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The numerous and various challenges that have arisen in recent years in the so-called“knowledge society”, where globalisation has played a key role in impacting the informationenvironment, have led to a number of changes at theoretical, conceptual, cognitive and evenbehavioural level for experts activating in the intelligence field. Due to the growing dynamicsof events, the value of information is now subject, more than ever, to an accelerated processof obsolescence, and the sources’ level of credibility often risks to be ignored by the desire toensure the beneficiary’s fastest possible accessibility to information. As such, the knowledgebasedanalytical process model is more and more validated by the intelligence community, tothe detriment of the information-based analytical process model used until recently.
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The present material aims to provide a conceptual delimitation of what contemporaryconflict means and at the same time to highlight the role of strategic communication in theconflicts specific to the 21st century. This new type of conflicts has strategic communicationas the centre of gravity, through the methods of influencing power. The present materialwill include examples of how the Russian Federation manifests its power using strategiccommunication.The realities of the current century emphasises new security challenges: among them,online communication is becoming more and more important, shaping a world where factsas such do not matter the most – what matters is the way they are perceived and understood.
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The proliferation of unconventional weapons triggered by technological progress have raisedthe threat level for individual and society through the uncertainty generated by managingwords and images, through AI algorithms and through social engineering techniques.The rapid growth of social media has allowed for the information to be disseminated andidentified in a reckless manner. Deepfake, centred on economic or political attacks, and fakenews, acting on democracy and social systems, are the products that state and non-stateactors use, which are aimed at weakening security in general and human security in particular.Deepfake and fake news as main instruments for hybrid warfare have become important topicsfor security culture. In terms of human security, social media generates series of advantages,however, whatever is developed through the hostile use of these networks generated seriesof threats for societies. Starting from these aspects, the present paper provides, alongwith conceptual definitions, a general understanding on the implications that social mediachallenges have on human security.
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In the present societal context, considering the tensions created among the population bythe measures adopted by the Romanian Government in order to prevent the spread of theSARS-COV-2 virus, the correct and truthful information represents a primordial need for thepeople, who can be susceptible to the influences caused by any information, provided by anysource. Without discussing about the psychological factors that determine people to give upto the filters through which they analyse information received in extraordinary situations, andtaking into consideration the fact that the speed at which information is spread and consumedin the online medium, especially in social media, surpasses the speed at which informationfrom official sources, which must be subjected to processes of approval, certification andsignature, is spread, this research aims to create an incursion in the constitutive elements ofthe criminal offence represented by the communication of false information, in regard to thespecific case of the spread of fake news in social media, with a potential effect on the nationalsecurity.
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Internally, immediately after the end of the Cold War, the Black Sea region appears configuredas an unstable region, on whose territory economically weakened states were in competition,affected by a pandemic corruption that was eroding the basis of newly established democraticpolitical regimes, descendants of totalitarian regimes that had recently succumbed. Most ofthe vigour of these states was consumed in a series of sterile political controversies, in a fragilelegislative framework, which had replaced the ossified structures of the former so-calledpopular democracies. The parliaments of these states were also, in turn, wired by corruptionand characterised by a lack of interest in the real and, especially, the serious problems of thepopulation. Despite these realities, the population was overwhelmingly in favour of integratingthose states into NATO and the European Union.The former Soviet republics, Georgia, Ukraine and Armenia, also began to show, in turn,the germs of a European orientation, timid, indeed, but remaining dependent upon residualcommunist reminiscences specific to the mentality perverted by the totalitarian regime. Inthese circumstances, it seemed certain that at least another generation would have to pass forthese states to change their mindsets deeply rooted in communist reality.
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Traditionally, security has been associated with the military field, and setting nationalinterests, triggering war and settling for peace have been the responsibility of the state, anexclusive actor in international relations. Starting in the mid-20th century, security studieshave extended the dimension of security to its objective side, mainly military, related to theexistence of a threat, and its subjective, societal side, related to the perceptions of society.The modern vision of security has enhanced these two sides, and the European Security Schoolin Copenhagen has conceptualised the societal society, debating on the reduced role of thestate and increased role of society in security, manifested in five key areas – military, political,economic, societal and environmental, security being assimilated with the social mechanism. Inthis contemporary context, the explosive digitization of information and its effects on securityand society – globalisation, artificial intelligence, internet, automation, social networks,social engineering, data mining, fake news, cyberwar, cyber psychology – make militarysuperiority inadequate for ensuring peace and security in the 21st century. Therefore, may weassess information technology as the new “nuclear bomb” of the 21st century? Is informationtechnology a new field or a feature of societal security?
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In research, discussions from public space and materials designed and disseminated by media trusts, the issue of hybrid warfare/hybrid threats is often analysed either as a phenomenon or as a specific factor of an event. However, due to the complexity of the subject, confusion is often made or the concepts are mixed as the subject becomes even more ambiguous. In addition, the excessive use of simple terms such as “information manipulation”, “propaganda”, “misinformation”, “influence”, in the public space, has led to an alteration of their meaning and an ambiguity of the effects that these terms have on the perception of threat. On the other hand, in this context, the role and relevance of security and military intelligence in the management and limitation of hybrid warfare/hybrid threats has been little discussed. Thus, this paper tries to detail in a succinct manner (due to the complexity of the topics), at a theoretical level, the concepts of security intelligence, military intelligence and information warfare.
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Since its creation in 1950, as an organisation of states sharing primarily economic interests, the European Union (EU) has been developed continuously on multiple levels, the security and defence domain being one of the most dynamic starting in 2000. Therefore, in 2001, there were established the Political and Security Committee – PSC, the EU Military Committee – EUMC, and the EU Military Staff – EUMS – within the General Secretariat of the EU Council. Eventually, after the creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in 2009, EUMS has changed the subordination to this structure. One of the five directorates of EUMS is the Intelligence Directorate – DINT whose mission is to provide strategic intelligence to its customers. Along the process of developing and improving the intelligence activity, in 2007 the EEAS leadership made the decision of creating the Single Intelligence Analysis Capacity – SIAC, bringing together the military expertise of DINT and the civilian intelligence knowledge of the EU Intelligence Centre (INTCEN). Since its inception, DINT has proved to be a very effective fusion centre of the national intelligence products, issuing strategic documents of significant interest for the EU and national leaders alike, and positively influencing the EU and member nation’s security. Nevertheless, the importance of a flawless functioning of DINT and SIAC results not only from its successes but also from failures, which could have had a major impact on the security of some European states or at the EU level. One of this is the shot down of the Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) over the Ukrainian airspace, whose case study we will present in the present article.
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The complexity and globalisation of migration are normal processes of functioning and evolution of contemporary European society, currently facing the COVID-19 pandemic that will exacerbate existing security risks by imposing on member states and the North Atlantic Alliance important integral decisions related to both the humanitarian crisis of refugees correlated with the provision of public health measures and their economic and social impact on social security. There is a constant evolution of the issue of international migration within the EU, but also a concern for permanent improvement of its legal framework, migration bringing both benefits and costs for the area of freedom, security and justice of the EU. In fact, migration is a fundamental threat to the cohesion and identity of society, the fundamental components of societal security. A concept developed by the “Copenhagen School”, migration can be considered the main source of societal insecurity as it can threaten society’s identity and change its composition.
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In 2003, the EU decided to develop the operational tempo by launching its very first military operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Known as “Operation Artemis”, this represented an essential stage within the process of developing the EU autonomous profile in crisis management. By using the case study of Artemis Operation as a research method, I intended to highlight the development of the main parameters of the future EU operational design. Within this approach, I also followed the process of setting-up the conceptual framework related to rapid reaction capabilities, especially Battle Groups. In this respect, Artemis had an essential role in adapting European cooperation to the challenges of planning and executing tasks in a demanding operational environment.
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The scale of geopolitical changes over the past decade has led major regional and global actors to re-evaluate their options, identify new ways of responding to threats and risks in the international security environment, by adapting theirs security policies and strategies, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, by participating into new partnerships or other forms of institutional and military cooperation, or through the development of existing ones. NATO-EU security and defence cooperation is part of this trend of reconfiguring the current security environment, trying to identify the best solutions that respond effectively to current and future threats, while maintaining a balance on the role of the two major organisations in achieving this goal. The article broadly outlines the progress made by the European Union in extrapolating its role, from that centred on the economic field to that of security and defence, in the organisation’s determination to become a leading security actor at regional and global level.
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After almost 72 years of existence, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation brings together 30 states with common values and aspirations, setting side by side Europe and North America. If in the moment of its foundation the Alliance faced a limited range of risks, today the Organisation is confronting with a wide range of threats, from terrorism to cyber-attacks. In this context, a strong transatlantic partnership and, implicitly, a close cooperation between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation are necessary to strengthen the security climate, especially considering the fact that the two organisations have 22 European states in common. The security challenges are gaining new valence, so the response must be combined to further ensure the transatlantic security and peace. Will the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union succeed in making the transition from a transatlantic to a global peace?
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The article, starting mainly from the concerns of Romanian authors in the field, intends to highlight the importance of education and training in defining, building, supporting and designing a Smart Power strategic model, as a way to make optimal use of the resources and power tools a state has at its disposal for national interests, values, objectives and goals. Currently, one of the relevant characteristics of the security environment is the quantitative domination of information. Its production, management, manipulation, multiplication and capitalisation transcend strictly institutionalised boundaries, and the effects are found in all areas of society. In this context, the specific training and education of specialists in intelligence institutions, accepted as one of the power tools of states, takes place under the complexity of the evolution of information and means of transmission and processing, in socio-economic developments, including pandemics, as well as under the pressure of the dynamics of political debates and actions.
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In the circumstances in which the image and the influence of the USA deteriorated all over the world at the beginning of the 2000s, The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) of the USA founded a Bipartisan Commission for Smart-Power, with the purpose of drawing a vision which will develop a set of rules on the basis of which the next president of the USA, regardless of his political view, can implement smart-power policy. Among the arguments that served as a basis for establishing such commission were the opinion polls that indicated the deterioration of the USA image all over the world. President George W. Bush was perceived as a threat for the world through comparison with the President of Iran Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the one of North Korea Kim Jong Il. In that context, the Commission reckoned that the American leaders had to promote a positive political vision, more powerful than the war against terrorism
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During 2000, the UN SC launched an intense discussion on protecting the rights of women in conflict situations and increasing their role in the peacemaking process. Regardless of the cultural level and that of mentality, wars and armed conflicts affect in a similar way women’s condition. On 31 October 2000, the UN SC adopted unanimously the Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, being one of the most important UN resolutions in the area of peace and security, and being mandatory for all the UN Member States, without the need to be additionally ratified. Currently, the principles and values promoted by the UNSCR 1325 serve as basis for the fundamental values of EU, NATO, OSCE, EC. The international commitments assumed by the Republic of Moldova Government in implementing the UN SC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, as well as the problems identified at the national level in relation to ensuring an inclusive security sector have determined the need to develop and approve a National Action Programme. Although the Women, Peace and Security Agenda is a relatively new topic for the Republic of Moldova, there are already some lessons learned, such as: (1) the need to encourage the decision-makers to foster the political will for implementing the UNSCR 1325, (2) the need to ensure an inclusive security sector and (3) the lack of resources dedicated to implementing the UNSCR 1325. The discussions regarding the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 is one of considerable importance in the context of the global crisis as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. Undertaking immediate measures to counteract the threats induced by COVID-19, the states neglect the implementation of the UNSCR 1325. But the states acknowledge less the fact that the coronavirus pandemic invites to collaboration based on the principles established in the UNSCR 1325, taking into account the different security needs regardless of COVID-19 or any other threat.
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The transformations within the international system and the European security environment have necessitated the approach of alternative perspectives concerning the Far North. Today, the Sector Theory, which sets the limit of the sovereignty of riparian states over the Arctic region, no longer seems to properly provide a balance of power and security in northern Europe. The article uses techniques of qualitative methodology to explore the consequences of the new geopolitical evolutions in the Arctic Ocean and their impact on the European security system, but also the specific way in which the Arctic Ocean has become, in recent years, a specific region of the confluence of strategic interests for the Russian Federation, on the one hand, and the Scandinavian states, the EU and NATO, on the other hand.
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This research supports the importance of memoirs with their merits and limitations, exemplified through the writings of a British double agent, Kim Philby. Philby’s book, first published over fifty years ago, is a propagandistic material, portraying favourably the Soviet intelligence services. However, the memoir also presents embarrassing truths about questionable practices and failures of the British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), highly likely never to be officially admitted. This article argues that memoirs are valuable and relevant as supplement of the archival evidence, pending on the ability to separate between truth and falsehood.
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The current geopolitical and geostrategic context, the scale of politics, economics, culture and religious interests, information and cyber problems, the global medical crisis, as well as other non-military measures nowadays occupy a special place in shaping the operational environment. Their importance is felt not only during the escalation of crisis situations and their management and control, but also in military operations, marking the architecture of contemporary conflicts. A variety of present and involved actors, together with the multitude of risks and threats they generate, change the paradigm of the classic operational environment, towards multidimensional operational approaches in relation to the five traditional dimensions we are already familiar with from the military literature: land, air, sea, space and the electromagnetic spectrum, to which now the environment and the information environment are added. Overlapping these environments and creating an integrated battlespace image is a paradigm shift that must be understood and assumed. Social platforms and information warfare, artificial intelligence and self-learning programmes used in the military environment redefine the future security environment and the operation environment both in peacetime and in situations of crisis or at war. This study proposes a holistic presentation of the problems and challenges at the level of the international operational environment, presenting different typologies of threats identified at the level of the informational component by instrumenting cyberattacks attributed to state and non-state entities. The shaping of theoretical concepts is accompanied by a series of examples presented in order to provide a detailed perspective on events that have affected the information environment.
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