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Not unlike the example of Daesh, and perhaps counter to popular perception, truth also holds a crucial place in the communication strategy of Kim Jong-un’s regime in North Korea. Deash distributed bread to appear as a capable governing body in Syria. Similarly, the Kim regime craves domestic legitimacy and credibility through its nuclear missile programme.
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In March 2015, the European Council set up the East Strategic Communications Task Force aimed at addressing Russia’s ongoing disinformation campaigns. Seeking to expose the breadth of the pro-Kremlin disinformation efforts in Europe and beyond, the EU’s initiative unites over 400 experts, journalists, officials, NGOs, and think tanks in more than 30 countries. Contributors monitor fabricated stories and regularly submit their analysis to the EU’s special ‘Disinformation Review’. The demand for such projects has been rising steadily following Russia’s interference in Ukraine in 2014, which placed the notion of ‘information warfare’ at the heart of the public debate. Three years later, the international academic, media, and military communities continue to grapple with challenges posed by Russian attempts to influence public opinion abroad. From a European point of view, the Kremlin’s tactic has been to confuse rather than convince, to divide opinions rather than provide an alternative viewpoint. Russia’s goal, as seen from the West, is to deprive audiences of the ability to distinguish between truth and lie by creating as many competing narratives as possible in the global media space.
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Looking at the developments over the last 25 years, one can reasonably ask the question: have we achieved gender equality in political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina? The glass-half-empty crowd could simply declare the last 25 years an absolute debacle. A woman was never the President of BiH, nor was a woman ever the Prime Minister of the Council of Ministers BiH, nor was there a single woman president of a major political party. Politics has stayed the male domain. On the other hand, the glass-half-full group could point out the progress we made. The 3% rate of representation in the early 1990s climbed to over 20%. Women are slowly but surely winning posts and they are ever more present in political life, the Government, and the parties.
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Ovaj tekst pruža detaljan opis načina ustrojstva i funkcioniranja Vijeća ministara Bosne i Hercegovine, predviđene Ustavom i zakonima BiH. Pored toga, nudi raspravu o načinu na koji Vijeće ministara vrši funkciju vlade BiH, s obzirom na Ustavom propisane nadležnosti i mogućnosti njihovog različitog tumačenja, koje su rezultat određenosti samog Ustava, političkim konsenzusom. Opisuje i načine odlučivanja i efikasnost, dosadašnji razvoj ove institucije, te predviđa potencijalne smjerove budućeg razvoja u skladu s opredjeljenjem BiH za reforme s ciljem integriranja u Evropsku uniju. Također, u ovom tekstu daje se pregled ministarstava, kao i drugih agencija, koje trenutno ulaze u sastav Vijeća ministara, te se prikazuju odnosi između Vijeća ministara i drugih institucija i organa vlasti u BiH.
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U ovom poglavlju se razmatra pravosudni sistem Bosne i Hercegovine kao sistem sudova i drugih pravosudnih organa koji imaju ustavnu i zakonsku nadležnost da tumače i primjenjuju pozitivno pravo Bosne i Hercegovine kao i relevantno međunarodno pravo. Taj sistem je složen i direktno je ovisan o ustavnom poretku Bosne i Hecegovine. Na taj način pravosudni sistem se u funkcionalnom smislu može posmatrati (I) na državnom nivou i (II) na entitetskom nivou. Pravosudne institucije na državnom nivou, pored Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine koji je uspostavljen Aneksom IV Općeg okvirnog sporazuma za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini, rezultat su opsežnih reformi preduzetih u sektoru pravosuđa u periodu od 2000. do 2006. godine. Osnivanjem Suda i Tužilaštva Bosne i Hercegovine, uveden je sistem imenovanja nosilaca pravosudnih institucija u cijeloj zemlji. Također, primjetni su i pravosudni sistemi u entitetima Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine i Republika Srpska, koji se sastoje od ustavnih sudova, vrhovnih sudova, kantonalnih (okružnih) sudova i općinskih sudova. Uzimajući u obzir poseban status Brčko Distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine primjećuju se i pravosudne institucije te administrativnoteritorijalne jedinice Bosne i Hercegovine. Na kraju izlažu se izazovi pravosuđa Bosne i Hercegovine.
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Rad predstavlja razvoj izbornog sistema BiH od prvih poslijeratnih izbora 1996. godine do onih na lokalnoj razini, 5. oktobra 2008. godine. Izborni sistem u današnjoj Bosni i Hercegovini kompleksan je, a tome doprinosi i složena interna struktura same države, podjela na entitete i kantone, sa Distriktom Brčko kao posebnom cjelinom. Uz istorijski pregled, i definicije ključnih termina, rad sadrži i pregled izbornih postupaka na različitim nivoima vlasti, te u svom posljednjem dijelu ukazuje na specifičnosti bosanskohercegovačkog izbornog sistema.
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Bosna i Hercegovina je po mnogo čemu specifična država koja se sastoji od dva entiteta: Republike Srpske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine. Bosna i Hercegovina se zasniva na principu ravnopravnosti dva entiteta i tri konstitutivna naroda. Entitet Republika Srpska ima sve državne funkcije i nadležnosti osim onih koje su Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine izričito date njenim institucijama. Prihvaćen je princip podjele vlasti na zakonodavnu, izvršnu i sudsku. Zakonodavnu vlast vrši Narodna skupština i Vijeće naroda Republike Srpske, izvršnu Vlada Republike Srpske i sudsku osnovni, okružni i Vrhovni sud. Predsjednik Republike Srpske predstavlja Republiku i izražava njeno jedinstvo. Zaštitu ustavnosti i zakonitosti obezbjeđuje Ustavni sud Republike Srpske. Prihvaćeni sistem podjele vlasti ima elemenata parlamentarnog i predsjedničkog sistema. Konstitutivnost Srba, Bošnjaka i Hrvata predstavlja temelj bosanskohercegovačkog društva. Odluka Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine o konstitutivnosti triju naroda na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine predstavlja ključnu odluku za čitavo današnje ustavno uređenje kako Bosne i Hercegovine tako i njenih entiteta.
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The aim of this article is to give an general overview of the political, economic and social changes in Poland between 1989 and 2017 and to identify the main short and medium term challenges for Poland. Its implementation will be based on indicators of transformations (Washington Heritage Foundation and Wall Street Journal), Economic Freedom (European Bank for Reconstruction and Development) and economic growth (GDP and GDP p.c.). The analyzes presented in this article, in particular comparisons with France, Romania and the countries of the Visegrad group, show that this period of the history of the Third Republic in Poland can be compared to the glorious thirty of Western Europe. In conclusion, we note that the future development of Poland is mainly based on improving the quality of the institutional order, respect for the law and the principles of democracy.
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Development policies are based on the country’s resources, which often remain insufficient. They are also based on technological progress realized in the developed countries. Algeria has gone through several policies on the subject and has historically faced several difficulties in its economic policy. Based on a rentier economy, it attempted to diversify its revenues by investing in various sectors and using FDI. However, the attractiveness of FDI does not seem to match the country’s ambitions. Algeria has interesting economic potential, particularly in the hydrocarbon sector, but does not yet have the technologies necessary for its development. The use of external technologies and their financing through FDI is part of the country’s strategic thinking. Moreover, the country advocates, in an unfavorable institutional framework, a certain form of protectionism in view of the large profits generated by foreign firms that often escape the direct control of the State. It appears from this analysis that the country needs to carry out several reforms, mainly in the land sector and in the management of financial institutions, unsuited to the requirements of foreign partners.
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The inner make-up of the Yugoslav state was changed after WWII by the decision of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia that had come to power in the country. In keeping with the decisions of the second session of the interim partisan parliament (the AVNOJ) federal order was established with six constituent republics. However, the new authorities adopted no criteria how the borders between the republics in the new federation were to be drawn. Thus the solution of this important matter remained in the hands of the Party leadership that had to implement it on the Soviet model. Delimitation between federal republics was made with no legal procedure, without passing any law whatsoever and without participation of leaderships of republics concerned. In the course of drawing borders neither ethnic not historical principles were applied. By setting up Bosnia-Herzegovina as a multi-ethnic republic, the ethnic principle was given up, whereas historical principle was not applied consequently in the case of Serbia because this federal unit was divested of some of the territories belonging to her as she entered Yugoslavia and that had become hers after the wars of liberation 1912-1913. Thus considerable part of the Serbs remained outside their ethnic republic. In keeping with the new slogan of “brotherhood and unity” and using the flamboyant rhetoric in vulgar propaganda it had launched in public, the ruling party downplayed the importance of the borders between republics. It was pointed out that in the new federation of equal peoples the borders would be of secondary importance and that they would rather connect than divide peoples. The leadership of Serbia, dissatisfied with the way the borders had been drawn tried to intercede with the aim of rectifying them, pointing out at the damage done to the Serbian people. This objection, as well as objections of part of the legal opposition comprising the pre-war political parties, failed to influence significantly the already adopted solutions.
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The defeat in the April War, the break-up of the Yugoslav state and the genocide against the Serbian people were the facts the occupied Serbian society had to face already in the first months of occupation. Realizing the difficulty of the situation, the collaborationists strove to improve it by aiding and supporting the occupiers, believing they would by and by recognize that cooperativeness and reward it by improving the situation of the Serbian people in the German system of the „New Order”. However, in the plans of the Third Reich, there was no place for such opinions. The occupied territory was interesting for them only inasmuch it needed as small forces as possible to keep peace and order in it, with the aim of exploiting it as thoroughly as possible. In that context, although local government was set up to help them run the administration, a complex occupying apparatus was also put in place which interfered drastically with the functioning of the local organs, exercising strict surveillance and control over them. Mistrust of local population, regardless of the degree of collaboration remained the lasting trait of the German occupying apparatus in Serbia.
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The purpose of the analysis is focused on historical as well as on multidisciplinary approach to the study of phenomena, causes, development and consequences of regionalism in the EU member states. Essentially regionalism implies a social movement which by the politicization of certain territorial distinctiveness of the region and the resulting regional identity is aimed to obtaining a higher degree of political autonomy i.e. tо the realization of certain form of regional autonomy and the decentralization of government. With regard to the fact that territorial specificities of the region can be different, i.e. cultural-historical, ethno-linguistic, territorial and economic, the analysis indicates that there is no uniform rules of the historical development of regionalism in some European countries. While some regions as „historical“ have roots in ancient times, others were created during the feudal period and the formation of a series of territorially and functionally fragmented states forms, being an obstacle for the establishment of a centralized nation-state. We analyzed the process of creating the European nation-states during the 17–19 century and explained the centralized approach and hierarchical vision of the relationship between the central government and the regions, which was dominant in the territorial politics until the last decades of the 20th century. Special attention was paid to the development of regionalism and regionalization in many EU member states from the 1970s and current models of regionalism were analyzed. It was concluded that regionalism as a political movement, having different causes, inevitably established different requirements for a particular aspect of territorial autonomy with the specific legal and political content. Contemporary experience of regionalization indicates that the effects of regionalization as a mean of articulating and amortization of regionalist tendencies are dependent on the historical causes and conditions that have led to regionalism.
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Réfutant la théorie du totalitarisme, j’ai envisagé le fonctionnement du titisme sous l’angle de la responsabilité, de l’autonomie et de l’individualité. La société yougoslave a été appréhendée dans son ensemble avec ses particularités, de façon à appréhender la réalité sociale avec ses tensions, ses revendications et les stratégies mises en place par les acteurs sociaux, tout en démontrant que Tito et le Parti communiste n’étaient pas aussi rassembleurs qu’ils ne le paraissaient Si la violence des années 1990 en a surpris plus d’un, c’est précisément (et on peut en dire autant du cas soviétique) parce que la dynamique sociale, les mutations, les transformations de la société civile et du système politique n’étaient pas prises en compte. Pour appréhender le titisme, l’article analyse l’acteur social, le culte de la personnalité, le mythe de la Fédération yougoslave, et le processus de la mémoire et de l'oubli du titisme, afin de montrer en quoi la transformation radicale du passé est incontestablement nuisible au présent et au futur de chaque société ex-Yougoslave, car elle génère une discontinuité temporelle.
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Josip Broz Tito laid foundations of his military and subsequently political rise during WWII. Realizing that he and his movement could be acceptable for the western allies even though they were aware of its ideological pro-Soviet orientation, he pragmatically built his international position. Having reached the compromise with the royal Yugoslav government in order to receive the international recognition, he conquered power inspired by his ideological ally, the USSR. He came out of the war as a recognizable fighter against fascism whereas the partisan movement of Yugoslavia ranked among the powers who opposed Hitler within the anti-fascist coalition. Combining the skill of a general and a politician Tito appropriated for himself and the movement he was leading, the position of an actor accepted by great powers.
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Savremena post-hrišćanska civilizacija globalnog Zapada je, u ime svoje mundijalističke ideje, povela "novi križarski" rat protiv Srbskog pravoslavnog naroda i Srbske pravoslavne ideje. Budući da je Pravoslavlje temeljni elemenat Srbske ideje i, time žila kucavica čitave srbske istorije, rat koji je civilizacija belog pentagrama vodila i vodi protiv pravoslavnih Srba kao čuvara i branilaca Časnoga Krsta i Zlatne Slobode, ispostavlja se kao rat protiv samog Pravoslavlja, kao rat protiv pravoslavnog duhovnog i geopolitičkog sveta, ili drugačije – kao integralni zapadni rat protiv hrištanske istorije. Tako se u srbskom otadžbinskom ratu u Zapadnim Srbskim Zemljama zbivao i zbiva odsudni mistički sukob suprotnih ideja istorije: hrišćanske i anti-hrišćanske (=antihristovske). Na geopolitičkim prostorima balkanske proto-Evrope se ponovo vodila (i još nije završena!) odlučujuća mistička bitka hrišćanskog otpora Zapadnom Zlu koje objavljuje Kraj Istorije, bitka za duhovnu sudbinu hrišćanske evroazijske civilizacije, bitka čijeg značaja duhovno-politički posunovraćena Evropa uopšte nije bila svesna, a, nažalost, ni Rusija, koja – izgubivši svest o svojoj istorijskoj misiji i svom geopolitičkom identitetu – više ne ume da artikuliše svoju balkansku politiku u skladu sa pravoslavnim evroazijski ciljevima.
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Kako je sama gospođa Perović svojedobno ustvrdila da “i povjesničar ima pravo na emocije”, ja bih to pravo iskoristio i za sebe. Jer, za višegodišnje prijateljstvo i dragocjene trenutke u kojima mi je bila dragocjeni sugovornik, vežu me, prije svega, duboka ljudska osjećanja poštovanja i uvažavanja. Onog dana kad zatvorim knjigu svog diplomatskog boravka u Srbiji (a on je bio u dva navrata, u prijelomnim trenucima za odnose Zagreba i Beograda i, mjeren diplomatskim stažem, relativno dug) na njenim koricama dominirat će lik i riječi mudre Latinke Perović. Iz tog arsenala i nadalje ću graditi važne profesionalne i osobne putokaze.
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Još na početku poslednje decenije prošlog veka u Srbiji je, kao i u ostalim zemljama tzv. tranzicije, pod vođstvom Slobodana Miloševića, izvršena institucionalna reforma kojoj se ne može poreći da je, bez obzira na brojne manjkavosti, stvorila osnovne ustavne pretpostavke za uspostavljanje modernog demokratskog poretka. Uvedeno je načelo podele vlasti, višepartijski sistem, neposredni izbori, uspostavljen parlament i liberalizovani mediji; čak je i ministar vojske po prvi put u istoriji Srbije imenovan iz redova građanskih lica. Danas, deceniju i po kasnije, svedoci smo potpunog debakla ovih institucija. Umesto da utru put uspostavljanju pluralističke demokratije, tržišne ekonomije i vladavine prava, moderne političke institucije poslužile su kao mimikrija za pokrivanje, odnosno svojevrsno legitimisanje jednog totalno arhaičnog, antimodernog političkog projekta koji je uz to još bio i zločinački. Pitanje državnih granica i etnička homogenizacija definisani su kao primarni interes srpskog naroda, pred kojim sloboda pojedinca kao vrednost ili nestaje ili u najboljem slučaju ima tek drugorazredni značaj. U punom svetlu se pokazala jedna patrijarhalno - autoritarna, izrazito monisitička politička kultura, čije jedno, unutrašnje lice predstavlja kolektivizam, egalitarizam, netrpeljivost prema drugom i drukčijem, a drugo, spoljašnje lice, etnički nacionalizam i ratništvo.
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Kriteriji za članstvo također zahtijevaju da država kandidat mora stvoriti uslove za svoju integraciju kroz prilagođavanje svojih upravnih struktura, kao što je naglašeno na evropskom vijeću u Madridu 1995. godine. iako je važno da se zakonodavstvo evropske unije prenese na državno zakonodavstvo, još je važnije da se zakonodavstvo provodi na učinkovit način, putem odgovarajućih administrativnih i pravosudnih struktura. to je preduslov za međusobno povjerenje koje zahtijeva članstvo u EU. [...]
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društveni aspekti političkog sistema tiču se prije svega načina na koji se uspostavlja odnos javne vlasti i društva. Upravo iz tih razloga sociološka analiza društvenih aspekata političkog sistema BiH kreće se u okviru analize građanskog društva, problematizirajući različite aspekte društvenog života političkog sistema BiH koji predstavljaju kočnicu građanskom aktivizmu. U prvom dijelu rada analizirane su najvažnije pretpostavke građanskog društva (pravna država, zajamčena osnovna građanska i politička prava i slobode, zaštita i ostvarenje socioekonomskih prava, te sociokulturološke pretpostavke demokratske političke kulture), dok su u drugom dijelu rada izdvojena tri mehanizma koji poticajno mogu djelovati na izgradnju građanskog društva (izgradnja organizacije građanskog društva, građanski aktivizam, smjena generacija).
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Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji označeno je kao jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva vanjske politike Bosne i Hercegovine, čija realizacija je započeta Procesom stabilizacije i pridruživanja. navedeni proces je rezultat novog pristupa Evropske unije zemljama jugoistočne Evrope s ciljem kvalitetnijeg pružanja pomoći i omogućavanja brzog napretka u evropskim integracijama. dobrovoljnu harmonizaciju bosanskohercegovačkog zakonodavstva, započetu još 2000. godine, danas je zamijenilo obavezujuće usklađivanje domaćih propisa. ispunjavanje kriterija kojima je uvjetovano punopravno članstvo predstavlja prioritet Bosne i Hercegovine, koja trenutno ima položaj potencijalnog kandidata za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji. Pravni okvir napretka Bosne i Hercegovine u procesu evropskih integracija određen je Sporazumom o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju koji je potpisan u junu 2008. godine.
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