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Between co-operation and membership. Sweden and Finland’s relations with NATO

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska,Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

Sweden and Finland’s membership in NATO would significantly improve the level of security in the Baltic Sea region in the long-term by changing the politico-military imbalance that is currently in Russia’s favour. However, it is unlikely that Stockholm and Helsinki will change their non-alignment policy in the coming years. They will rather focus on enhancing politico-military co-operation with NATO. This has grown in importance to both countries in recent years in line with rising uncertainty in the region. The Swedish and Finnish wish for more substance in their military relations with NATO will however be met with increasing limitations as allied activity in the Baltic Sea region is focusing on collective defence and the two countries are not member states. // Despite the positive effect Sweden and Finland’s cooperation with NATO exerts on the region’s security, it also has negative implications. It does not eliminate the uncertainty about the scope of the two countries’ co-operation with the alliance in the case of a military conflict. It offers Stockholm an illusory sense of security, slowing down the pace of investments in defence; and for Helsinki it is rather an element of its deterrence policy towards Russia than a genuinely considered alternative.

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Georgian dilemmas. Between a strong state and democracy

Author(s): Marek Matusiak / Language(s): English

Since its 'Rose Revolution' of 2003, Georgia has become the most spectacular example in the CIS of the export of a Western economic policy model: an example of success in building up efficient state structures, a state which was not broken by losing a war with Russia, and which still retains strong ties with the West. The strength of the Georgian state lies in its very determined ruling elite, which, thanks to considerable help from the US and the EU, has in a very short time completely reformed the state. At the same time, however, the merging of the political elite with the state, and the personalisation of state institutions, have created a series of problems. // Georgia expects parliamentary elections in October this year and presidential elections in 2013. These elections will be a multidimensional test of the state that has been built up over the last decade: of its stability, the state of its ruling elite, and the political maturity of its public. Despite the complex international situation, including an openly hostile attitude from Russia and the West's diminished interest in Georgia since 2008, its course and outcome will depend above all on the Georgian people themselves.

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China vs. Central Asia. The achievements of the past two decades

Author(s): Aleksandra Jarosiewicz,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English

The collapse of the USSR brought about conditions conducive to the dynamic development of relations between Central Asia and China. These relations have evolved from deep mistrust to the continually growing Chinese presence primarily in the region’s economy but also increasingly in its politics. Central Asia is playing a growing role in those areas of the economy which China sees as strategic (in particular in energy and communications). China’s ambitions and capabilities with regard to new areas and its geopolitical competitors are also being tested here. For the time being, it can be said that China has achieved vast success: its offer is appealing for the region, and Beijing has outpaced its Western rivals and has seriously challenged Russia’s position in the region. It remains, however, an open question whether China will be able to maintain and secure its present achievements and trends, which will be a serious challenge given the eternal instability in the region and Russia’s reintegration ambitions.

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Niemcy wobec Rosji. Powiązania - tak, zbliżenie - nie

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż / Language(s): Polish

Obecnie klimat relacji Urząd Kanclerski–Kreml trafnie określany jest przez niemieckie media jako najchłodniejszy od lat. Zarówno niemiecko-rosyjskie konsultacje międzyrządowe jesienią 2012 roku oraz spotkanie kanclerz Angeli Merkel z prezydentem Władimirem Putinem podczas targów w Hanowerze wiosną 2013 roku, jak i sposób rozwiązania przez UE problemu zadłużenia Cypru czy też w końcu poparcie przez Niemcy antyprezydenckich protestów na Ukrainie wyraźnie pokazują, że w najlepszym razie możemy mówić o „przerwie technicznej” w partnerstwie strategicznym Niemiec i Rosji. Jednocześnie widać daleko idące zmiany w priorytetach niemieckiej polityki zagranicznej i gospodarczej, spowodowane nie tylko kryzysem w strefie euro, ale przede wszystkim przesuwaniem uwagi niemieckiego biznesu i polityki na tak zwane neue Gestaltungsmächte (nowe potęgi regionalne). Niemieccy politycy coraz częściej uznają, że nie należy proponować Rosji nowych metod i instrumentów współpracy. Po pierwsze dlatego, że dotychczasowe nie zostały jeszcze skonsumowane, po drugie ze względu na brak pomysłu w RFN na nową długofalową strategię współpracy z Federacją Rosyjską pod rządami Putina.

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A region with special needs. The Russian Far East in Moscow’s policy

Author(s): Szymon Kardaś / Language(s): English

Although in the 1990s the Russian Far East was not an important region in Russian central government’s internal policy, when Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency it was declared strategically significant. However, Moscow has been unable to generate a tangible stimulus to the region’s development so far. This is partly due to the systemic problems existing in Russia as a whole: the lack of a consistent concept of economic development and the ineffective governance system, and on the other hand, of purely local barriers: staffing problems, the decentralised energy system and the limited engagement of foreign investors. // At present, there is no risk of the region’s marginalisation like in the 1990s. However, it appears that political reintegration of the region with the centre of the federation (tighter institutional control from Moscow) and the status of a stable raw material base for Asian countries, currently represents the maximum development potential of the Russian Far East.

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Wybory prezydenckie na Ukrainie 2019. Główni pretendenci

Author(s): Tadeusz Iwański,Krzysztof Nieczypor / Language(s): Polish

Po raz pierwszy w historii niepodległej Ukrainy na siedem miesięcy przed wyborami prezydenckimi trudno jest określić nie tylko głównego kandydata do zwycięstwa, ale także skład drugiej tury. Zwycięstwo któregokolwiek z polityków w pierwszej turze (31 marca 2019 roku) obecnie wydaje się wykluczone. Dostępne badania opinii publicznej jednoznacznie wskazują, że największym poparciem cieszy się Julia Tymoszenko. Jednocześnie ponad 20% wyborców nie wie lub nie chce ujawnić, na kogo odda głos, ponad 10% wybrałoby kogoś, kto nie jest ujmowany w sondażach, a prawie połowa szukałaby alternatywy wśród nowych kandydatów. Główni pretendenci, poza kandydatami prorosyjskimi, w zasadzie nie różnią się w głoszonych poglądach na kierunki strategicznego rozwoju państwa. Każdy z nich deklaruje poparcie dla integracji Ukrainy z UE i NATO, kontynuowania reform i modernizacji polityczno-gospodarczej na wzór zachodni.

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The Free State of Bavaria. The end of the CSU’s sovereign duchy?

Author(s): Kamil Frymark / Language(s): English

The Christian Social Union (CSU) has ruled Bavaria continuously for sixty years. The CSU’s domination of the state’s political scene, together with its influence on federal policies through its partnership with the CDU in the Bundestag, has made the party one of the most effective groups in Europe. This was confirmed in the election to Bavaria’s Landtag in October 2018, which the CSU has won once again. At the same time, the party is being confronted by other conservative groupings, mainly Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), which has a similar profile to the CSU in several aspects. This, combined with the outflow of similarly sized groups of voters to the AfD and to the Greens, as well as to Freie Wähler, means the CSU is facing a new challenge that involves creating a comprehensive political agenda without losing the party’s conservative identity. The purpose of this report in to present the place the CSU occupies on the political map of Germany and the importance of this grouping for Bavaria. It discusses the changes happening both within the CSU and in Bavaria itself and the possible scenarios for the development of the party and of the state. To study these processes, the author has mainly used the methodology of observing political developments and analysing documents published by the German government, as well as Bavaria’s laws and documents compiled by the CSU. This has been complemented by interviews with German experts.

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Wolny Kraj Bawaria. Koniec udzielnego księstwa CSU?

Author(s): Kamil Frymark / Language(s): Polish

W Bawarii nieprzerwanie od sześćdziesięciu lat rządzi Unia Chrześcijańsko- Społeczna (CSU). Dominacja CSU na landowej scenie politycznej oraz jej wpływ na politykę federalną poprzez wspólną frakcję z Unią Chrześcijańsko- -Demokratyczną (CDU) w Bundestagu uczyniły z tej partii jedno z najbardziej skutecznych ugrupowań w Europie. Potwierdziły to wybory do parlamentu związkowego Bawarii w październiku 2018 roku, które CSU po raz kolejny wygrała. Jednocześnie partia jest konfrontowana z innymi ugrupowaniami konserwatywnymi, przede wszystkim Alternatywą dla Niemiec (AfD), która ma w kilku aspektach zbliżony profil do CSU. Zarazem odpływ podobnie licznych grup wyborców do AfD i do partii Zielonych, a także do Wolnych Wyborców stawia CSU przed nowym dylematem stworzenia szerokiej oferty programowej bez utraty konserwatywnej tożsamości. Celem opracowania jest przedstawienie miejsca CSU na mapie politycznej RFN oraz znaczenia tego ugrupowania dla Bawarii. Zarysowano zmiany zachodzące zarówno w CSU, jak i kraju związkowym, wskazano także możliwe scenariusze rozwoju partii oraz landu. Do zbadania tych procesów wykorzystano przede wszystkim metodę obserwacji wydarzeń politycznych oraz analizę niemieckich dokumentów rządowych, aktów prawnych landu Bawarii oraz dokumentów CSU. Przeprowadzono także rozmowy z niemieckimi ekspertami.

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Frustration and hope. Slovakia after Kuciak’s murder

Author(s): Krzysztof Dębiec,Jakub Groszkowski / Language(s): English

The presidential elections in March 2019 clearly demonstrated the battle lines and the scale of divisions within the Slovak society. The main axis of these divisions is the public’s attitude towards the strongest party in the ruling coalition – Smer – sociálna demokracia [Direction – Social Democracy], led by the former Prime Minister Robert Fico, which with one brief interruption (2010-12) has held power in Slovakia since 2006. However, an increasingly important role is being played by the split between supporters of Slovakia’s further integration into Western structures and opponents of the pro-Western elites who seek to radically redefine the state’s foreign policy under the banner of defending its sovereignty. Taking this into account, Slovak society can be divided into three main groups: those who demand that the discredited elites leave office and that the functioning of the state be improved, though without any major change in foreign policy; those who primarily want stability and are afraid of major changes; and those who want to replace the elites and are demanding radical change to the country’s political system and foreign policy.

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Frustracja i nadzieja. Słowacja po zabójstwie Kuciaka

Author(s): Krzysztof Dębiec,Jakub Groszkowski / Language(s): Polish

Słowackie wybory prezydenckie z marca 2019 roku pokazały wyraźnie linie i skalę podziałów w tamtejszym społeczeństwie. Główną ich osią jest stosunek do najsilniejszej partii koalicji rządzącej Smer-Socjaldemokracja byłego premiera Roberta Ficy, sprawującej władzę na Słowacji od 2006 roku z jedną krótką przerwą (2010–2012). Coraz większą rolę zaczyna jednak odgrywać także podział na zwolenników dalszej integracji Słowacji w strukturach Zachodu oraz przeciwników prozachodnich elit, którzy dążą do tego, aby pod hasłem obrony suwerenności radykalnie przedefiniować politykę zagraniczną państwa. Biorąc to pod uwagę, słowackie społeczeństwo można podzielić na trzy główne grupy: tych, którzy domagają się odejścia skompromitowanych elit i usprawnienia działania państwa, bez reorientacji polityki zagranicznej; tych, którzy chcą przede wszystkim stabilności i obawiają się poważniejszych zmian; a także tych, którzy chcą wymiany elit oraz radykalnej zmiany systemu politycznego i polityki zagranicznej.

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Between overt disinformation and covert practice. The Russian special services’ game

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): English

It is generally believed that one sign that the secret services are doing their job well is that the media says nothing about them. In this respect, Russia is a special case: the services receive an excess of media coverage. This is only partly due to the media’s natural interest in an attractive subject, as well as the services’ own selfpromotion (although that is increasingly true around the world). In fact, it is a symptom of Russia’s information warfare, in which the special services’ public image is just one block in building the appearance of a strong state and a strong government. It also justifies and legitimises the high position which the services and elite members of the institutions of force enjoy in the Russian Federation’s political system. However, this artificial, mythologised image of the services conflicts with their non-public practices. These are revealed when their cover is blown, when journalists investigate criminal scandals involving the services, when controlled and uncontrolled leaks of compromising information take place, and when the opposition publicises cases where the special services violate fundamental rights and civil liberties – something they often do under the pretext of fighting the ‘fifth column’ of the West, international terrorists and foreign spies. This produces two different images of the services: the official one and the common one. The former presents the services as professional, patriotic and a stronghold of traditional values, Russia’s ‘sword and shield’; the latter shows them as pampered by the regime, lawless, corrupt and undisciplined, involved in brutal competition with one another, bureaucratised and criminalised.

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Między jawną dezinformacją a niejawną praktyką. Gry rosyjskich służb

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): Polish

Zgodnie z powszechnym przekonaniem o skuteczności służb specjalnych świadczy cisza medialna. Pod tym względem Rosja jest przypadkiem szczególnym: temat służb jest tu eksploatowany ponad miarę. Tylko w niewielkim stopniu wynika to z naturalnego zainteresowania mediów atrakcyjną problematyką, a także coraz szerzej praktykowanej na świecie autopromocji służb. Przede wszystkim jest to efektem prowadzonej przez Rosję walki informacyjnej: wizerunek służb jest częścią wizerunku silnego państwa i silnych rządów. Uzasadnia ponadto i legitymizuje wysoką pozycję instytucjonalną służb i elit siłowych w systemie politycznym Federacji Rosyjskiej. Sztucznie wykreowany, zmitologizowany obraz służb wchodzi w kolizję z ich niepubliczną praktyką, ujawnianą w rezultacie dekonspiracji działań, śledztw dziennikarskich na temat afer kryminalnych z ich udziałem, dyskredytujących je przecieków kontrolowanych i niekontrolowanych, a także nagłaśnianych przez opozycję przypadków ingerencji służb w podstawowe prawa i wolności obywatelskie pod pretekstem walki z piątą kolumną Zachodu, międzynarodowymi terrorystami i obcymi szpiegami. Efektem tego są dwa wizerunki służb: oficjalny i potoczny. Są one przedstawiane z jednej strony jako profesjonalne, patriotyczne, będące matecznikiem wartości tradycyjnych, tarczą i mieczem Rosji, z drugiej zaś – jako rozpieszczane przez reżim, działające ponad prawem, przekupne i niezdyscyplinowane, prowadzące ostrą walkę konkurencyjną między sobą, zbiurokratyzowane i skryminalizowane.

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Priceless friendship. The Kremlin’s support for Vladimir Putin’s cronies

Author(s): Iwona Wiśniewska / Language(s): English

Since March 2014, the Russian economy has been functioning under the impact of the sanctions imposed on Russia by the United States, the European Union and a number of other Western states in reaction to Moscow’s aggression towards Ukraine and its annexation of Crimea. The sanctions have created many restrictions on economic co-operation between the Russian Federation and Western states. The diplomatic sanctions have been the least painful economically, although they have hit Russia’s international prestige, with the exclusion of Moscow from the G8 grouping of the world’s most influential states, the suspension of its accession negotiations with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the decision by Western leaders to refrain from official contacts with the Russian leadership during the initial period. The sanctions have also barred Russia’s access to international finance; for example, the World Bank and all its agencies have suspended the financing of new projects in Russia, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development has taken a similar decision. The Russian economy has also faced sectorial sanctions, such as limits on access to capital markets for the largest state-owned banks in Russia and several state-owned oil and defence companies. The ban also covered exports of arms and dual-purpose materials to Russia, as well as selected technologies and services in the oil extraction sector.

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Rewolucja, której nie było. Bilans pięciolecia „pomarańczowej” Ukrainy

Author(s): Adam Eberhardt / Language(s): English,Polish

The Orange Revolution expressed the people’s hopes for, and the leaders’ pledge to carry out, reforms that would remedy the political, social and eco nomic situation in Ukraine after a decade of rule by Leonid Kuchma. The fifth anniversary of those mass protests against ballot rigging, and the final period of the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, who then em bodied the hopes for a new start, is an appropriate time to construct a tentative assessment of the Orange Revolution’s achievements. How did the events of autumn 2004 change Ukraine? Have democratic mechanisms strengthened in Ukraine, and to what extent? Has the post- Soviet oligarchic state model been overcome? Has media freedom expanded? Has there been any progress with regard to economic transformation and has deeper integration with the European structures materialised? Five years on, what remains of the hopes of millions of Ukrainians and of the goodwill of the international community?

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Strategic Communications Hybrid Threats Toolkit - Applying the principles of NATO Strategic Communications to understand and counter grey zone threats

Author(s): Monika Gill,Pia Hansen / Language(s): English

This research is for people who want to develop their understanding of dangers to national security that come under the umbrella of ‘hybrid threats’. Such threats involve a combination of different hostile measures, furthering an adversary’s strategic goals while occuring in the ‘grey zone’ which exists between peace, crisis and war. The report builds on our publication Hybrid Threats - A Strategic Communications perspective, which analysed 30 scenarios featuring hybrid activities by state actors. Data from the case studies is exploited further, deepening our understanding of hybrid threats and how they might be countered by applying the principles of NATO Strategic Communications. It aims to help the reader develop ways of looking at hybrid threats and then to appreciate how the Strategic Communications process might be applied at the national level. This involves understanding the information environment, then developing a plan which provides coherence to the various instruments a nation can use to leverage strategic influence. Strategic Communications is a realm which suffers from a divergence of definitional interpretations. While NATO Strategic Communications has arguably come of age, there is understandably a lack of commonality across the NATO nations as to how the term is used. Popular usage has Strategic Communications simply as being highly effective at what an organisation says. This confines communication to a narrow arena. Our report builds on NATO’s approach to Strategic Communications - a mindset or philosophy which is underpinned by process and supported by capabilities. When applied at the national level it provides a function of basic statecraft at the intersection of strategy and action.

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Pravosuđe i sud javnosti

Author(s): / Language(s): Montenegrine

Odnos pravosuđa i javnosti u Crnoj Gori je ogledalo suštine demokratskih procesa i kapaciteta crnogorskog društva, posebno u dijelu borbe protiv korupcije i organizovanog kriminala. Upravo u unaprijeđenju tog odnosa i u doprinosu smanjenju nivoa korupcije u Crnoj Gori kroz njeno efikasno procesuiranje značajno može pomoći komunikacija i saradnja pravosudnih organa i organizacija civilnog društva. Stoga je Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO), uvažavajući i sve dosadašnje napore praćenja suđenja, cijenio da je posebno bitno osvrnuti se na procesuiranje slučajeva korupcije, kako kroz postojeći zakonodavni okvir i mogućnosti institucija sistema, tako I kroz obradu ovakvih slučajeva ili indicija o takvim slučajevima u medijima, u uvjerenju da kroz jednu procjenu situacije može biti koristan korektiv i partner svim stranama, a sve u cilju borbe protiv korupcije, kao jedne od najvećih prepreka uspostavljanju vladavine prava, razvoju crnogorskog društva i usvajanju najboljih evropskih standarda i praksi.

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Studentska praksa u Crnoj Gori - Između želja i realnosti - Naučene lekcije iz projekta «Aktivni studenti za održivi razvoj» -

Author(s): Damir Nikočević,Andrea Lekić,Andrijana Radević,Anđela Nenadić,Bojan Vukojičić,Dušan Pejaković,Jelena Kontić,Marija Bulatović,Nina Đuranović,Rajko Vučetić,Vanja Đikanović / Language(s): Montenegrine

Nezaposlenost mladih jedan je od najvećih problema sa kojima se suočavaju države regiona i Evrope. Brojni su razlozi za takvo stanje. Neusklađenost obrazovnog sistema sa tržištem rada rezultira zasićenjem određenih profesija, dok uskostručne oblasti ostaju deficitarne, samo su neki od njih. Globalna ekonomska kriza, ali i odsustvo adekvatne državne intervencije, dodatno ne doprinose rješavanju identifikovanih izazova. Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) godinama ukazuje na negativne efekte odsustva praktičnog rada u nastavi, naročito na Fakultetu političkih nauka Univerziteta Crne Gore. Strategija razvoja visokog obrazovanja u Crnoj Gori (2016-2020) konstatuje da “poslodavci takođe smatraju da visokoškolske ustanove u nedovoljnoj mjeri obezbjeđuju studentima praktična znanja i vještine relevantne za obavljanje poslova. Potvrđuju da se studenti koji već imaju radnog iskustva ili su studije završili u inostranstvu, lakše, brže i bolje uklapaju u kompaniju i prije ovladavaju radnim zadacima. Poslodavci smatraju da formalno obrazovanje studentima obezbjeđuje najprije teorijska znanja neophodna za obavljanje budućeg posla, zatim poznavanje engleskog jezika i rada na računaru. Praktična znanja, ali i tzv. meke vještine poput vještina komunikacije, rješavanja problema, donošenja odluka, vještine potrebne za rješavanje konflikata, rad u timu i samopouzdanje, studenti u nedovoljnoj mjeri razvijaju tokom studija i zato im treba posvetiti posebnu pažnju u narednom periodu. Ukoliko i postoje, u najvećem broju slučajeva, stažiranje i praktični dio studijskog programa nisu strukturisani, formalno se ne ocjenjuju i nisu fokusirani na rezultat.” CGO je insistirao na važnosti povećanja praktične nastave i kroz izmjene i dopune Zakona o visokom obrazovanju. I zaista, Zakon o visokom obrazovanju, čije su izmjene i dopune usvojene krajem juna 2017.godine, u članu 81. prepoznaje neophodnost praktične nastave i obavezuje: “Studijski program mora da sadrži ishode učenja za naučnu oblast kojoj pripada studijski program i praktičnu nastavu.

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MIROVNI POTENCIJAL RELIGIJA I MEĐURELIGIJSKI DIJALOG KAO SREDSTVO ZA UNAPREĐENJE POLITIČKOG DIJALOGA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Arijana Aganović,Sarina Bakić,Alen Krstić / Language(s): Bosnian

A publication before you is created with the aim of bringing inter-religious dialogue and the religions’ peace potential closer to youth who are involved in politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Looking at the political participation as an activity in which young people usually have a secondary role, through acting in youth forums in their political parties, in election campaigns or through civil society organizations, it appears that young people are involved in political life, however, their ideas and attitudes are not used in the best way, i.e. in decision-making bodies. the Although political participation of youth is a burning issue in our society, this publication will not directly deal with but it, but it will focus on another important topic that is often misused for political purposes - religion, or more precisely inter-religious dialogue and religions' peace potential through the perspective of young people. Religion is often covered as a topic in political life, but in a negative context, using stereotypes and prejudices in order to create an atmosphere of intolerance and gain profit for political purposes. Therefore, with this publication we will try to compensate for the lack of resources on inter-religious dialogue and the peace potential of religions and their importance for the advancement of political dialogue. The publication is intended primarily for young politicians and activists from civil society organizations who deal with issues of political responsibility and political participation. It will serve as a manual for including the peace potential of religions and inter-religious dialogue in the political engagement of youth.

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Geografie bariér: Příklady dobrých bezbariérových realizací

Author(s): / Language(s): Czech

The book Geography of Barriers: Examples of Good Barrier-free Practice offers a collection of texts that are interested in making space, services, and information accessible. Thus, the collection is primarily about barriers, their nature, localization, and possible effects. Under barriers, most people imagine material barriers for wheelchair users in the form of steps or sidewalk curbs. Only a few would think that barriers can be represented by loosely placed rugs, unfit lighting, large glass surface, a doorbell without visual output, unwanted attention, frequent asking and offering help, lack of language knowledge, pity, etc. Thus, the book broadens awareness of what can be considered a barrier. The texts are divided into three parts – theoretical, methodic, and empirical – and their arrangement follows the logic of thematic focusing from the most general to the most concrete types of barriers. While the theoretical part places the policies of accessibility into the wider context of scientific disciplines and their development – such as disability studies, disability geography or service design, the methodic part discusses the introduction of accessibility policies in the city of Brno, describing how it tried to make its space, services, and information more accessible. Finally, the empirical part offers 18 examples of relatively good barrier-free implementations that have been recently realized in Brno. This division reflects an effort to target several groups of readers. The first part thus addresses mainly students interested in accessibility issues, the second, methodic part is intended for politicians and municipalities searching for inspiration to implement their own accessibility measures and policies. The last part stating concrete examples of good barrier-free implementations is aimed at general public, at people who like to think about a whole range of topics related to accessibility of space, services, and information.

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Od Jugoslavije do Dejtona – Spomenici i kultura sjećanja kroz uticaj društveno-političkih sistema, Priručnik za predavače historije/istorije/povijesti

Author(s): Nerzuk Ćurak,Edin Radušić,Amra Čusto,Amir Duranović / Language(s): Bosnian

Considering that education is important for the future of young generations, during 2017 UDIK worked on the handbook From Yugoslavia to Dayton – Monuments and the culture of memory through the influence of socio-political systems. The aim of this handbook is to contribute to building a culture of memory of the population on the war events of the nineties and to the prevention of unplanned and massive construction of monuments through education about the monuments to the victims of war that were created during that time period and after it. Five experts from the fields of history, security and peace studies, political science and communication sciences participated in the creation of this handbook, namely: Edin Radušić and Amir Duranović – Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo, Nerzuk Ćurak – Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo, Amra Čusto – Cantonal Institute for the Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural Heritage Sarajevo and Edvin Kanka Ćudić – UDIK Sarajevo. Attached to this manual is work material intended, as well as the entire manual, for all those who work with students in order to use this handbook and use specific examples to help their students better understand the monuments and the culture of memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond.

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