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6.00 €

Од Србије до Србије

Author(s): Momčilo Isić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Unlike most other countries in Europe, Serbia changed several times and considerably its borders, territory as well as its status during 20th century. It almost doubled its territory after the Balkan Wars. From being an independent and internationally recognized nation, the largest country in the Balkan Peninsula and a war victor, it willingly switched to being only a province of the newly founded Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia after the end of the First World War, losing eventually even that status, by ceasing to exist as an administrative and geographical entity. After the end of the People’s Liberation Struggle and the Socialist Revolution, it became a unifi ed area again as People’s/Socialist Republic of Serbia, a federal unit within the Yugoslav federation – although with drastically changed territory. Namely, the Republic of Macedonia was carved out of the Southern Serbia, but the Vojvodina (Syrmium, the Banat and the Batcha) were added to Serbia. The New Serbia was not only internationally unrecognized (not being an independent state), but was not even a completely integrated administrative and territorial area, since the Republic of Serbia comprised two autonomous provinces – the Autonomous Province of the Vojvodina and the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija Region, later called the Autonomous Province of Kosovo. After the constitutional amendments in the late 1960s, and particularly after the Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of 1974, both became de facto quasi-republics, as constituent members of the Federation. With the break-up of Yugoslavia, Serbia together with the Republic of Montenegro, founded a new federal entity in 1992, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and in 2003 the State Community of Serbia and Montenegro, only to become an independent state again after the declaration of Montenegrin independence, in the follow-up to the referendum in that republic in May 2006. So it took 88 years to come from Serbia to Serbia.

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Подела Краљевине Југославије 1941. године у светлу међународног права

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Main problem of research is effort of Germany to break Kingdom of Yugoslavia and to present splitting of its territory like a legitimate act in accordance to rules of international law. Intensive diplomatic activity made by Nazis after the military overthrow in Belgrade, March 27th 1941. Point has been made on failure of German diplomacy in their efforts to acquire Vlatko Maček, leader of the strongest political party in Croatia, to make the secession of Banovina Hrvatska, which would give Axis reason for aggression. Characteristic examples of political opportunism, in which base was politic of non-confronting to Germany, are shown by USSR and Vatican, that didn’t even react about splitting of Yugoslavia, although they had diplomatic relationship with her, on embassy level. Negation of Yugoslavian state existence in period after April 18th 1941, although the internal act have been accepted only by the Axis and their satellites, the Nazis were trying to make legally stronger, by giving state attributes to Independent state of Croatia (NDH), and by involvement of this state among Axis. Condition of occupied Serbia is shown only in fi rst faze of occupation, in time of commissary rule by Milan Aćimović, when occupation goverment, in basics, respected main rules of occupation doctrine, accepted in international law.

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Говори Милана Стојадиновића на парламентарним изборима 1938. године

Author(s): Bojan V. Simić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyzes the oratory of the Prime Minister of the Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Milan Stojadinović during the parliamentary election campaign in 1938. During the campaign Stojadinović held speeches at nine large rallies. In most of them certain composition can be detected. The first part comprized praises of the people and the area where the rally was being held. The second part explained what the situation in the country had been at the time the Stojadinović government took over. The third part presented the results of the government’s policies, the fourth was the critique of the opposition. The final part contained a call to vote for the Stojadinović ticket, seasoned with new promises. The speeches were attuned to the audience and were full of demagogy, but also of cleverly used phrases and popular proverbs. The length of certain parts of speeches depended on the proximity of the elections. Thus the critique of the opposition, which originally comprized smaller part of the talks, became the central part of speeches at the last rallies. The topics about which the Prime Minister spoke were constantly brought up to date with the current situation in the country and in the world. Milan Stojadinović possessed considerable gift of oratory but it could not ensure his staying in power under the difficult political and economic conditions prevailing in the then Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

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Комунистичка стратегија према српској интелигенцији 1944–1950.

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyzes the Communist strategy toward the Serbian intelligentsia which determined its new role, importance and obligations in the first years after the Second World War. Under the pressure from numerous ideological, political, economic and cultural factors, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia designed a complex strategy toward the Serbian intelligentsia. It comprised several strategic streams which ran parallelly, but which also overlapped. At the same time, they were mutually contradictory. Four strategic streams can be detected, depending on the goal, the methods applied, part of the intelligentsia targeted and the role it was assigned by the Communist Party: annihilation, integration, creation of a new intelligentsia and the build-up of the Communist Party intelligentsia. The first two streams had to do mostly with the intelligentsia left over from the bourgeois society in the period under scrutiny, but not exclusively with it. In opposition to annihilation which meant riding rough-shod over the intelligentsia, the integration was marked by gradual acceptance and integration into the society. In the first case, decisive was the inherited mistrust and suspicion of the Communist party caused by the bourgeois origin (70%) of the intelligentsia, as well as by the wartime adherence of its members. The situation facing the Communist Party after the liberation (small number of intellectuals and lack of cultural capital, low educational level of the society, almost 45% analphabets) was decisive in the later case. This was the framework for changing the old attitudes of the Communist Party toward the intelligentsia. The third stream of action – creation of the new intelligentsia – was the most important part in the Communist strategy toward the intelligentsia in general. Through changes in the school and educational system (by enabling pupils from vocational secondary schools to enroll at universities, by introducing mass grants and by changing curricula at the universities) it was aimed at changing the social make-up of pupils and students, professors, scientists, and at forging a new identity of the Yugoslav and Serbian intelligentsia, eventually creating the new identity of the Yugoslav and Serbian society. The last stream in the Communist strategy toward the Yugoslav and Serbian intelligentsia concerned measures and acts undertaken within the Communist Party. It presupposed increasing the number of intellectuals in the Communist Party membership through suppressing aversion toward the intelligentsia within the Party, increasing the educational level of the Party faithful, particularly after the difficulties encountered during the fulfillment of the Five-Year Development Plan of the country. Depending on the ideological rigidity, political necessity and social and economic needs during the first several years, it happened that, for a while, some of these strategic elements overshadowed the others, as was the case with annihilation and particularly with integration right after the Liberation. In the later phase, the second two streams would be dominant in the strategy, although the first two would not be completely given up.

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Емиграција из Србије у Египту 1945–1956.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Two groups of emigrants from the Serbian territory found themselves in the territory of Egypt in the years following the Second World War. The first group was formed by the emigrants who settled there in several waves since mid-19th century, and the second one were the former army officers and diplomats who fled from Yugoslavia to the Middle East after the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in spring 1941. For larger part, the older emigration, together with members of other Yugoslav peoples living in the Egyptian territory, was organized in several Yugoslav clubs. The Yugoslav Embassy tried to act politically and propagandistically through these associations. The anti-Communist Egyptian regime did not tolerate this, so these associations were disbanded and their members subjected to various kinds of repression which lasted until the bilateral relations were improved after the Egyptian revolution in 1952. The emigrants who arrived in Egypt during the Second World War tried to act politically against the newly established regime in Yugoslavia. In that they enjoyed the support of the Egyptian government, and, according to the opinion of the Yugoslav diplomats, also of some Western intelligence agencies. The students of Islamic universities stemming from Serbia who refused to return to Yugoslavia, were also propagandistically active against the Communist regime in Yugoslavia, enjoying the support of the Egyptian government and the Arab League in the process. An incipient collaboration in the common struggle against Communism in Yugoslavia can be observed between these groups since 1946. Due to speedy improvement of the Yugoslav-Egyptian relations after the revolution of 1952, these groups ceased operating under the threat of arrest and expulsion, whereas part of their adherants moved out of Egypt.

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Југословенска сазнања о положају српске мањине у Мађарској и Румунији 1948–1953. године

Author(s): Vladimir Lj. Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The problem of the Serbian and other Yugoslav national minorities in the neighboring Hungary and Romania was one of the most important matters in Yugoslavia’s relations with these countries after the Second World War. Since it represented only part of a much broader problem of national minorities in the Communist world, it reflected not only a crisis in the bilateral relations, but also a crisis between the newly-formed Communist countries of Eastern Europe. The Situation of the Serbian national minority, as well as of the Yugoslav minorities living in Hungary and Romania, was exceedingly difficult in 1953. The legal status of these minorities was not defined by mutual conventions with Yugoslavia but only by internal legal acts which provided almost no protection. The rights these acts guaranteed to the Serbian and other minorities, remained largely on paper. In contravention of the positive laws the Serbian minority in Hungary and Romania had neither freedom of movement, nor the right to express political opinions, and even less the satisfactory education in mother tongue or the freedom to cultivate its individuality through its cultural and educational institutions and organizations. Unfortunately, before struggling for these and other minority rights, the Serbian minority, faced with deportations and economic exploitation, had to conquer the most elementary right – the right to live and to survive physically.

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Војногеографски положај Југославије на почетку Хладног рата (1945–1954)

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The first post-war decade was filled with big foreign policy challenges for the newly established communist rule in Yugoslavia. Firmly siding with the Soviet Union, the subsequent sharp conflict, adherence to the Western world as a kind of way out of difficult situation and the subsequent normalization of relations with the Eastern bloc have caused the Yugoslav military-geographic position at the time. In the years of conflict with the western world Yugoslavia represented the most forward point on the west of the Eastern bloc and as such had a special status. The situation has completely changed during the conflict with the Soviet Union when it became an important bridgehead west to east. By its geographic, political, military and economic potentials Yugoslavia in these moments represented an important international factor, the space through which East and West communicated, as well as the space of potential conflict between them. In a way, its geographical location and military importance determined its role and fate during the Cold War.

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Друштвено-географске и економске карактеристике југословенске зоне Јулијске Крајине 1945–1954.

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

By the decisions of the Belgrade and the Devinski Agreement, the territory of Julijska Krajina was divided into Yugoslav zone (Zone B), in which the Yugoslav military administration had the government and the zone in which the Anglo-American military government administered (Zone A). On the basis of the Peace Treaty with Italy, the Free Territory of Trieste was formed, which legally represented internationally recognized state under the protectorate of the United Nations Security Council. The actual situation on the ground was such that the Zone A and Zone B, despite the existence of a common state, continued to evolve independently of each other. The Zone B was in the period from 1945 to 1954 turned toward Yugoslavia in all segments. In the Zone B lived Slovenian, Italian and Croatian population. All three nations had their own schools and cultural centres. Transport infrastructure in the Zone B was poorly developed and the traffic was usually carried out by sea routes. Economic development of the Zone B was significantly dependent on the assistance of Yugoslavia. Trade and international exchange of the Zone B was related to trade with Yugoslavia and to a lesser extent to the Zone A. At the end of this period, in October 1954, the Zone B was formally connected to Yugoslavia.

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Од демаркационе линије до међународно признате границе – Војска и дипломатија у борби за јужне границе Краљевине СХС 1919–1920.

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The question of the constitution of the Kingdom of SCS is inseparable from the struggle for its international recognition. One of the important aspects of this process was the issue of borders. On the southern borders of the new state, there was the prevailing situation of neither war nor peace. While diplomats and experts at the green table in Paris tried to provide better boundaries for their country, the soldiers in the field endured great sacrifices for the same purpose. Occupations of Strumica, Caribrod and Bosiljgrad were the result of the implementation of a peace treaty with defeated Bulgaria. Events on the Yugoslav-Albanian border represented a continuation of the efforts of the Kingdom of Serbia to ensure itself better positions after the Balkan wars in highly complex military, political and economic conditions that characterized the emergence and further maintenance of the Albanian state.

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Demographic Changes in the Kingdom of SCS and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Author(s): Milka Bubalo-Živković,Bojan Đerčan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Instead of the large Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, in 1918 new states were formed: Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS). A joined state, the Kingdom of SCS, was formed on important routes between Europe and Asia. On the other hand, this region was characterized by an undeveloped society which was behind English society by a century and a half in terms of industrial development. The Kingdom was divided into 33 regions, between 1923 and 1929, and since 1929 it was comprised of nine banovinas and the City of Belgrade with Zemun and Pancevo which formed a separate administrative unit. This area was 248.665 km2 big and there were 13.934.038 inhabitants in 1931. Based on available data, changes in sex-age structure of population, as well as changes in religion, native language and ethnic composition were analyzed in this paper. Demographic changes were a consequence of the political and economic events and traditional way of life, which influenced the migration trends that will be also addressed in this paper.

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5.00 €

Suffering of Population in Bačka and Baranja in 1941 and 1942

Author(s): Željko Bjeljac,Aleksandra Terzić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This work is focused on the Bačka territory, historically-geographical region located in the northern part of Serbia. It covers the period from 11 April 1941, when, in The Second World War, Hungarian army entered the territory of Kingdom of Yugoslavia with the goal of conquering, creating the government and incorporation of Bačka to the Hungarian state, until the end of the 1942. Hungarian government and army, in this period, with the goal of straightening the lasting power in occupied Bačka, by using the military power, had created the state that should had brought the numerous economical and moral-political empowerment of the Hungarian element. They were making the arrests, repression, forcing the emigration and deportation of Serbian and Jewish population as well as doing the mass executions of civil population. The paper is methodologically based on data collected within the engagement of Survey bureau of the Council of AP Vojvodina named ,,The truth about the events in Vojvodina 1941–1948“. In this publication the civil victims are namely documented, by sex, age and location of death, as the analysis of the existing documents and publications is done. In this paper the historical representation of the events in Backa from 1941 to 1942 is conducted, as well as demographical analysis of the civil victims (sex, age, national structure).

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The Invention of the Balkan Identities: Finding the Founding Fathers and the Myths of Origin – The Montenegrin Case

Author(s): Dragana Lazarević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the accelerated process of nation-building in Montenegro in the aftermath of the wars in Former Yugoslavia and its separation from Serbia in 2006. Whilst its theoretical premises that are based on the Hobsbawm’s theory of the novelty of the nation are widely accepted by the majority of scholars interested in the Balkans, there appears to be a great discrepancy in the practical application of the theoretical postulates. The paper gives a general overview of the misinterpretation of the theory in the post-1990 narrative of the early Montenegrin history that is widely distributed by the supporters of the appellation of a separate identity of the latest South Slav nation. In the form of summary, the paper points out to the unrestricted use of the probabilistic terminology which cannot be confirmed either by the primary sources or by the material evidence in situ. Even though the attempts to create a separate Montenegrin nation predate the 1990s period, as pointed out by a number of scholars native to the region on many occasions, its academic self-fulfillment was enabled only when the Western promoters of the new Montenegrin identity undertook the task of presenting to the West the deliberate misinterpretation of the sources in order to justify the role of the (mainly) Anglo-Saxon academia in supporting the political reasons beyond the break-up of Yugoslavia. The case-study of the Doclean Narrative, created by the selective reading of the sources is a prime example of how to justify the nation as a political construct.

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4.50 €

Идеологија и урбани простор: преименовање градова и улица у Србији 1944–1950.

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper, through the process of renaming urban toponymy, analyzes the impact of the ruling ideology in shaping the urban space in Serbia in the first years after the World War II. The renaming of old, bourgeois urban toponymy and the construction of new, communist one was carried out systematically and gradually, just as the new Yugoslav state and society was being built. The revolutionary government was aware of the symbolic radiation offered by urban area. Therefore, it was trying by renaming to adapt it to the symbols of the new Yugoslav state and provide another way for spatial and collective expression of the identity of the society. When renaming towns and streets, two main types of intervention were carried out. The first is related to the maintenance or restoring old names, and the other on the renaming of existing towns and streets. The government comprehended this kind of intervention in the urban space very seriously. This means that it legally regulated it and provided to a number of factors (the city government, the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Education, as well as the Communist Party) to participate and monitor the process of renaming. The government did not conduct extensive intervention in the renaming of cities and did not have that intention, because the old names, some of the ancient and medieval period or somewhat later time, were not in contradiction with the newly established value standards. It completely changed the names of only those cities that, in its opinion, had the dubious symbolic value, such as those containing monarchist words (Kraljevo or Caribrod) or they were ideologically problematic (Petrograd) and wanted to highlight the importance of some individuals of the Socialist Movement (S. Markovic and J. B. Tito). The renaming of streets was much more radical and expansive. It was carried out systematically and gradually. First they changed the names of streets in the city centres, then in the wider center, and then those on the periphery. New name of the street depended on its importance. The most important figures, events and concepts of the new Yugoslav state were given the most important streets. Instead of the various layers of civil street toponymy, the new layers of Communist street toponymy were created. These new layers symbolized the Yugoslav and international socialist and communist movement, the National Liberation War and revolution, Slavic rapprochement and the like. The names of streets that did not collide with just the aforementioned ideological values were not changed. The renaming of the streets up to 1948 had a striking ideological and political content and intention to break with inherited civil toponymy. After 1948, in particular after 1950, the need prevailed to regulate the parts in an urban area and to enable faster and easier their communication networking. Moreover, these are the streets that were on the outskirts of the city, and often did not have official names. With the renaming, an entirely new meaning to the urban area was establishing, and with a new meaning new symbols of representation of society and its values.

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4.50 €

Делег итимация правящего режима в Королевстве Югославия как внутриполитическая предпосылка революции (1930-е – начало 1940-х гг .).

Author(s): Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

Догађаји у Србији 1941–45. године – окупација, грађански рат и „револуција”, ослобођење и установљење нове комунистичке власти – у значајној мери су били одређени садејством многих спољних фактора. Унутрашње претпоставке за смену ауторитарног монархистичког режима тоталитарним комунистичким биле су у постепеном слабљењу положаја владајуће елите. У условима кризе шестојануарске диктатуре једини фактор стабилности постао је ауторитет краљаслободиоца-ујединитеља. До октобра 1934. он је успевао да угуши центрифугалне тенденције и гарантује целовитост државе. Даљи ток догађаја потврдио је оштроумност опажања савременика: „Ако је икада и постојао пример да нераскидивост ланца зависи од једног јединог звука, то је онда случај Југославије и њеног краља”. Крајем 30-их и почетком 40-их слабост регентства – које је зависило од присталица „племенског” партикуларизма, који је био лишен подршке оних који су били за јачање централне власти – унапред је одредила незаштићеност српских интереса. Као резултат тога, у ситуацији приближавања рата, делегитимација традиционалне политичке класе пружила је у Србији, као и у Русији 1917, добру подлогу за уздизање некада малобројних и маргиналних партија чије су пароле биле „општа једнакост”, „правда и прерасподела”, „интернационална солидардност”, „борба са антинародним режимом” и др.

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5.00 €

Ратни циљеви Комунистичке партије Југославије у Другом светском рату

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The author writes about the construction of the myth of partisan Yugoslavism in World War II. In the foreground is a critical analysis of the interpretation that the military strategy and national policy of the Communist Party was the decisive factor for the revitalization and renewal of the Yugoslav state. The essence of revolution was in the federation created by the right of nations to self-determination. Ethnic principle was incorporated into the structure of the new federation. Hence the Republic and all (except Bosnia and Herzegovina) was a national, for which the (Slovenia and Croatia) and insisted on the full period of building socialism. Then he adopted the principle that socialism is “abolished” national conflict in Yugoslavia. The most important war aims of the Yugoslav Communists were carrying out the revolution, the seizure of power and create new social and political system. These goals were achieved through the parallel resistance and civil war.

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4.50 €

Идеолошка начела просветне политике владе Милана Недића

Author(s): Ljubinka Škodrić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Educational institutions resumed operating soon after the beginning of the occupation, but they had to adjust their work and curricula to the demands of the occupiers, but also to the endeavors of the collaborationists to establish good relations with German authorities and to promote their own political views. The occupation was to be used for achieving special goals and for social reorganization and reformation. The revision of the system of values and the reform of education proposed by the collaborationists were ideologically based on organic philosophy. Their main demands concerned rejection of foreign influences, anti-communism, absolutization of the State and common goals at the expense of personal freedoms and rights, subjugation of the individual to the interests of the community, renewal of patriarchal values, customs, traditions and nationalism. Focus on the practical side of education was leading toward creation of school that would provide specific and practical knowledge, depriving the students of culture and wide knowledge received from general education. Justified criticism of pre-war education policy carried with it a desire to subject the education to control and adapt it to the ideological needs, in order to generate support of the population and adapt to the needs of occupier.

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Спортска политика у окупираној Србији – државна контрола и покушаји идеологизације

Author(s): Dejan Zec / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Sports life in the occupied Serbia was under great pressure from the occupation and collaborationist authorities. Sports life resumed almost immediately after the end of military operations, mostly along the pre-war lines, but taking into account the new political and security circumstances. The German occupiers didn’t have much interest in spreading propaganda through sport, except at the very beginning of the occupation. On the other hand, the collaborationist authorities had no possibility of devoting much attention to reorganization of sport until the beginning of 1942. Meanwhile, the collaborationist press spread ideas on how Serbian sport was to be shaped. Totalitarian ideologues in sport such as Dušan Kasapinović favored etatization, militarization, utilitarization and eventually, fascization of sport on German model. In early 1942 under the guidance of educational minister Velibor Jonić more serious work in the field of reorganization of sport, above all legislative one, started. By founding the Department for Physical Education at the Ministry of Education and the State Sport Committee and by passing a decree on government control of sport, complete decision-making and acting power was laid in the hands of minister of education. Thus the clique around large sport clubs and associations was, de iure, disempowered. However, despite having had large competences and power, minister Jonić in fact did little. What could be called a success of the government sport policy was putting an end to anarchy in Belgrade football and the end of conflicts between clubs, organization of sub-league competitions, connecting sport associations with corporatist organizations such as the Serbian Union of Work or National Service for Renovation of Serbia, and probably most importantly, prevention of activities of anti-German elements (Communist, Chetnik) through clubs and propaganda of the regime’s political ideas.

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5.00 €

Odnos vlasti Nezavisne Države Hrvatske prema srpskom stanovništvu u sjevernoj Dalmaciji od aprila 1941. do septembra 1943. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the relations of the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) toward the Serb population in northern Dalmatia. ISC was proclaimed by representatives of the Ustasha movement on April 10, 1941, several days after the beginning of Axis attack on Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Newly proclaimed Croatian state was forced to cede sizeable part of its Adriatic coast to its Italian ally. The border between Croatia and Italy was regulated by Rome agreements, signed by Benito Mussolini and Croatian head of state Ante Pavelić on May 18, 1941. Italians established their rule in the coastal area of northern and central Dalmatia while the remaining part of that region stayed within the Croatian state. Croatian authorities launched a policy of discrimination and violence against ethnic Serbs who lived in ISC in large number. Northern Dalmatian hinterland was also in large number inhabited by ethnic Serbs and they too were struck by terror of the new Croatian authorities. Between late May and late July of 1941 Ustasha detachments killed several hundreds Serbs in northern Dalmatia. In late July Serbs launched a large scale rebellion against Croatian authorities and rebels quickly took control over large areas of northern Dalmatia and neighbouring areas. Rebel would later split into two mutually opposed movements, the partisans led by Communist party of Yugoslavia and the Chetniks, who remained loyal to the royal Yugoslav government in exile. Italian army soon occupied whole Croatian coastal region under explanation that it has to secure the areas in the vicinity of the Italian annexed territories. In fact Italians could use this opportunity to greatly diminish the Croatian influence in the coastal region because it was obvious that ISC retained aspirations toward areas annexed by Italians according to the Rome agreements. For this reason Italians ordered Croatian army to withdraw

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7.00 €

Југословенске кризе (1918–1941) и Други светски рат на простору Србије у новијој српској историографији

Author(s): Dušan Bajagić,Aleksandar Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the focus of this article Yugoslavian crisis (1918–1941) and Serbia in the WWII are lying. Article shows main currents of Serbian and Yugoslav historiography from 1945 onwards, with in-detail retrospective of the most important researches published in last twenty years. It is established that historiography was under great political pressure in the first two decades after the WWII and during the civil-war era in the 1990’s. Social and political revolution that occurred in Yugoslavia as an outcome of civil war waged from 1941 to 1945 brought Yugoslav communist to power after the war. Tito and Party proclaimed parameters for official writing of history, with affirmation of partizan movement and communism as one of the main directions. This kind of relation toward the past dominated Yugoslav history until late 1970’s and emergence of several important researches conducted in accordance to scientific standards of historiography and mostly free from political influences. Since then an increase in quality of historiographic production can be seen. However, this positive tendency came to end with the outbreak of wars for Yugoslav heritage in 1990’s, when most of historiography was under very strong influence of nationalism and war rhetoric. During that period part of historiography production was subdued to intense revision, especially themes connected to civil war during the WWII in Yugoslavia. New century came with new historical approaches and with new themes of research, broading and improving horizonts of Serbian historiography.

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4.50 €

Jugoslovenstvo Josipa Broza Tita: kontinuitet ili diskontinuitet?

Author(s): Jovo Bakić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper considers Josip Broz Tito’s relation towards Yugoslavism, and perception of his Yugoslavism in Anglo-American and Yugoslav Cold War and post-Cold War historiography. It answers the question whether Tito could have had independent view of Yugoslavism in relation to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the League of the Communists of Yugoslavia, which he led continuously for 43 years between 1937 and 1980. Therefore, in context of structural interconnectedness of the authoritarian Party, and after the WWII authoritarian Party and state, and its leader, one has to investigate Tito’s relation towards national question in Kingdom and socialist Yugoslavia. Main hypothesis is that an authoritarian party and its leader cannot hold different views of such an important question as national one is in a multinational political community. In other words, he was able to influence decisively on programmatic documents of the CPY (LCY) and definitions of recognized national categories in the population censuses, and they had to reflect convictions of the leader. However, these documents had remained unchanged between 1937 and 1980 in terms of Yugoslavia as a multinational federation, and the censuses had never had an unambiguously used national label ‘Yugoslav’. That is why rare occasions when Josip Broz delivered speeches in favor of a ‘Yugoslav nation’ between 1948 and 1956 meant that he only tactically used Yugoslavism before foreign and domestic public in order to empower Yugoslav resistance and Western support to it against the Stalin USSR. As danger of the USSR had become weaker after Stalin death, Tito's tactical national Yugoslavism came back to strategic communist minimal Croatian variant of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia as a multinational, and not national state.

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