped between the hegemonic Ashkenazim (Jews of European descent) and the Palestinian citizens. Recently, a counter explanation was offered, based on the interpretive repertoires that shape the political behavior of Ashkenazim and Mizrahim. Contrary to the liberal presuppositions of the Multiple Citizenship paradigm, this explanation places greater emphasis on cultural rather than material factors shaping political behaviours and even broader worldviews, while identifying each ethnic group with opposing cultural repertoires. By proposing the idea of “ethnic thinking” this article focuses on the entanglements of religiosity in Mizrahi politics in two case studies – the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow (the Keshet) and New Mizrahim. Rejecting the tendency to identify Mizrahim as predisposed to traditionalism, this article challenges both approaches that arguably fail to account for the performative aspects of Mizrahi citizenship.

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Ultranationalism and Ultra-Orthodoxy: The Case of Shas

Ultranationalism and Ultra-Orthodoxy: The Case of Shas

Author(s): Nissim Leon / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Israeli scholarship has noted the prominence of hawkish and ultranationalist views among the Shas electorate, as well as the structural and historical conditions responsible for them. Attention has not, however, been paid to the contexts and the ways in which Mizrahi-Haredi discourse processes these views in its encounter with this population. The present article looks at one of the main components of the relationship between Shas and its supporters in Israel’s social periphery – the teshuva movement. Fieldwork on the discourse of local teshuva preachers shows that they have used the ultranationalist message to illustrate the importance of adhering to Jewish religious tradition and relying on its rabbinical authorities. A complex and fluid version of religious ultranationalism was detected as well, one that demands communal separation but is not, however, averse to cultural interaction between Jews and Arabs.

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“On the Side of the Good”: Political Alliances of Religious Zionists and Israeli Conservatism in the Quest to Hegemony

“On the Side of the Good”: Political Alliances of Religious Zionists and Israeli Conservatism in the Quest to Hegemony

Author(s): Mordy Miller,Hayim Katsman / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

This article discusses the recent political alliance between IC and the “Hardal” (acronym for Haredi-Dati-Leumi, meaning Ultra-Orthodox-Religious-Zionists) followers of Rabbi Zvi Thau. This new cooperation is surprising, due to Thau’s tendency to criticize groups that do not adhere to his strict interpretation of Judaism. In this article we analyze the recent developments within Thau’s circle, and determine that this cooperation is a consequence of a unique interpretation of a spiritual state of emergency. We conclude by analyzing the circumstances in which IC was formed, as a lesson religious Zionists took from the 2005 disengagement from Gaza plan. The article demonstrates that IC intentionally intended to enable the creation of this sort of political alliance.

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Are You Our Sisters? Resistance, Belonging, and Recognition in Israeli Reform Jewish Female Converts

Are You Our Sisters? Resistance, Belonging, and Recognition in Israeli Reform Jewish Female Converts

Author(s): Einat Libel-Hass,Elazar Ben-Lulu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

The religious conversion process is a significant expression of an individual’s intention to gain a new religious identity and be included in a particular religious community. Those who wish to join the Jewish people undergo giyur (conversion), which includes observing rituals and religious practices. While previous research on Jewish conversions in Israel focused on the experiences of persons who converted under Orthodox auspices, this study analyzes the experiences of female immigrants from the former Soviet Union (FSU) and the Philippines who chose to convert through the Reform Movement in Israel. Based on qualitative research, we discovered that the non-Orthodox process, which is based on liberal values, not only grants converts under the aegis of Reform entry to the Jewish people, but promotes their affiliation with the Reform Movement and advances their acculturation into Jewish Israeli society. Their choice is a political decision, an act of resistance against an Orthodox Israeli religious monopoly, and an expression of spiritual motivations. The converts become social agents who strengthen the Reform Movement’s socio-political position in Israel, where it struggles against discrimination. Furthermore, since most converts are women, new intersections between religion, gender, and nationality are exposed.

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Gender, State and Religion: Palestinian Feminist Politics

Gender, State and Religion: Palestinian Feminist Politics

Author(s): Areen Hawari / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Religion-based personal status laws and religious courts are an intrinsic component of the Jewish character of the State of Israel. The association between one’s religious affiliation and the law governing one’s personal status issues is longstanding. However, the significance and dynamics of this association cannot be analyzed in isolation from the context of the identity of the state, or the identity of the local subjects in terms of their nationality, religious affiliation, and gender. In the case of Palestinian citizens of Israel, the personal state laws that govern them bear the imprint of the state’s hierarchical and discriminatory citizenship regime. This article examines the struggles of Palestinian feminist activists, citizens of Israel, in their attempts to improve their personal status issues, which began in the 1990s and were led by secular as well as religious Palestinian feminists. In doing so, it reveals the complexity of feminist politics at the juncture of religion, gender and colonialism. It identifies similarities and differences in feminist discourses and activities, while delineating the boundaries of these politics. It argues that, in many instances, activists had to choose between ‘collaboration’ with a colonial regime and ‘complicity’ with a patriarchal establishment. The paper is based on a variety of sources, including media articles, archival documents, protocols of parliamentary committees, and personal interviews conducted with leading feminist activists.

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