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4.50 €

„Конструктивно васпитање“ најмлађих припадника југословенске заједнице. Совјетски модел на трагу „познавања наше сопствене проблематике“

Author(s): Sanja Petrović Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The policy of education and upbringing in the Yugoslav state after WWII wasn't clearly defined until the end of 1949. The paper wants to point out at the, in many respects true but nevertheless problematic claim, that Soviet policy of education and upbringing was unconditionally accepted in Yugoslavia untill the split with the Soviet Union in 1948. Suggesting such supeficial claims is the consequence of insufficiently researched political and social processes which took place in the Yugoslav society between the second half of 1944 and summer 1948. Superficial estimates are often the fruit of the unjustified need to stress discontinuity, even though many analysis of complex social processes showed that clear continuity can be observed ever since the founding of modern, i.e. national states in these parts, and even further back. Although the year 1948 is often considered a boundary for marking certain phenomena in the Yugoslav society, it should be emphasised that it would be much more accurate to say that certain phenomena took their clearest form after summer 1948 or later, but that the first manifestations of the proces of emancipation from Moscow's tutelage, and thus also the first signs of the search for Yugoslavia's own way to socialism, could be observed long before 1948.

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Југославија, СССР и источноевропске земље 1944–1948.

Author(s): Slobodan Selinić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Between the end of WWII and the conflict of Yugoslavia with the Informbuerau power was grabbed by the Communists in all East European countries. During that period of time, Yugoslavia established good relations with all these countries, concluding treaties on friendship with them. However, the place of all these countries in the Yugoslav foreign policy was by no means the same. The relations were best with USSR, Czechoslovakia and Poland, Slavonic countries and wartime allies. Great efforts were made to establish as close ties as possible with Albania, i.e. to exercise as great Yugoslav influence in that country as possible, as well as to convert Bulgaria’s status of a defeated foe into that of an ally and a friend. Good relations were most difficult to establish with Hungary where „reactionary” forces were strong and with Romania with which many opened questions existed and where Communists were weak. In keeping with the place these countries had in Yugoslav foreign policy, treaties of friendship were signed with them: the one with USSR on April 11, 1945, with Poland on March 18, 1946, with Czechoslovakia on May 9, 1946, with Albania on July 9, 1946, with Bulgaria on November 27, 1947, with Hungary on December 8, 1947, and with Romania on December 19, 1947. Cooperation with these countries meant national affirmation for Yugoslavia, strengthening of its position, security in case of renewed German aggression, an expression of Slavic solidarity, a form of siding with USSR in Cold War divisions etc. Everyday propaganda of Soviet models in Yugoslav public also served foreign policy goals, as well as the endeavor to develop as rich cultural exchange as possible with these countries, particularly Slavic ones. For this reason Yugoslav cooperation with East European countries was marked by mutual visits of writers, scientists and sportsmen, exchange of films, mutual artistic propaganda, but political one as well, in the form of exhibitions etc. In that context, particularly important were societies for cooperation between Yugoslavia and East European countries, founded in Yugoslavia and in those countries. The societies had as their goal to contribute to all-encompassing mutual knowledge and cooperation of these peoples. In Yugoslavia they were completely serving the foreign policy goals of the government and the Communist Party.

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(Не)видљива места сећања

Author(s): Olga Manojlović-Pintar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyses how personalization of tragedy of the participants of WWII was used to strengthen Yugoslav-Soviet ties in the first days after the liberation of Yugoslavia. The text also analyzes the processes of rapprochement and of establishing closer ties between the two countries during 1960s when new forms of political and cultural cooperation were based on renewed remembrance of the courage of the participants in the war. Special attention was devoted to interpretations of WWII in contemporary historiography which unearthed new data and opened new perspectives. Turning to experiences of individuals was suggested as a possibility of drawing conclusions without ideological revisions of the whole history of 20th century.

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Велики и мали. Деловање Хрватске странке права у Руској царевини до Октобарске револуције

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the activities of the members of the Croatian Party of Rights in Russia from mid-19th century till the 1917 October Revolution. Conflict between the Serbian and Croatian program for formation of nation states was related to the aspirations of the Russian and Austrian empire to take part in the division of the Ottoman heritage in the Balkans. In such context, representatives of the Party of Rights sought to create a political base in Russia for the realization of the main goal of their program: the creation of the Croatian state in the maximum extent – within or outside the Habsburg monarchy. There was a consensus on the basic elements of Croatian national interests between the National Party of J. J. Strossmayer and the Party of Rights of A. Starčević, who cooperated. After E. Kvaternik’s failure to find support in Russia for the program of the Party of Rights, Krunoslav Heruc, very capable advocate and organizer and also a member of the Party of Rights, went to St. Petersburg. In the period from 1885 to 1917, he used the Slavophil ideology to form a number of interconnected associations which influenced various Russian institutions. He wrote for a number of newspapers and magazines in Croatia and Russia, and published a number of publications promoting the ideology of A. Starčević. During the World War I, he joined a group of associates of different nationalities with whom he fought against the policy of the Serbian government and interfered with the formation of volunteer corps in Russia. The success of his actions was partly due to distress in Serbian institutions and demoralization of the Serbian elite after the military defeat and occupation of Serbia in 1915, as well as the lack of understanding of official Russian circles of international relations in the Balkans. Struggle between the Serbian and Croatian politics in Russia was ended with the revolutions in 1917 that have paralyzed the Russian institutions, and then launched a civil war. In such circumstances, the orientation of the Yugoslav program was the only way out for the two opposing sides.

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Зашто Југославија? Преоријентација Србије од Русије ка Француској?

Author(s): Gordana Jović-Krivokapić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The controversial issue of creation of a Yugoslavian state on the eve and during World War I is defined in polemical style in this article. At the same time, the French-Russian cooperation at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries is considered as a wide geostrategic context for the Serbian Yugoslavian project because it promoted reorientation of Serbia from Russia to France and resulted in creation of the Yugoslav state. The latest reviews of Serbian and foreign historiography aim to define the ideas and processes which made it possible. The studied works partly disprove of and partly develop the historiography of the previous period, which is also partially considered in the article.

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„Великосрпска хегемонија“ и тешка судбина „несрпских народа“ у Краљевини СХС/Југославији: од докумената Коминтерне до савремене руске историографије

Author(s): Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the USSR, the totalitarian ideology predetermined dogmatism of scientific ideas in both local and world history. Throughout the Soviet period, the present and the past of “all countries” including Yugoslavia were considered in the light of the quasi-religious messianic doctrine. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia was assessed as an element of “imperialistic Versailles system” and the result of “cruel suppression of revolutionary mood of the masses”. The wrong research paradigm led to the inability to conceptualize the past, to comprehend and set out distinctly the logic of interwar Yugoslav history. Therefore, the reliable reconstruction of events and identification of all their participants remained an infeasible task for the Soviet historiography.

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Руска и српска традиција у новим околностима: СССР и Југославија 1918–1941.

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

After the February (March) events of 1917 in Russia; Serbian government was left without Russian support in negotiations with the Entente, regarding the future of Southeastern Europe. The provisional government neither wanted nor was able to have its own opinion on the future of the Balkans. The relations between the two countries have become even more tense after the outbreak of the Bolshevik (October) Revolution. The Bolshevik regime was jeopardizing diplomatic position of Serbia by declassifying and publishing top-secret diplomatic documents which included arrangements for future annexations and negotiations on a separate peace. After the Serbian diplomatic missions and military personnel were withdrawn to the Russian territory controlled by the Entente, some of the Serbian officers and soldiers became involved in the Civil War on both sides, although the offi cial Serbian att itude was, in spite of negative stance towards the Bolsheviks, “not to permit the use of Serbian army against the Russians.” During the interwar period there were two active social phenomena connected with former Russia - the political influence of the Comintern and the Russian emigration. Conservative circles gathered around Serbian King Aleksandar and Patriarch Varnava, who represented the most important patrons of Russian emigration in interwar Yugoslavia, were directly opposed to any relationship with the Bolsheviks. Yet in 1930s a new generation of Serbian politicians grew up which was culturally oriented towards France while politically it was inclined towards the United Kingdom; this generation of Yugoslav politicians was active in Soviet era and they had no recollections of imperial Russian era. On the other hand, the right-wing, anticommunist majority of Russian emigration, traditionally close to the Russian-German cultural ties, even though unable to understand the imperial nature of Nazism, was sympathetic to the Nazi Germany. In fact, it was a tragic discord between the Russian emigration in Yugoslavia and a signifi cant part of the Serbian people. The interwar activities of Comintern, KPJ and VKP (b) had an obvious anti-government impact, which accelerated the deterioration of Serbian-Russian relations. The infl uence of the Russian Revolution and the Soviet experience was quite obvious in the future actions of Yugoslav Bolsheviks. The Yugoslav political emigration in interwar Soviet Union was also aff ected by strong impressions of Stalinist repression. On the other hand, many Russian emigrants and exponents of Soviet policy took part in the Second World War in Yugoslavia, which strengthened the spirit of civil war and resistance. As the war ended, Russian society overcame the most of mental divisions caused by the civil war, while the situation in Yugoslavia and Serbia was quite the opposite. The liberation of eastern Yugoslav territories from the German armed forces, achieved by both partisan (cca. 40 thousand members of the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia) and Soviet (300 thousand troops and Red Army) troops was followed by installation of a brutal one-party dictatorship of Soviet model. After the world wars era the ideological closeness between the most of Serbian and Russian people became more appreciable as the new period of ideological emanations from Russia was devoid of former ideological concepts. In this dramatic period, Serbs and Russians have established closer relations than ever before.

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„Произвођење“ хероја. Школовање југословенских дечака у суворовским војним школама у СССР-у 1945–1954.

Author(s): Sanja Petrović Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The att itude of the new Yugoslav state towards the children-warriors or „children soldiers” was not identical to the treatment that other children had. Considering them – as a socially handicapped category, on one hand, but also as those who were expected to give the greatest contributions in the future since they grew up „in the State’s bosom”, on the other – Yugoslav government decided in September 1945 to send more than ninety boys aged 9–14 to a few military colleges in Suvorovsky, USSR. Sending Yugoslav boys to Soviet schools was not only a proof of good bilateral relations, but it also demonstrated a huge desire of the new Yugoslav authorities to build their own army according to the Soviet patt ern. The severance between Yugoslavia and USSR in 1948 permanently determined the destiny of the Yugoslav schoolboys, located in Suvorovsky military schools. Available military sources say that more than sixty schoolboys (out of ninety) remained in USSR, while the others have returned to Yugoslavia before September 1948. In April 1953 Yugoslavia launched an initiative through the United Nations for the return of Yugoslav citizens` children.

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Обим и структура капитала у текстилној индустрији Краљевине СХС

Author(s): Jelena Rafailović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyzes the volume and structure of financial investments in textile industry of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In addition to this main inquiry it deals also with the issue of the so-called nationalization of financial capital in the first post-war years. While higher equity, growth balance and greater participation of foreign capital were typical for the textile industry in Croatia and Slovenia, the rest of the country was dominated by medium-sized enterprises, owned by local manufacturers. Territorial distribution of foreign industrial investments shows that foreign capital had the strongest position in the textile industry in Croatia and Slovenia, while in other parts of the Kingdom, especially in the prewar Kingdom of Serbia, the financial capital was in hands of local industrialists. A significant growth of textile industry in Croatia – Slavonia during this period leads to the question, asked by Marie-Janine Čalić: namely, whether (and to what extent) Serbia has benefited economically from the unification with their South Slavic neighbors? Although a number of economic historians argue that Serbian industry had benefi ted in this respect, the analysis of textile industry could not confi rm this standpoint; on the contrary – the greater market was more convenient to the northwestern parts of the country. However, for a more reliable asssesments of this issue it is necessary to deal with the entire Yugoslav economy from a broader chronological perspective.

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Политичко опредељивање сељаштва у Србији између два светска рата

Author(s): Momčilo Isić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

As a dominant social class within the country’s population and as a social group which suffered most of the war casualties, Serbian peasantry had provided a crucial contribution to the creation of Yugoslav state in 1918. It remained a reservoir of manpower and of physical, moral and economic strength of the Serbian people in the Yugoslav Kingdom, serving as a faithful guardian of „national thought“ and tradition. However, the peasantry failed to assume a greater political influence in the country. The main reasons for quite a passive and marginal status of Serbian peasantry in political life were its backwardness, fear of authorities and its economic underdevelopment. Regardless of the fact that political parties have usually betrayed the peasants` expectations, Serbian peasantry continued to enter the polls and to vote. Actually, the peasantry was „voting” rather than having opportunity to choose between political options. One cannot say it was outwitted by unrealistic promises, more likely it was under the influence of traditional belief that the state must be attributed with the power, no matter what. The state interests were a kind of „sanctity” for a peasant in interwar Serbia.

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Главни механизми контроле привреде у социјалистичкој Југославији – од централног планирања до кредитне политике (1947–1964)

Author(s): Milan Piljak / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Communist Party ideology – disillusioned by economic performances of the previous regime of interwar Yugoslavia, and strongly inspired by Soviet economic model and experience – instigated CPY towards central-planning economic system soon after the end of World War Two. Unlike the market economy, where certain limitations and scrutiny over the economy existed, the central-planning was almost everything about the control. Although the Yugoslav leadership was the fi rst (among the Soviet satellites) in introducing the central-planning, it was also the first that have abandoned it. However, that process was slow and painful, lasting for almost two decades. In fact, it never ended but went through considerable changes on the institutional level. This paper is focused on these very institutional leftovers which continued to function within the system. Observed from this institutional point of view, Yugoslavia greatly diverged from Soviet model and experience. Yet, although the Yugoslav pioneer achievements were bringing it closer to the model of mixed economies of the Western Europe, it was still quite far away from there, lacking independent credit institutions, thus still more resembling to other state-socialist countries and economies than to Western ones. The unquestionable role of communist party appeared a major ingredient (shared by Soviets and their allies, including Yugoslavia) in crucial economic decision making.

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Почетак изградње социјалистичког спорта у Србији 1944–1945. године

Author(s): Dejan Zec / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Throughout its existence, sports in Serbia and Yugoslavia developed, to a large degree, under the influence of politics and various political ideologies. In the Kingdom of Serbia, MPs and government ministers had the power to both help and hinder sporting clubs, and in the return they gained popularity and prestige that went hand in hand with the executive posts in sporting clubs and with the presence in the executive boxes of the stadium terraces. In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, sport, among other domains of public interest, represented a ground for clashes between the state officials, which used sporting clubs and organizations as tools for promoting government policies and, starting in 1929, as instrument for spreading the ideology of integral Yugoslavism, and the opposition, both democratic and nationalistic, which also held great influence in sports, especially in the Croatian parts of the country. The socialist period of Yugoslav history was not much different. Totalitarian ideologies paid great attention to sports and physical culture, not just as an ideal medium for self-promotion and advertising the superiority of one’s own political and social model, but also as generally important segments of social and cultural life of one nation, ideal for implementing various models of social engineering. Yugoslav communists paid much attention to the issues of sport and physical culture from the earliest days of their action, continuing the traditions of early socialists, who saw the connection between sports and physical exercise and the general state of nation’s health, especially the health condition of urban working population. Members and officials of the League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia participated in the work of Moscow-based Red Sport International (or Sportintern) and other international communist sporting associations and at the same time managed numerous sporting clubs throughout the country. There were hundreds of sporting clubs in Yugoslavia controlled by the communists with thousands of members and competitors. During the Second World War, the communist- controlled National Liberation Army organized numerous sporting events, such as the partisan „Olympics“ in Foča in 1942, sporting games of the youth in Drvar in 1944, football matches in the liberated island of Vis in 1944 or the foundation of the „Partizan“ sports society in Topusko in 1944. Immediately after the liberation of Serbia in 1944, the new public authorities were being established. Due to the need to arrange the pressing issues as soon as possible, sporting life in Serbia was for a while in a sort of a vacuum. Technically speaking, sports and physical culture were at the beginning controlled by the Ministry of Education, but practically, in 1944 was controlled by no one. In 1945 the direction of new sports politics was becoming more obvious – the initiative was left to youth and syndicalist organizations, as well as the army, and they took upon themselves the obligation to reckon with bourgeois tendencies in sports and to set completely new foundations to Serbian sport. Main characteristics of the earliest period of post-war Serbian sporting history were suppression of the old civic sporting clubs and associations and confiscation of their property, creating new clubs, which represented new authorities and social and political organizations, as well as organization of supreme controlling bodies, which were to keep their eyes on the entire sporting life of the nation. The model on which the new clubs were organized can best be seen on the examples of the two Belgrade sporting associations founded in 1945 – „Crvena zvezda“, a club run by Serbian United Antifascist Youth League, and „Partizan“, club run by the Yugoslav army. It is important to mention that control over the sporting clubs was to certain extent decentralized – in the beginning, the main authorities in sports were Physical Culture Councils, which were organized at the level of federal units, which meant that supreme governing body of Serbian sport was the Physical Culture Council of Serbia, while the Yugoslav Physical Culture Council was just a federation of basically autonomous organizations. This meant that different Yugoslav republics actually led quite different sporting policies. The policies especially differed in Serbia and Croatia. Yugoslav sport in the period of socialism was in the constant process of change. With the partial change in the political and ideological course of the state due to the confrontation with the Cominform, the grip on sport was somewhat loosened. The relations in Yugoslav sport also changed when the politics of self-governing was introduced. However, the radical transformation of Serbian sport from the earliest period of communist rule shaped the sport in the second half of the 20th century and some of the decisions then made still linger today.

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Школовање кадрова за дипломатију у социјалистичкој Југославији од 1945. до 1960.

Author(s): Dragomir Bondžić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The new powers that be in Yugoslavia after WWII faced lack of expert and well educated, but also pro-Marxist diplomatic cadres that would also be loyal to the Communist Party. In the beginning, the problem was solved by cautious taking over of the diplomatic officials of the Kingdom of J ugoslavia, by employing the cadres who graduated from humanities faculties and by using the existing Party cadres, regardless of their expertise. Very soon higher schools were set up to broadly educate and improve Marxistically the chosen Party cadres and to enable them to work in the diplomatic service. Firstly, the one-year Diplomatic School at the Foreign Ministry was founded in 1946, and in 1948 the Journalist and Diplomatic High School in Belgrade, that had the rank of a faculty and two departments educating the cadres for diplomacy and journalism. Despite public competitions, only communists and youth activists proposed by Party committees in federal republics were accepted. The teaching staff consisted mainly of university professors, officials of the Foreign Ministry and of other institutions. Due to political problems with the Infonnbureau, the school was abolished in 1952, but it was possible for 200 students to end their studies and graduate. Only in the late 1950s the opinion within the Party leadership prevailed that a higher school for education of the Parly cadres for diplomacy and other political posts should be founded, so that within the framework of the Party school system the High School of Political Sciences started operating in 1960. In 1968 the School was turned into the Faculty of Political Sciences within the framework of the Belgrade University, that, among other things, educated diplomatic experts.

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Комунисти у југословенској дипломатији 1945- 1956: број и организација партијског живота

Author(s): Slobodan Selenić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

CPJ cadres started coming into diplomatic missions abroad immediately after WWII. The influence of the CPJ and the number of communists increased over years through sending new cadres from the country, accepting into the Party membership part of diplomatic officials who previously hadn’t been communists and through recall of old cadres home. According to the 1949 data in J ugoslav missions in 28 countries there were 602 communists. The largest number was to be found in Germany (94), Italy (70), Great Britain and the USA (55 each) and Austria (47). Until early 1952 the number of communists was increased almost by a third: from 602 to 779. The largest number of Party members was to be found in the USA some 120. Until mid-1950s the CPJ established M l domination of the diplomatic service. 1.300 communists were serving in diplomatic missions abroad then. According to the data of June 30, 1956, there were 1.562 Jugoslav representatives (including students and those specializing) in 43 countries. Out of that number there were as many as 1.341 communists, or some 86%. The largest number of communists served in the USA (117), France (114) and Great Britain (104). The presence of the communists in the diplomatic service posed the problem of their organization. Party cells were set up in most countries after WWII but they were disbanded on the decision of the Central Committee in March 1946. Instead, Party plenipotentiaries were put in charge of the communists abroad. After the Resolution of the Informbureau, the Central Committee ordered reestablishing of Party organizations in the second half of 1948. Ever since a single Party organization existed in each country that was divided into several sections in countries with several J ugoslav missions. In the early 1950s on the orders of the Central Committee new changes were introduced, so Party organizations were set up in every town with a Jugoslav mission, whereas Party committees directed the work on the national level.

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Југословенске дипломате и службеници на Дунаву у вријеме сукоба Југославије са Информбироом

Author(s): Milan Gulić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

After the passing of the Resolution of the Informbureau a perceptible deterioration of the relations between socialist countries set in. The change in relations was felt to a large degree on the Danube. Between 1948 and 1953 the position of Yugoslav diplomats and officials in the Danube Commission and the Iron Gate Administration, but also in the ship agencies, was extremely difficult. Constant surveillance, checking of documents, searches, preventing of reception of written materials from home country, expulsions etc. became frequent forms of pressure. During 1949 and 1950 the Yugoslav shipping agencies in Romania, Bulgaria and the USSR were closed down and their officials expelled. The situation in the sector of the Iron Gate was particularly difficult because it comprised the border zone of two countries, and was at the same time, the most difficult part of the Danube for navigation. A considerable number of Yugoslav officials was expelled from Orsova that was the seat of the Temporary' Committee directing the Iron Gate administration. The Yugoslav Permanent Delegation with the Temporary Committee headed by permanent delegate Velizar Ninčić. left Or§ova in September 1949. The situation on the Danube changed drasticly after death of Joseph Visarionovich Stalin.

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Станоје Симић: Прилог биографији

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Stanoje Simić started his diplomatic career in the first days of the existence of the Yugoslav state. He was born and raised in the family of the distinguished diplomat and national activist Svetislav Simić. He was a pupil of the Second Male High School in Belgrade, a student of the Faculty of Law, wartime volunteer, devoted to the state and the people, aware that regimes and ideologies were transient and that state and popular interests stood above all else. He represented one of the few personages in the discontinuity-riddled history of the Yugoslav diplomacy who left their mark on the activities of the Yugoslav diplomacy during the inter-war period, in the whirlpool of WWII and during the first post-war decade. Possessing expert and general education, Slavophile and Russophile by conviction, a republican by determination he stood out by his looks, behavior and lifestyle from his postwar environment. He was at the helm of the Yugoslav diplomacy in hard moments as the postwar society and its institutions were being built, when Yugoslavia forged close ties with the USSR and the countries of „people’s democracy” in all fields and antagonized the West. Closeness to the Soviets decisively conditioned his withdrawal from diplomacy, but not from political life in which he remained active until his retirement.

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Васељенска патријаршија, Српска православна црква и црквене реформе између два светска рата

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The demands for reforms in many matters occurred in the Orthodox Churches after the First World War. One of the most important of them was the matter of the calendar. Representatives of the Ecumenical Patriarchy were leading proponents of the reformist tendencies within Orthodoxy. This was a direct consequence of the political changes in Turkey in 1920s. They convened an all-Orthodox congress in Constantinople in 1923, which was attended also by the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Neither all Orthodox Churches nor the majority of their representatives were represented at the congress, so its legitimacy soon became disputed. The decisions which were reached were not put to practice by most Orthodox Churches, and even where they were, it was not done in the same way, which led to serious splits within the Orthodox world. Although it had its representatives at the congress, the Serbian Orthodox Church did not apply its decisions (the calendar, the second marriage of priests etc.). Diverging opinions about the congress’s decisions caused serious polemics among theologians and priests in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Attempts at solving the questions which divided the orthodox world at the ecumenical congress yielded no results until the Second World War, and they remained open even later.

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Грађани Совјетског савеза у саставу немачких oкупационих снага у Србији и Југославији 1943–1945.

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Due to the centrifugal forces immanent to every multinational state, the red terror, forced collectivisation, dictatorship of bureaucratic apparatus and poor living standards, part of the Soviet citizens took up arms and fought on the side of Nazi Germany. The number of armed collaborationists in the USSR totaled 1.2 million. After Hitler’s order of October 10, 1943 eastern batallions were transferred to France, Italy and the Balkans. Slavic (cossac), Turkestani and Caucassian units were sent to the Balkans, being the largest and the best suited for combating the partisans. These were the notorious Caucassian “Bergmann” Unit, the I/125th and 814th Armenian batallions, 842nd and 843rd North-Caucassian semi-batallions, 162nd Turkestani Division , the strong 1st Cossac Division of general von Pannwitz which was transformed into the 15th Cossac Cavalery Corps. The Germans did not deploy the Turkestani and Caucassian units only for fighting the partisans. After the withdrawal from the territory of the USSR they turned the West-Balkans into a concentration center for all kinds of their abbettors. The third reason for bringing these troops to Yugoslavia was combined with the attempt at utylizing these numerous newcomers from the USSR for anti-Communist propaganda.

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6.00 €

Представе и стереотипи о Србији у виђењима Срба из Хрватске (1918–1929)

Author(s): Sofija Božić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article explores the relations between the Serbs in Croatia and Serbia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The results of the research indicate that the Serb people from the Croat territories, not having lost the feeling of spiritual unity with the Serbs of Serbia even under the Habsburgs, remained loyal to Serbia in the new state too. Not only the Radical, but also the Democrat/Independent-Democrat part of the Serb community cherished the awareness of Serbia’s greatness and importance. It seems the Serb national entity perceived in Yugoslavism no obstacle to attachment to Serbia, which had to be borne in mind even by that part of its political leadership which joined the Croats in their struggle against Belgrade in the second half of 1920s. However, when Serbian politicians and intellectuals from Croatia are in question, or at least those of their representatives who were active in public life, they left a number of interesting and provoking opinions about Serbia, mentality of its inhabitants and its leaders. These attitudes well reflect certain split between the political and intellectual elites from Serbia and Croatia. From a gamut of different views, ideas, experiences and reactions, the most representative have been picked out. Among them are the attitudes of politically independent intellectuals (Ljubomir Macić for example). Particularly critical attitude toward Serbia was shared above all by members of the circle around Svetozar Pribićević, as well as those who were democratically inclined. No harsh words about Serbia were to be heard from the ranks of the Radical politicians; on the contrary, they were prone to defend it, appreciating the victims and sufferings of Serbia and its contribution to the liberation and unification of all Serbs and other Yugoslav peoples. They were denouncing as irrational and unproductive the division into the Serbs from Serbia and from without it. The existence of two different political options, one of which siding with Zagreb, threatened to spoil not only the relations within the Serb community in Croatia, but also to weaken the feeling of loyalty of the Serbs from Croatia toward Serbia and to sever the ties binding them fast to their conationals from the Serbian mainland.

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Француска, Срби и хрватско питање (1918–1921)

Author(s): Gordana Krivokapić Jović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Croat question in the newly created Yugoslav state reapeared on the basis of the old unrealised ideas and concepts of the strengthened Croat statehood which was to take as independent a position as possible in the Habsburg Monarchy. During the first wartime years members of the old political elite who grew up with such ideas, made connections with Radić’s Croat Peasants’ Party, which built up its profile, together with its leader, during the First World War. With its nature and events this war taught Radić that every turn was possible, that all ideas in most unlikely combinations were possible, that even the defeated ones could survive and realise some of their projects and plans. The new political grouping, basically exclusively nationalist and anti-Yugoslav, acquired a new revisionist, bolshevik or similar garb, thanks to its connections outside the country. The policy of the Croat-Serbian coalition was not continued after the war. France supported that policy ever since it countered by its project of “Greater Yugoslavia” all other plans for reorganization of the Habsburg Monarchy which were aimed at being an avant-garde of Germany in its penetration of the Southeast, as well as the project of “Greater Hungary” without the Monarchy, supported by Italy. The French project saw Belgrade and Serbia as the centre of Yugoslav unification, and it saw the aggressive attack on the Serbs in the Monarchy (abolition of their rights and existence) in the run-up to the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908/9 as the point at which the predominant part of the Yugoslav population of the Monarchy was turned from loyal subject into its adversaries. The last shows of loyalty toward the old Monarchy occurred during the war 1914–1918 and they had a Croat variety. The French stuck to their basic attitudes about Yugoslavism as a state and national idea which would enable a reasonable policy of harmony between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the founding of that state and during its existence, albeit the reality was much bleaker than had been projected. Such Yugoslav state was in keeping with French interests. It should have been capable enough to fulfill the expectations both of its own and of its wartime ally, to prevent the descent of Germanism to the Adriatic coast and to prevent Italy from joining the Germanic world with a long frontier, in order to be the means of spreading democracy, French culture and French influence in general in that part of the Slavic world. With its appearance and contents, the Croat question was not attuned to this.

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