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Уставно питање у Југославији

Author(s): Jovo Jakšić / Language(s): Bosnian

A lot is being said and written about the Croatian issue. Many ask themselves and others: what is the Croatian question? No matter how well a person was informed about this issue, and no matter how well-intentioned he was, this question cannot be answered in a few words. Because, the Croatian question, in fact, means the Constitutional question of the whole country, the most important part of the question. In the history of nations and states, numerous constitutional struggles have been waged between individual classes, classes, dynasties, peoples and regions. But guided in on special occasions and other times, each of these struggles had something special, and could not be fully compared with the constitutional struggle of another time, or another people.

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Театри на войната - сражения и историография: османски историци за участието на раята на Драгоман във войната между свещената лига и османската империя (1683-1699)

Author(s): Dzheni Ivanova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The study is based upon the representative ottoman historical narratives - the histories of Silahdar Mehmed Aga and Defterdar Mehmed Pasha - in search of typology of social behaviour of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Balkan provinces during the war between the Holy League and the Ottoman Empire in the end of the 17th century . The Ottoman authors whose reports will be analyzed are part of the historiographic direction that presents the military and political events in the Ottoman Empire during the second half of the 17th century. At the same time the chroniclers involve information about the life in the provinces, as a reflection of the war upon the reaya, and its reactions. The purpose of this report is to present the Ottoman viewpoint in the light of Ottoman historiography, as concrete events, happened in the Ottoman rear during the successful advance of the Habsburg forces. From the presented examples, concerning in particular the reaya of Dragoman, will be outlined some conclusions, characterizing the behaviour of part of the non-Muslim population in the context of the specific political situation.

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Влизането на България в Първата световна война: причини и предпоставки

Author(s): Georgi Markov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

At the beginning of World War I Bulgaria remained neutral, waiting for favourable conditions to engage in the conflict. Its supreme political objective was national unification. The Balkan countries were under constant pressure of the warring coalitions that were trying to win new allies. No Balkan state was a master of the situation and each was afraid about it's back. Because of its geographic location Bulgaria had a strategic position in the Balkans and its joining one of the warring groups would have ensured its geopolitical advantage in the war. In the "Bulgarian summer of 1915" both warring coalitions tried to attract the country on their side, offering territorial compensations or awards. Germany's promises were taken as more reliable by the politicians and Bulgaria entered World War I as part of the Central Powers. The choice of the great allies proved wrong. What was more, the manner of selection was also wrong - not according to the possibility of final victory, but according to the bidding in the territorial auction the profit of which would be lost at the loss of the war.

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Preocupări ale autorităţilor române pentru amenajarea portului maritim Bugaz (Limanu Nistrului) 1918‑1940

Author(s): Valentin Ciorbea / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Un sumar bilanţ al activităţii portului Bugaz pe parcursul celor aproape opt ani, între redeschiderea traficului şi cedarea ocupantului sovietic, relevă rezultate pozitive pe mai multe paliere. Populaţia locală şi cea din hinterlandul portului, care a cuprins o regiune de 100 km din sudul Basarabiei, a beneficiat de un debuşeu pentru exportul produselor cerealiere, cu preţuri avantajoase şi stimulative. Navigaţia între Marea Neagră şi limanul Nistrului s-a îmbunătăţit ca urmare a amplasării balizelor şi instalaţiilor de acostare a navelor. De aceste facilităţi au beneficiat nu numai navele care veneau la încărcat, ci şi pescarii din zonă. Numărul locurilor de muncă, stabile şi temporare, a crescut. Portul Bugaz a provocat o mişcare economică şi comercială în sudul Basarabiei cu efecte în îmbunătăţirea transporturilor pe apă cu porturile Constanţa şi Sulina, de unde cerealele luau drumul spre pieţele din Orientul Mijlociu şi Occident. La Bugaz s-a derulat o activitate „determinată şi condusă în spirit naţional românesc”, într-o zonă cu o populaţie eterogenă şi cu o utilizare pentru comunicare „din ce în ce mai întinsă a limbii româneşti” . Indubitabil, portul Bugaz a contribuit la consolidarea procesului conexării Basarabiei la economia unitară a României.

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Zagreb u ratu, otporu, stvaralaštvu i pamćenju. Vodič po Zagrebu u Drugom svjetskom ratu

Author(s): Tena Banjeglav,Kristina Dilica,Alice Straniero / Language(s): Croatian

Pred vama je vodič po Zagrebu kojim želimo olakšati upoznavanje nekih ključnih mjesta stradanja i otpora u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Sažeti opisi povezuju povijesna istraživanja, odabrane ulomke iz književnih djela, dnevnika i osobnih sjećanja. U trenutku kad polako odlazi generacija koja je preživjela vrijeme najgoreg terora u povijesti grada nastojali smo stvoriti što više prostora za riječi i zapise svjedoka vremena i protagoniste povijesnih događanja. Razvoj ove publikacije podržalo je Veleposlanstvo Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u Republici Hrvatskoj, u sklopu programa "Osporavana povijest: novi pristupi obrazovanju o holokaustu". Documenta se pitanjem prezentacije ključnih događaja 20. Stoljeća bavi od svog osnivanja, tražeći najbolje načine približavanja prošlosti novim generacijama. Neki dosadašnji poduhvati uključuju obilazak mjesta sjećanja, počevši od 2010. i dokumentarnog filma Documenta Memoriae – Zagreb, redateljice Dijane Mlađenović dostupnog online na ovoj poveznici. U sagledavanju mjesta sjećanja i otkrivanju novih mogućnosti komemoriranja žrtava, posebno nas je poticao Saša Šimpraga, autor koncepta Virtualnog muzeja Dotrščina, s kojim od 2012. Sudjelujemo u organiziranju godišnjih memorijalnih intervencija dostupnim na poveznici www.dotrscina.hr. Paralelno s događanjima u prostoru parka, u javnom prostoru Trga bana Jelačića u rujnu 2012. mogao se razgledati prvi postav Virtualnog muzeja Dotrščina na temu Pisci I publicisti ubijeni na Dotrščini čija je autorica bila Nataša Mataušić, muzejska savjetnica Hrvatskog povijesnog muzeja.

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Antiratni pokret u Bosni i Hercegovini devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Edin Omerčić / Language(s): Bosnian

U tekstu će biti riječi o postojanju širokog kruga političke, intlektualne i kulturno-umjetničke opozicije koja je od kraja osamdesetih godina radila prije svega na iznalaženju rješenja izlaska iz jugoslovenske krize, potom na spriječavanju izbijanja ratnih sukoba, te na okončanju istih, odnosno kroz kulturno-umjetnički angažman tokom rata nastojala ukazati na stradanja civilnog stanovništva. Građom i izvorima koji se iznose i koriste u tekstu pokušava se tema osvijetliti iz više različitih perspektiva. U prvom dijelu teksta ukratko se izlaže kontekst u kojem su djelovale nenacionalističke organizacije i političke stranke, antiratna i građanska udruženja. Zatim će se ukazati na masovne antiratne proteste i na pojedinačne individualane pokušaje adaptacije stanovništva na novonastale ratne okolnosti.

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ZBORNIK RADOVA TREĆE AKADEMIJE POLITIČKE ODGOVORNOSTI

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov Momčinović,Alen Kristić,Nasiha Pozder,Željko Ivanković,Dino Abazović,Drago Bojić,Sabina Čehajić-Clancy,Vjekoslav Domljan,Sarina Bakić,Ivan Šarčević / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

Fondacija Boris Divković formirana je u ljeto 2013. godine u Sarajevu. Ideja osnivača je da se kroz rad Fondacije što veći broj mladih ljudi, kako u našoj zemlji tako i u regiji, upozna i uči odgovornoj političkoj teoriji i praksi. Iako Fondacija djeluje na socijalno liberalnim polazištima, odlučilo se ovim obrazovnim procesom obuhvatiti i mlade ljude koji su dijelom različitih organizacija, političkih ili nevladinih, drugačijih ubjeđenja, ali i one koji individualno žele unaprijediti svoja znanja o političkoj kulturi. Pitanje sprege morala i politike bilo je od velike važnosti za našeg kolegu Borisa Divkovića i upravo je jedna od prvih značajnijih aktivnosti Fondacije organizacija Akademije političke odgovornosti u kojoj su učestvovali mladi brojnih političkih orijentacija i profila. U novembru 2016. godine održana je treća Akademija političke odgovornosti, a zbog velikog interesa polaznika u maju ove godine organiziran je i njen drugi modul. Teme su obuhvatile: opšti pojam političke kulture, njen razvoj i važnost, dominantnu paradigmu regionalne političke kulture iz perspektive koncepcije svjetskog etosa, religiju kao podcjenjeno mjesto političke socijalizacije. Razgovarali smo o ekonomiji u području politike, kulturi sjećanja. Također, predstavljeni su globalni politički portreti ličnosti poput Vaclava Havela i Wangari Muta Maathai, te regionalni politički portreti kao što su: Zoran Đinđić, Vlado Gotovac, Bogić Bogićević I Boris Divković. Drugi modul išao je detaljno u političko-ekonomske paradigme sa stajališta svjetskog etosa, religiozne socijalne nauke, itd. Posebna pažnja posvećena je ekološkim temama.

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CAS Newsletter 2022/2023

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Articles, pictures and interviews can be reprinted only with the consent of the publisher.

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POSTRATNI/GENOCIDNI EKONOMSKI OPORAVAK I RAZVOJ SREBRENICE ‒ NAUČENE I NENAUČENE LEKCIJE ‒

Author(s): Kadrija Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ni nakon više od dvije decenije u Srebrenici, ali manje-više i u svim povratničkim mjestima, ne samo da nije izrađen i primijenjen održivi model ekonomskog oporavka i razvoja već je ostao nerazjašnjen sam koncept postratni/genocidni ekonomskog oporavka. I pored zvanično promoviranog i izdašno donacijski podržanog procesa ekonomske obnove, na sceni su krajnje nepovoljna demografska, socijalna i ekonomska kretanja u ukupnom postratnom periodu. Naravno da se zbog toga otvaraju brojna pitanja ovakvog neuspjeha – od ponovnog preispitivanja samog pojma ekonomske obnove do niza „nenaučenih lekcija” iz dvadesetogodišnjeg procesa ekonomske obnove u ovoj općini.

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UNDER THE CRESCENT AND THE STAR: THE ILLYRIAN MOVEMENT

Author(s): Vlasta Švoger / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The beginning of the publication of Novine Horvatzke (January 6, 1835) and its weekly literary supplement Danicza Horvatzka, Slavonzka y Dalmatinzka (whose owner and official editor was Ljudevit Gaj) marked the entry into the most intensive phase of the Croatian national revival. It coincided with the stronger efforts of the Hungarians to limit Croatian autonomy with the imposition of the Hungarian language, and with intense competition between the Hungarian and Croatian honorati in agrarian and commercial affairs. These circumstances encouraged the involvement of Croatian noble-men and wealthier citizens in the revival movement. At the beginning of the movement, there were two social programmes. One of them was a conservative program based on Drašković’s Disertatia, which foresaw a gradual modification of the feudal system with the aim of preserving it. The second, barely known to the public at first, was a bourgeois-liberal programme to abolish the feudal system while preserving the economic strength of the nobility. At first, it was mainly advocated by the citizenry, and by 1848 it was at least partially accepted by the nobility.

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BETWEEN THE TWO WORLD WARS (1918-1941)

Author(s): Mario Jareb,Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Between the two world wars, the Croatian society developed in a multinational state under the rule of the Serbian royal dynasty of Karađorđević. The newly created Yugoslavia was, as Robert Gerwarth has observed in his book The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End, 1917-1923 (p. 14) a “‘multi-national empire in miniature’, but ‘with reversed ethnic hierarchies’ than the failed Austro-Hungary Monarchy.” There are several reasons why the State of SCS united with the Kingdom of Serbia, the key ones being the military-political goals of Serbia and Italy. The Kingdom of Serbia announced at the very beginning of the war that it would fight to achieve this goal and the Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pašić understood unification as expanding the territory and creating a Greater Serbia. Furthermore, a group of Croatian, Slovenian, and Serbian politicians who had been working abroad as the Yugoslav Committee since 1915 advocated South Slavic unification. This group vehemently opposed the provisions of the secret Treaty of London of 1915, which promised Italy the Eastern Adriatic with a majority Croat population in exchange for entering the war on the side of the Entente. Finally, in the weakened Austro-Hungarian monarchy, a Yugoslav club of Croatian and Slovenian politicians who advocated a trialistic arrangement of the Monarchy was active from 1917. The Kingdom of Serbia had an international reputation and position that exceeded the influence of the Yugoslav Committee with which it negotiated the draft of the future state. The most specific result of their cooperation was the Corfu Declaration of July 1917, by which Nikola Pašić on behalf of Serbia and Ante Trumbić on behalf of the Yugoslav Committee confirmed that the new state would be based on the principles of equality and freedom of choice – only the instruments ensuring the protection of the citizens of the State of SCS were not envisaged. The state of SCS was basically an unacknowledged state formed on the ruins of the Habsburg Monarchy, as it was only recognized by the Kingdom of Serbia. It was clear that it was only a transitional solution towards unification with Serbia.

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WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

When Hitler decided to invade Yugoslavia and destroy it as a state, his representatives contacted the largest Croatian political party – the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS). The Germans wanted the party’s leader, Vladko Maček, to head the new, independent Croatia after the break-up of Yugoslavia. But Maček rejected the proposal. Then the Ger-mans turned to the Ustasha organization in Croatia and its leader Slavko Kvaternik declared the independent Croatia on April 10, 1941, the same day when the German army entered Zagreb. The Kingdom of Italy had previously supported the Ustasha organization, but after the assassination of the Yugoslav King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseille in 1934, organized by the Ustashas, the Italians restricted the activities of the Ustasha organization in their territory. In the circumstances of preparations for the attack on Yugoslavia, the Italians organized the passage of several hundred Ustashas led by Ante Pavelić to Croatia.

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IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA 1945-1990

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The KPJ publicly advocated democracy, private property, a just solution to the social and national issues, and freedom and equality for all nations in Yugoslavia. Its leaders claimed that the goal of the partisan movement was liberation and popular democracy. However, contrary to the declared nationwide breadth of the People’s Liberation Movement, the KPJ held the army, the security apparatus, and the propaganda. The agreement between Josip Broz Tito and Ivan Šubašić that the citizens of Yugoslavia would be the ones to decide on the state system after the war was an important precondition for the international recognition of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federalna Jugoslavija, DFJ) by the Allied powers. But the monopoly over the partisan movement enabled the Communists to create the preconditions for imposing their dictatorship. Thus, the KPJ used the struggle for the liberation of Yugoslavia – in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina also for the overthrow of the NDH – and for resolving the national question to seize power and carry out the Communist revolution. It also meant abolishing all other parties and introducing a dictatorship. Part of the HSS leadership and its president Vladko Maček fled the country just before the partisans arrived in Zagreb in 1945. The HSS operated abroad under Maček’s leadership until his death in 1964 in the United States, when he was replaced by the party’s vice president, Juraj Krnjević. August Košutić, the party’s secretary, remained in the country, where after trying to cooperate with the Communists and join the partisans he was interned and completely marginalized by the new government. In addition to the HSS, there were individuals, parties, and organizations from the Ustasha movement who were politically active in exile, including Ante Pavelić, who died in 1959 in Spain of wounds obtained in an assassination attempt.

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THE HOMELAND WAR

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”

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CONCLUSION

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić,Vlasta Švoger / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For centuries, the Croatian lands have been at the crossroads of traffic routes and different civilizational frameworks – Mediterranean, Western European, and Eurasian. The consequence of this position in a contact zone was that the Croatian society in the 19th century was multiethnic and multireligious, multilingual and subjected to different cultural influences. Croats made up just over 70% of the population, Serbs a little less than 25%, and Italians, Germans, and Hungarians were the most numerous of other ethnic communities. Affiliation with the Catholic and Orthodox churches roughly coincided with these percentages, while the share of Protestants and Jews was slightly higher than 1% of the population. Until 1847, the official language was Latin, which was then replaced by Croatian. German was very widespread as a language of commerce and every-day communication of the higher social strata in Croatia and Slavonia, while in Istria and Dalmatia Italian was the language of administration, the judiciary, secondary education, and communication among the higher strata of the society. In the second half of the 19th century, its role was gradually taken over by the Croatian language. The lower social strata, largely illiterate, spoke Croatian. Croatia and Slavonia were strongly influenced by the Austro-German cultural circle, and towards the end of the century cultural influences from other Western European countries were increasingly felt. In Istria and Dalmatia, which in the previous centuries had been under the rule of Venice, retained a strong Venetian and Italian cultural influence. In the border areas towards the Ottoman Empire, there was a rather limited cultural influence of the neighbours south of the Sava among the lower social strata.

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Germany in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech policy vis-a-vis Germany experienced mostly positive dynamics but also a lack of coherence. Existential interests were not at stake – on the contrary, they constituted a positive background for the relations: Czechs and Germans as allies guarantee each other’s security, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

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West European Countries in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Mats Braun,Elsa Tulmets,Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech relations with countries covered in this chapter – both EU Member States and others (including microstates) – shared certain general characteristics. Without exception, they involved no issues that would be a subject of major controversy. Secondly, with but a few exceptions, these relations were conducted within a network, or at least through a network, of the EU multilateral frame. The reason for the dominance of the EU framework in the conduct of bilateral relations is primarily the importance of the political process at the EU level both for Member States and their West European neighbours due to a high degree of mutual interdependence and the increasing scope of EU’s allocative and distributive policies. Several government officials throughout the period covered in this volume estimated that up to 80% of the relations of Czech Republic with those countries take place at the EU level. However, this does not result in a decline of the bilateral dimension of mutual relations, as could be expected, but rather in their conduct in a new environment of a burgeoning political system, where the need to negotiate issue coalitions increases. Bilateral negotiations remain an important diplomatic means of this ‘permanent congress’. The last shared feature of Czech foreign policy towards the countries covered in this chapter is that it generally took place in conditions of a political pluralism, which was made possible by the countries’ location within the EU framework. The process of Czech foreign policy involved a considerable number of government actors – all of which should theoretically act in the public interest – without the mediation by traditional diplomacy and conduct through its standard channels. This new pluralism represents one of the central challenges for Czech foreign policy, since without proper coordination it leads to a suboptimal use of (necessarily limited) resources in realizing public interest abroad.

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The Middle East, the Mediterranean and Afghanistan in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Mediterranean and the Middle East, although they did not fall under the priorities of Czech foreign policy after 1989, had to be taken into account by the Czech Republic after it joined NATO and the EU due to the wider interest of the trans-Atlantic allies in regional stability and security. For this reason, issues like terrorism, immigration, the Middle East peace process, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, peacekeeping missions, and the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation were among the most frequently discussed topics in the Czech political scene during the 2000s. The Middle East agenda have affected our relations with allies and they have been the subject of home competition on left-right axis. The only long-term Czech interest relating to the region was the mainly rightist government’s attempt to reduce the Czech Republic’s one-sided dependence on imports of Russian oil and gas, which was demonstrated by the support for the Nabucco pipeline project during the Czech EU presidency.

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CONCEPȚII SOCIAL-POLITICE ALE RENAȘTERII ȘI EPOCII MODERNE

Author(s): Ioan Scheau / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

This paper presents four socio-political conceptions of the Renaissance and the Modern Era: Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke and Hume. Machiavelli analyzes two forms of government, the principality and the republic, corresponding to the absolute monarchy and the current democracy. He also speaks of the separation of powers in the state, in a platonic sense, with reference to the three existing social classes: the sovereign, the nobility and the common people. Hobbes introduces the notion of a social pact that makes the transition from the natural state to the social state of humanity. It is signed between citizens and the state and is seen as a transfer of rights from the citizen to the sovereign. The risk of the social state is that the State, endowed with too many rights, becomes the Leviathan monster that swallows individuals. Locke lays the foundations of the modern state on two fundamental ideas: human rights and the separation of powers in the state. He argues that every person benefits from a series of natural rights: life, health, liberty and property. Within the state, power should not fall on the shoulders of a single person, that is why he speaks of the separation of powers in the state: legislative, executive and federative (army). Hume argues that society is that socio-political organization that must solve the problem of satisfying human needs. For it to work, a series of operating conditions (private property, free market) and a series of rules (laws of justice) are needed.

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