Series:Politologia i Ekonomia polityczna

Theoretical concepts of regional development

Koncepcje teoretyczne rozwoju regionalnego

Author(s): Alicja Szajnowska-Wysocka,Sławomir Sitek / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: theoretical concepts;regional development;

We have endeavoured to ensure that the structure of this monograph is logical and consistent, therefore it has been comprised into five chapters: The first chapter is of a terminological character and comprises deliberations about the concept of development, which – owing to the fact that it is difficult to define, is formulated equivocally. In general terms, development is a process of metamorphosis, change, transformation to more complex or finer states or forms. However, in social and economic sciences, it is formulated in various ways. Currently, the narrow, techno-economic approach to development is being abandoned, as it ignored the cultural background and considered the growing gross domestic product as the measure of success. This was conducive to the creation of many ideas, concepts, theories and visions. Theories of development point to the diversity of possibilities of economic growth, and explain mechanisms for arising of disparities between countries. They are related to the dichotomy between development and underdevelopment. Theories of modernisation (internal factors are decisive, development is both endogenous and phaseal, as well as linear and isomorphic) constitute a distinct group of explanatory theories. The criticism of the theories of modernisation resulted in the appearance of concepts of dependent development. Their supporters (‘dependists’) treat development as an evolutionary process (however non-pheasal), which is multilinear and dependent on social transformations. Moreover, methods for analysing and measuring the development have been reviewed. The complexity of the phenomenon means that there is no single, universally accepted standard of research. The procedures have been grouped into four main blocks, comprising the following methods: statistical, spatial analysis, strategic research and social research. Subsequently, selected measures of development have been presented, along with their advantages and disadvantages. The availability of statistic data required in the process of empirical evaluation of regional development have been also considered. This knowledge enables assessing the practical possibility for employing methods that are appropriate because of the availability of the information. The second chapter presents development in the light of globalisation, which reorganises the political, social and economic space. In result, it becomes the cause and, at the same time, the effect of broader transformations in all spheres of human activity (an increase of transplanetary suprateritorial links). Globalisation is an extremely ambiguous and difficult to define concept, nevertheless, defining it is absolutely essential. Four main definitions have been introduced, under which globalisation is presented as: 1) internationalisation, 2) liberalisation, 3) universalisation, 4) Westernisation. J.A. Scholte (2006) suggests another, the fifth one: globalisation is the process of spreading transplanetary and (contemporary) suprateritorial social relationships, which are generally detached from the territory. Afterwords, the theoretical foundations of different explanations of globalisation have been presented (liberalism, political realism, Marxism, constructivism, postmodernism and feminism) and subsequent stages of its development have been characterised: 1) foretokens of globalisation, 2) the initial phase of globalisation, 3) the contemporary accelerated globalisation. The second chapter has been completed with shedding light on attitudes towards globalisation and its future. In the extensive third chapter, selected theoretical concepts of regional development have been presented in the following groups: 1) classical concepts: among others, the concept of the economic base, the theory of the basic product, the theory of growth poles, the centre-periphery model, concepts of innovation networks, the production cycle theory and the theory of clusters; 2) concepts of endogenous regional development. In the last decade of the twentieth century, concepts of alternative development appeared, which emphasised the importance of social progress, human capital and local communities and their alternativeness for regional development. They were a response to the shortcomings of classical theories of development. They create the possibility of supplementing them with such growth models in which not only infrastructure investment and production are considered as the internal resources, but also expenditure on science, research and development programs, education and economic policy of the government and local governments. The fourth chapter discusses the contemporary development processes, dominated by categories of sustainable and integrated development. The first of the categories, also known as permanent, self-sustaining development or eco-development, has become a constitutional principle of the functioning of the state. It is based on the assumption that the three components: community, environment and economy are treated equally. Increasingly popular are becoming pre-ecological views, which attach the greatest importance to nature. On the other hand, integrated development is a new philosophy of the approach to this phenomenon. It places emphasis on complex actions, which consist in combining spatial development with social and economic objectives. Such development is multidimensional, requiring consolidation and coordination treatments and strategic management. This model has holistic characteristics and involves systemic and institutional conditions for harmonisation of development processes. The last chapter deals with selected determinants and problems of regional and local development. Reference has been made to the condition of development in the border areas, which exhibit characteristics of outermost regions. Determinants which may constitute positive circumstances for development in the vicinity of the border have been indicated. Moreover, the possibility of shaping development processes in a situation of depopulation, and a real significance of innovation and competitiveness as the conditions for growth have been considered. The final section presents the importance of local systems and localisms for development processes. It emphasises the importance of local development, especially in the era of globalisation, pointing to its significant correlation with the place and the community that inhabit it. What is more, complementarity of local development in relation to regional and global processes has been demonstrated. The study has been complemented with an extensive, important for methodological and didactic reasons bibliography, which is the result of the comprehensive character of the review.

The policy of offering equal educational opportunities in the Third Polish Republic

Polityka wyrównywania szans edukacyjnych w III RP

Author(s): Natalia Stępień-Lampa / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: equal educational opportunities; social policy;educational policy;

This book is concerned with the problem of offering equal educational opportunities. The first part deals with terminological issues. The author attempts to define the policy of offering equal educational opportunities and places this area of social life in the system of social policy. Next, she describes actions aimed at giving equal educational opportunities undertaken in Poland since 1989. Finally, she discusses the goals and assumptions of the educational reform of 1999 and its continuation – the change in the Basis of General Education Programme, introduced to schools ten years later. The second part discusses the instruments of public social policy for levelling out educational opportunities for children and young people coming from poverty-stricken families. These instruments are divided into two groups (those targeted at the student and at his or her family) and thoroughly analysed, taking into account the legal situation. The book closes with issues of the multisector approach to active policy of offering equal educational opportunities. Because actions introduced by the public sector do not produce expected effects, the author suggests that steps should also be taken by non-governmental organisations and the private sector to alleviate differences in educational opportunities. This book is targeted at people interested in social policy, politicians, representatives of local authorities and regional councils, business sector institutions and non-governmental organisations.

Russia in the foreign policy of Poland between 1992 and 2015

Rosja w polityce zagranicznej Polski w latach 1992–2015

Author(s): Mieczysław Stolarczyk / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: the foreign policy; safety; Polish-Russian relations; Foreign policy of Poland; Foreign policy of Russia

The main research aim of this monograph is to distinguish main stages in the foreign policy of Poland towards Russia between 1992 and 2015 and outline their specifics. The author attempted at a synthesis of major manifestations of Polish-Russian cooperation and most sticking points in the intergovernmental (international) relations during that period. An important objective was to show the sources and examples of a divergence of interests, and point to the goals, which were based on these premises, established by the foreign policy-makers in Poland and Russia and pursued in mutual relations and international affairs.Between 1992 and 2015, in Poland’s foreign policy towards the East and national security policy, the relations with Russia and the Ukraine were of utmost importance. On the economic level, considering the volume of mutual trade turnover, Poland’s main partner in the East was the Russian Federation, whereas on the political level, the Ukraine was seen as a strategic partner. Along with the Ukraine, Russia played a key role in Poland’s security policy in the discussed period. It should be emphasized that Polish-Russian and Polish-Ukrainian relations were very closely linked, and so was Poland’s policy towards Russia and the Ukraine. In Poland’s foreign policy towards Russia, or in broader terms, in Polish-Russian relations between 1992 and 2015, seven stages can be distinguished; each having their own characteristic. Despite some new specifics in each particular stage, they all shared an element of continuity. The constant theme was a great divergence of interests between Poland and Russia, particularly with regard to the European security system, and the role of NATO in shaping this security, as well as further stages of the alliance’s enlargement, especially by countries of the post-Soviet area; energy security and Poland’s strive for diversification of fuels supplies faced with Russia’s actions aimed at the diversification of routes of sending its gas and crude oil to Western Europe bypassing the Ukraine and Poland; a historic dispute, in which a thorough, satisfying for the Poles, explanation of the Katyn Forest massacre was particularly high on the agenda among other issues; opposing visions of building anorder in Eastern Europe, and first and foremost, in the Ukraine. With the passing of time, especially after Poland’s NATO and the EU accession, the future of Eastern European countries, particularly the Ukraine and Belarus, has become a fundamental issue in Polish-Russian relations. Both Russia and Poland treated Eastern European countries as a sort of a safety buffer. However, the two countries had entirely different visions of how this buffer ought to be shaped. The political leadership in Poland saw the strenghtening of national security in the strenghtening of the Ukrainian buffer through the Ukraine’s membership in NATO and the EU, whereas for the political leadership in Russia, the strenghtening of national security through Ukrainian buffer meant preserving its outside NATO status, or incorporating it in the the security system built under the aegis of Russia on the area of CIS.A characteristic of the Polish-Russian relations in that period was a great imbalance to Poland’s disadvantage, resulting from the differences in broadly understood physical potential of the two countries and, consequently, their international roles (Poland being a medium-size country situated in Central Europe and Russia being a superpower in Central Eurasia). The capacities of Poland to shape the situation in Eastern Europe on its own were incomparably lower than Russia’s. Therefore, Poland was trying to make use of European and Euro-Atlantic multirateral structures, mainly through the Eastern Dimension realized by the EU and NATO, to have as much influence as possible, on the desired developments in Eastern Europe. The eastern policy under successive RP governments was characterized by their overrating, frequently, of their own capacities, lack of objectivity in assessment of the situation across our eastern border, and application of double standards, particularly in the policy towards Russia.Polish-Russian political relations throughout the post-Cold War period were critical, and improvements were relatively short-lasting. Not only Russia, but also Poland is to blame for such a state of events. The Polish side, due to historical reasons and imbalance of potential, expected Russia to take more initiative in coming to an agreement with Poland. However, it has to be admitted that in many activities undertaken by Poland with regard to European security, in particular Eastern European subregion, the interests of Russia were completly disregarded, although they did not have to be accepted fully. An example of this was Polish diplomacy in the second half of 2013 intended not to allow Russia to be included in the negotiations on the EU association agreement with the Ukraine about issues that had economic implications for Russia’s interests. In their policy towards Russia, foreign policy-makers in Poland, forgot, all too often, or, were unwilling to remember, about the principle that in order to meet the security needs of one’s own country, one should also consider the security needs of other countries, the neighbouring ones in the first place. Analyzing the policies under succesive III RP governments on European security and relations with the post-Soviet countries, it is hard to share the view prevailing in our country that Poland did its best to develop partnership and good neighbourly relations with Russia. Among politicians, publicists and the Polish society, there was a large group of people who took a stance, though it was not always formally articulated, that Poland has a right, or even a duty to remain hostile towards Russia. On the other hand, Russia should not act unfavourably towards Poland, regardless of Poland’s anti-Russian policy, although, obviously, it was declared otherwise.One of the few stages showing a distinct improvement in Poland’s policy towards Russia and a mutual willingness to normalize our political relations, was the one between 2008 and 2010, when an unsuccesful attempt was made at pragmatizing foreign policy towards Russia. Since the end of 2007, this new foreign policy, gradually encompassing other areas, led to a greater or lesser modification of the policy to date towards Russia, the Ukraine, Belarus and Georgia by basing it on the so-called positive realism. These new trends increased cooperation between Poland and Russia and, eventually, a considerable progress was achieved in normalizing our relations. Between 2008 and 2010, Polish policy towards the East not only changed in practice, it was also a conceptual change. The crash of the presidential plane at Smoleńsk (April 10th, 2010), in which 96 peple were killed, including President of RP Lech Kaczyński and His Spouse, was a major, if not primary reason why the normalization process (2008–2010) was seriously hampered to the point of a standstill between 2011 and 2013. The Smoleńsk air disaster, and conflicting stands over its causes in particular, exacerbateddivisions in the Polish society and strenghtened reluctance, if not hostility, towards Russia.A large part of the Polish political class and society did not accept a version of an inadvertent air disaster (plane crash), whose causes, like not following correct procedures, lay on both Poles and Russians. The surveys conducted during the years following the Smoleńsk air disaster showed that over 30% of the Polish society were convinced that it had been an attempt on the life of the Polish delegation en route to a commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Katyn Forrest massacre, and that the Russian government and secret services had been involved. After the Smoleńsk air disaster, foreign policy towards Russia and Polish-Russian relations became a ground for political struggle in our country. For many politicians and conservatist right-wing journalists, a demonstrated degree of anti-Russian sentiment became the main criterion of patriotism. In a large part of the Polish society, a belief was strenghtened that actions should be taken to weaken and isolate Russia, and to minimize, rather than increase cooperation between the two countries. This meant that internal conditions within our country, which could possibly motivate the foreign policy-makers to stop viewing Russia as the main threat and encourage a breakthrough in thinking about that issue, deteriorated markedly. Consequently, Polish-Russian relations between2011 and 2013 remained in a state of deadlock. In the foreign policy of Poland between 1992 and 2015, Russia played the leading role. This, however, stemmed from Russia being perceived by the policy-makers as the main threat to our national security, not a recognized partner in pursuing this security. Throughout that period, in all successive stages of Polish security policy, Russia was regarded as the main threat. Each political leadership in Poland, especially since the mid 1990s, treated Russia in this way, and these were not merelyanti-Russian declarations, but a guiding principle of the foreign policy. Behind it, was a conviction that Russian imperialism was timeless and Russia would never accept the sovereignty of Poland. It was an obvious reference to the classical Polish geopolitical thought about Russia posing main threats to our national security. During the crisis and conflict in eastern Ukraine, between 2014 and 2015, the foreign policymakers in Poland revived the stance of a military threat on the part of Russia. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, such loud voices were heard about a possible military attack on Poland. Unlike the earlier periods, when there was an informal presumption that Russia was a threat to the security of Poland, in 2014, for the first time, in III RP’s security policy, Russia was formallypointed to as a direct military threat. It was articulated in official state documents, including Strategia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej from November, 2014, and in addresses delivered by the Polish government officials (for instance in exposé of Foreign Minister R. Sikorski and his follower G. Schetyna).The crisis and conflict in south-eastern Ukraine did not substantially change Poland’s policytowards Russia. What did change between 2014 and 2015, however, was that much more emphasis than ever was placed on Russia being a threat to our national security, and there being a serious risk of a Russian direct invasion of Poland. During 2014 and 2015, the process of politicizing fear (policy of fear) of Russia was at its height. For Poland, a major outcome of the Ukrainian conflict and crisis was decreased national security and growing fears, among them the fear of Russian invasion, which does not mean that such a threat was real. During the years 2014 and 2015, Polish-Russian political relations at the highest level came almost to the point of being frozen. Important direct implications of the Ukrainian conflict forPoland’s security were, apart from a growing fear of Russia, increased desires towards strengthening its own defense capability, strenghtening NATO cohesion, increased involvement of NATO in our sub-region’s security and closer bilateral Polish-American cooperation regarding military security. Resolving the conflict in eastern Ukraine as quickly as possible was in the interests of Poland. However, Polish diplomacy did not engage much in the conflict deescalation. They were very skeptical about the successive agreements aimed at ending the military operations negotiated within the frames of the so-called Normandy format (Mińsk I and Mińsk II). It seems that, considering the geopolitical situation in the Ukraine and divisions of the Ukrainian society, this country should remain a buffer state. Alternatively, coming out of this role should occur gradually, through a simultaneous Europeization of the Ukraine and Russia. Poland should not be interested in the „revolutionary” speeding up of the processes occuring in the Ukrainian society. Responsible politicians willing to serve the best interests of their nation should be aware of the limitations in pursuing even the most support worthy goals. The policy of every country, the foreign policy of Poland and the Ukraine included, should be founded on a realistic assessment of one’s own capabilities so that aspirations would not outgrow the real possibilities of their attainment. Poland, aspiring to the role of the EU main expert in Russian and the post-Soviet area affairs, through insisting in the EU on the earliest possible Ukraine association with the EU, contributed in a way to the situation when the Ukraine had to choose between the EU and Russia. Polish politicians did not anticpate the negative outcomes of such acceleration for the Ukraine itself (including theloss of Crimea and strong separatist tendencies in the East of the Ukraine), as well as for Russian-Ukrainian relations and the security of Poland. Therefore, the firm support and involvement of the Polish political class in the so-called democratic revolution in the Ukraine during 2013 and 2014, can hardly be regarded as a succcess. Polish policy towards the East ended in yet another failure, which was shown as confirmation when Poland was not included in the talks aimed at resolving the Ukrainian crisis, which were held by officials from the Ukraine, Russia, Germany and France since the middle of 2014.The Ukrainian crisis and conflict was a turning point in Polish security policy and Polish-Russian relations. The Polish government officially began to treat Russia as the largest threat to the national and international security. A considerable part of the political elites in Poland did not see the threat in excessive dependence of Polish economy on Russian energy resources or other economic threats, but in a direct military attack. Generally speaking, it is unknown to what extent the Ukrainian crisis and conflict will, in the long run, have an impact on changes in Polish policy towards the East, particularly towards Russia and the Ukraine. It exposed the ineffectiveness of our foreign policy to date towards the East. In this context, a question arises: What will be mid- and long-term implications of the Ukrainian conflict forthe modification or a radical alteration to Polish foreign policy towards the East? Another fundamental question pertains to Polish-Russian relations: What policy should Poland pursue towards Russia now and in the future? Will the foreign policy and security policy be directed,like in 2014 and 2015, at instransigence and confrontation, or will the normalization tendency prevail as regards Russia, and will the relations with the Ukraine be redefined? However, at the end of 2015, nothing implied that the foreign and security policy-makers intended to transform in any way the policy towards Russia and the Ukraine to date. It does not mean that changes will not be implemented in the years to come. It will be closely connected with the impact of the Ukrainian conflict on the modification of the policy of Germany and the entire European Union as well as the policy of the United States on the post-Soviet area.The crisis and conflict in eastern Ukraine strenghtened the legitimacy of argumentation thatthe main player in the post-Soviet area is Russia. None of the serious problems in this area can be resolved without the participation of Russia, and all the more, against Russia, which obviously, does not mean that the proponents of this stance overrate the capabilities of Russia in terms of shaping the closer and farther international environment. On this account, Polish policy will be hardly effective if at least some of Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet area, especially in Eastern Europe, are taken into consideration, as was proven to date. Bearing in mind long-term consquences, the strategic conceptions of the Polish policy towards the East, should opt for the closest possible ties of Russia with political and economic structures of the EU and Euro-Atlantic structures (Europeization of Russia). This, in turn, should result in the evolution of the economic-political system of Russia into liberal democracy.The Ukrainian crisis and conflict classified the effectiveness of the Polish conception aimed atoccidentalizing the Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova without simultaneously occidentalizing Russia. As was indicated by the proponents of this conception, its implementation assumed an inevitable cost such as a political conflict with Russia. The crisis and conflict in the Ukraine between 2014 and 2015 should be a good reason to change this stance. The biggest price for its implementation was paid by the Ukraininas themselves. Therefore, in the context of these experiences, Poland should support such conceptions and actions in the Ukraine which attempt at Ukraine’s integration with the West not in opposition to Russia, but together with Russia, which does not imply that this process has to be fully synchronized. The direction of actions in this matter is of key importance. Despite the many contentious issues in Polish-Russian relations and different historical memory of Poles and Russians, in the long-term interests of Poland’s security, lies implementing a cooperative and integrating, not a confrontational conception. For the normalization of Polish-Russian relations, it is essential that the successive governemnets of Poland and Russia should have a political will to a less confrontational approach towards disputable issues and resolve emerging problems in a compromising way, which is one of the „scarcest commodities” in the Polish-Russian relations. A compromise should not be treated as a failure, as is often believed, also by the Poles. It also requires changes in mutual perception. A true normalization of mutual relations between Poland and Russia will not be possible if the majority of political elites, media and society in both countries will see the other not even as a difficult partner of rival, but an enemy. The divergence of interests does not have to lead to hostility. The governing groups inPoland and Russia face a challenge in improving Polish-Russian relations. They can either attempt to broaden the area of common interests or to highlight the discrepancies and divergence of interests, and thus strenghten social attitudes prone to either cooperation or confrontation.

Face threats in interpreting: A pragmatic study of plenary debates in the European Parliament

Zagrożenia twarzy w tłumaczeniu ustnym: pragmatyczne studium debat plenarnych w Parlamencie Europejskim

Author(s): Magdalena Bartłomiejczyk / Language(s): English

Keywords: Simultaneous translation; Strategies of the interpreter; rudeness; face, European parliament

This monograph focuses on pragmatic aspects of simultaneous interpreting, and istherefore intended both for translation scholars and for linguists interested in interlingual transfer of pragmatic meaning. Efforts have been made to avoid dense, strictly scientific language and the use of unexplained specialist terminology in the hope that the book might also appeal to practicing interpreters and interpreter trainees, although it should be noted that its character is descriptive rather than prescriptive. The main problem under discussion is how simultaneous interpreters handle face-threatening acts and impoliteness directed by politicians at their opponents, and the authentic material under analysis comes from plenary debates of the European Parliament, which are routinely interpreted into all the official languages of the European Union. Chapters 1–4 are meant to set the scene. Chapter 1 presents the European Union as a multilingual institution, with a special focus on its translation and interpreting services. Chapter 2 zooms in on the latter, considering such features of plenary debates of the European Parliament that have direct consequences for interpreting, and also including an overview of existing research on interpreting for the needs of various EU bodies. Chapter 3 provides the pragmatic background to the study, shedding light especially on the crucial notions of “face,” “facework,” “face-threatening acts” and “impoliteness,” while Chapter 4 reviews existing research on facework performed by interpreters in various settings and interpreting modes.The author’s empirical contribution is presented in Chapter 5, which scrutinizes Polish interpretations of British Eurosceptics’ plenary speeches, in particular ones that fiercely attack and possibly offend the speakers’ political opponents. Five speeches undergo detailed discourse analysis covering all identifiable aspects of facework as performed by the original speaker and the interpreter, whereas a considerably larger corpus of source texts and the corresponding interpretations is analysed both qualitatively and quantitatively in terms of personal reference and impoliteness. The interpretations are searched, first and foremost, for signs of interpreting strategies at play during transfer of face-threatening input. Many of these strategies result in mitigation of the originally intended impoliteness. Chapter 6 develops this topic, endeavouring to find multifarious explanations of the pronounced trend towards mitigation by the interpreter within the wide framework of modern translation studies. Both this chapter and the final conclusions devote much attention to avenues for future research that would offer some possibilities of triangulating and complementing the results of thepresent study.

The social policy. Considerations about theory and practice

Polityka społeczna. Rozważania o teorii i praktyce

Author(s): Marian Mitręga,Joanna Lustig,Natalia Stępień-Lampa,Bożena Zasępa,Paweł Grzywna / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: social policy; subdisciplines of social policy; the welfare state

The work engages the problems of social policy and its subdisciplines. The social policy in Poland was subject to numerous transformations. Due to the institutional changes which are being constantly introduced, the transformations in the social structure and the technological progress, this process cannot be considered finished. The increasing range of services, new methods of managements, the development of a knowledge‑based society and the more and more closer international collaboration render this activity impossible to be perceived merely in terms of redistributive justice. Due to this, according to the authors, it is legitimate and worthwhile to conduct research in this scholarly field. The considerations that are presented in this work represent two currents of thinking about social policy – social policy as theory and as practice.The monograph constitutes a synthetic guide to the principal research areas of modern social policy. The work consists of sixteen chapters which describe the following problems of social policy: the problem of a definition, the genesis of the social policy and support activities, a model‑based approach, social security, the activities of the third sector, the population‑relatedpolicy, the policy associated with handicapped people, social protection, poverty, educationalpolicy, health‑related policy, the policy of the job market, the housing policy and the familypolicy. The publication is intended for people who are interested in the problems of social policy, political decision‑makers, including especially the representatives of self‑governmentauthorities and also the institutions of the second and third sectors.

Health Security in the Field of Social Politics. Introductory Remarks

Bezpieczeństwo zdrowotne w nauce i polityce społecznej. Wprowadzenie do dyskusji

Author(s): Paweł Grzywna / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Heath Security; Social Politics; Heath Politics

This work tackles the issue of health security analysed in social policy studies. The first part contains reflections on terminology. The author endeavours to define the category of security, among others in the context of values and social needs. He also presents the analysis of security from the perspective of a sector approach, showing the variety of types of security and referring to the concept of human security. Thereafter, the author outlines political connotations of this sector of security, which determine social perception of the functioning of the health care system. Notions that determine the scope of health security – including the right to health care and equality of access to health care services – have become the main issues in the author’s reflections. The choice of notions has helped formulate the definitional scope of the term of health security. In the next part, the author presents the ways of interpreting the notion of security in social policy studies. Another objective of this work is to reflect upon principal issues that condition the problematic field of health security, since the author has underlined basic elements that make health security significant for social policy, has delineated the model of monitoring dangers of health security and has pointed to the role of the category of health security as a cognitive device. This work is addressed to the circle ofpeople interested in the subject areas of health security and social policy, policymakers, and institutions responsible for shaping health security of citizens.

The Impact of an Economic Crisis on the Functioning of a Political System . A Case Study of Greece, Spain and Italy

Wpływ kryzysu gospodarczego na działanie systemu politycznego. Analiza przypadku Grecji, Hiszpanii i Włoch

Author(s): Tomasz Kubin,Małgorzata Lorencka,Małgorzata Myśliwiec / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Economic Crisis; Political System; Party system; Greek political system; The political system of Spain; Italian political system

The main scientific goal of the following study is to show the impact of an economic crisis on the functioning of a political system. The object of detailed research studies was the political systems of Greece, Spain and Italy. It was in these European Union countries that the effects of the worldwide economic crisis seemed to have had the biggest influence on the workings of the constituent elements of the political system.The leading research hypothesis is that, under the conditions of representative democracy,the economic situation of a state is one of the major determinants of the stability and continuity of its political system. The better the economic condition of a state, the bigger its political system’s functional stability and ability to endure. On the other hand, under the conditions of a political crisis, this stability and continuity are seriously compromised.The analysis of the impact of the economic crisis on the functioning of political systems ledthe authors to the formulation of the following detailed hypotheses:The operations of political decision-making centres in Greece, Spain and Italy pertainingto economic issues — both on the central and local level — caused serious disruptions to thefunctioning of their political systems.1. The economic crisis in Greece, Spain and Italy caused considerable disruption to the rhythm of election cycles.2. The economic crisis in Greece, Spain and Italy affected the functioning of the party systems in these countries.3. The economic crisis in Spain and Italy considerably influenced an intensification of decentralizing tendencies in these countries.4. The economic crisis in Greece, Spain and Italy influenced an intensification of the process of formulating anti-system postulates by certain political groups.In the introduction, the subject related and methodological assumptions of the conductedresearch were put forward. Chapter one contains an analysis of problems related to the origins,course and consequences of the economic crisis of 2008. The next three chapters contain ananalysis of the consequences of this crisis for the functioning of the political systems of Greece, Spain and Italy. The closing chapter contains general conclusions resulting from the conducted research process.

Impact of economic crisis on the functioning of political systems. A case study of Greece, Spain, and Italy

Impact of economic crisis on the functioning of political systems. A case study of Greece, Spain, and Italy

Author(s): Małgorzata Myśliwiec,Małgorzata Lorencka,Tomasz Kubin / Language(s): English

Keywords: economic crisis; political systems; Party system; Greek political system; The political system of Spain; Italian political system

The main scientific goal of the following study is to show the impact of an economic crisis on the functioning of a political system. The object of detailed research studies was the political systems of Greece, Spain and Italy. It was in these European Union countries that the effects of the worldwide economic crisis seemed to have had the biggest influence on the workings of the constituent elements of the political system.The leading research hypothesis is that, under the conditions of representative democracy,the economic situation of a state is one of the major determinants of the stability and continuity of its political system. The better the economic condition of a state, the bigger its political system’s functional stability and ability to endure. On the other hand, under the conditions of a political crisis, this stability and continuity are seriously compromised.The analysis of the impact of the economic crisis on the functioning of political systems ledthe authors to the formulation of the following detailed hypotheses:The operations of political decision-making centres in Greece, Spain and Italy pertainingto economic issues — both on the central and local level — caused serious disruptions to thefunctioning of their political systems.1. The economic crisis in Greece, Spain and Italy caused considerable disruption to the rhythm of election cycles.2. The economic crisis in Greece, Spain and Italy affected the functioning of the party systems in these countries.3. The economic crisis in Spain and Italy considerably influenced an intensification of decentralizing tendencies in these countries.4. The economic crisis in Greece, Spain and Italy influenced an intensification of the process of formulating anti-system postulates by certain political groups.In the introduction, the subject related and methodological assumptions of the conductedresearch were put forward. Chapter one contains an analysis of problems related to the origins, course and consequences of the economic crisis of 2008. The next three chapters contain an analysis of the consequences of this crisis for the functioning of the political systems of Greece, Spain and Italy. The closing chapter contains general conclusions resulting from the conducted research process.

Challenges and Threats for International and National Security at the End of the Second Decade of the 21st Century

Wyzwania i zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego i narodowego pod koniec drugiej dekady XXI wieku

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: international security; national security

This publication aims to diagnose the most important threats to international and national security at the end of the second decade of the 21st century. The emphasis has been placed on presenting the main challenges and threats that occur in the European and global system of international security. What constitutes an important objective of the collection is to show how the international security system has evolved on the regional – both European and global – scale in the second decade of the 21st century, and to point out the challenges and threats to national and international security connected with it. It is important not only to identify the current threats, but also the potential ones, against which measures can be taken already today thanks to an accurate “interpretation” of the developments in the international security system, both in individual regions of the world and on a global scale. One of the objectives of the collection is to show some threats to internal and external security of Poland, especially in the context of increased threats of terrorism and illegal migration.

International Relations at the Beginning of the 21st Century. Selected Aspects

Stosunki międzynarodowe na początku XXI wieku. Wybrane aspekty

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: international relations

The first two decades of the 21st century were characterised by numerous determinants that strongly destabilise interstate relations, and even have a destructive influence on the shape of international relations in the regional (European, Middle East, African or Asian) and global dimension. The aim of this publication is to offer a broadly understood analysis of selected challenges, threats, and problems in foreign policy of selected European and non-European countries, both in bilateral and multilateral relations in the first and second decade of the 21st century. The studies concern, inter alia, the theoretical aspects of international relations, processes, and phenomena taking place in Europe at the beginning of the 21st century and trends in international relations appearing in other parts of the globe.

The crises in the European Union in the second decade of the 21st century. Determinants – process – implications

Kryzysy w Unii Europejskiej w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Uwarunkowania – przebieg – implikacje

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: European Union; EU

The research objective undertaken in the present work is the analysis of the most important issues regarding the main reasons and manifestations of the crises occurring in the EU in the second decade of the 21st century, together with indicating the possibilities of their overcoming, and discussing their most important implications as far as the further realization of the integration project is concerned. It should be mentioned that only some of the consequences of the EU crises which have occurred in the second decade of the 21st century can be successfully diagnosed. Others will surely set in, only in a shorter or a longer term. Moreover, there is the difficulty with a precise separation of some reasons (sources) from the symptoms of the crises (e.g. the deficit of democracy in the EU). It remains a fact that further process of European integration has become much less predictable than it was a couple of years ago. There emerge various, more or less probable, scenarios of the functioning or disintegration of the EU and its main consequences for the UE member countries, as well as for both the European and the global international system. In the present work, the expressions “the EU crisis” and “the crises in the EU” are used interchangeably. Typically, in literature on the subject these terms are used with different scopes of meaning. The authors of the studies devoted to this problem, including the authors of some of the texts printed in the present volume, draw attention to the fact that a crisis or crises in the EU may be of fragmentary nature, concerning some levels or dimensions of integration within the EU. They claim that the crises in the EU do not have negative influence on the functioning of the Union as a whole. The EU crisis, on the other hand, refers to the crisis of the entire system, the crisis that is spatial and structural, and which poses a threat to the very existence of the EU. It should be kept in mind, though, that the multiplicity and the intensity of the crises, as well as the fact that there have been numerous crises overlapping in a relatively short time in the second decade of the 21st century, have resulted in the situation where the crises in the EU transform, as it were, into the crisis of the EU. Therefore, we have to do with the situation when the crises in the EU in consequence become the EU crisis. The present volume contains 24 articles divided into four parts. The allocation of some articles to a given part of the volume is fairly arbitrary due to the fact that the authors of some texts printed in the present work discuss the issues that concern both the reasons or symptoms, as well as the consequences of the crises under consideration. Because of this, several articles might as well belong to other parts of the volume as well. In the first part, entitled “The theoretical aspects of the crises in the European Union”, there can be found articles written by Zbigniew D. Czachór, Janusz Ruszkowski, Józef M. Fiszer, and Piotr Tosiek. Part Two, entitled “The determinants of crises in the European Union”, contains the studies in which the authors have exposed some internal (intra‑Union) as well as external determinants of the crises occurring in the EU. In this part of the volume there are articles by Dariusz Milczarek and Olga Barburska, Rafał Riedel, Jerzy Jaskiernia, Katarzyna Czornik, and Agnieszka Miarka. The most extensive part of the volume is Part Three, “The symptoms of the crises in the European Union”. Here, one can find texts written by Jacek Pietrucha, Sławomir Czech, Andrzej Podrazy, Michał Dulak, Bogdan Góralczyk, Ryszard Zięba, Mieczysław Stolarczyk, Joanna Ciesielska‑Klikowska, and Anna Pacześniak. In the final part of the present work there are articles by Agnieszka Nitszke, Justyna Zając, Artur Adamczyk, Monika Szynol, Magdalena Tusińska, and Tomasz Kubin. The present study is addressed to a wide range of readers. The editors of the volume hope that the articles contained in the present publication will contribute to the enhancement of the knowledge concerning the main reasons, symptoms, and implications of the crises occurring in the European Union in the second decade of the 21st century. They wish for the present book to become a significant form of scholarly participation from various academic centres of our country in the on‑going discussion devoted to this problem and the voice in the discourse concerning not only the fundamental issues of integration politics of Poland and other EU member countries, but also the matters of preliminary importance for the politics of the security of Poland and other countries, as well as international security in Europe and the world. Because further regression, and all the more the disintegration of the EU, would have difficult to overestimate implications not only for the European international system, but also for the international system globally.

Contemporary political parties and party systems of Visegrad Group countries in democratization process

Współczesne partie i systemy partyjne państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej w procesie demokratyzacji

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: contemporary political parties; Visegrad Group; democratization process

Problematyka partii politycznych i systemów partyjnych jest jednym z podstawowych elementów analizy systemu politycznego. Współczesny reżim demokratyczny opiera się na rządach partii politycznej1. Partie stanowią pomost pomiędzy społeczeństwem a władzą publiczną. W tym dualnym układzie z jednej strony reprezentują interesy obywateli, a z drugiej wpływają na realne decyzje polityczne. Wśród wielu sposobów definiowania partii warto zwrócić uwagę na ten, który ukazuje wzajemne relacje pomiędzy jej reprezentatywnym charakterem (w znaczeniu agregacji i prezentacji interesów społecznych) a możliwością zdobycia i sprawowania przez nią władzy. Pozwala to na ukazanie specyficznej roli, jaką partia odgrywa w procesie wyborczym2.

„ODRA” (1945–1950) A monograph of the journal

„ODRA” (1945–1950) Monografia czasopisma

Author(s): Paweł Sarna / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: PRL; Wilhelm Szewczyk; „Odra”; „Odrodzenie”; „Kuźnica”;„Tygodnik Powszechny”;

This volume presents the history and role of “Odra”, a social-cultural journal founded by journalists and writers gathered around Wilhelm Szewczyk. The journal was published in Katowice in the years 1945–1950, first as a biweekly and since 1946, as a weekly. The legacy of the journal is of particular value. Within a few years, it became one of the most important social-cultural periodicals in post-war Poland. This volume traces its development; it consists of six parts. The first part presents the social and political background of the journal. In the years that followed World War Two, the social and cultural press was a major forum for discussion, in particular, for debates on culture. The most important debates of the time included the battle for the Polish intelligentsia, in which the “Odra” journal participated. Such disputes were, to a considerable extent, a substitute for political topics, that is, for problems which could not be explicitly addressed.Journals that were published at that time had one thing in common: they were all subject to censorship. However, it must be remembered that censorship was merely a tool in the hands of the party. Because “Odra” was regarded as an oppositional journal, censors read it very closely. As a result of their intervention, the published versions of articles were sometimes quite remote from their original forms.The second part of the volume presents the methodological assumptions of the project. The research comprises a quantitative analysis, that is, an analysis of the content, and a qualitative analysis of the material. In methodological terms, the study of the role and significance of the “Odra” journal in the years 1945–1950 is situated at the junction of literary studies and media studies.The third part outlines the main characters of the narration. Protagonists of the “Odra” journal included indigenous inhabitants and settlers. Journalists stood up for those who were part of a community of suffering: harmed by bandits and the system, often rejected and pushed to the edge of the political and cultural life. In 1946, Zbyszko Bednorz, one of the regular collaborators of the journal, wrote that in the awareness of Poles, the Western and Northern Territories still remained occupied and strange. In fact, for a long time, they continued to be explored and colonised. Moreover, they had a special place on the map of fear and terror because of the robberies by Soviet soldiers, the Citizens’ Militia, and common bandits.It was an intention of “Odra” editors to shape the journal in such a way so that it was perceived as both recording and commenting on all important events that took place in post-war Germany. The issue of Polish-German relations was analysed in particular detail, taking into consideration events of the most remote past. The most active commentator on the German problem was Wilhelm Szewczyk, the editor-in-chief, who wrote about post-war Germany and Polish-German relations in the column entitled Co robią Niemcy? [What are the Germans doing?]. The narration about Poland’s western neighbour in the texts published in the Co robią Niemcy? series forms a recognisable pattern: it begins with a simple juxtaposition between “us” and “them” in the first post-war years; later, however, this opposition dissolves so that the division blurs, a change influenced to a considerable extent by the events in both German states and by the political course taken by the Polish authorities.The book argues that an important asset of the journal was its programme, which is described and analysed in the fourth part of the volume. “Odra” drew from the national thought of the interwar period. However, it must be emphasised that it cannot be suspected of having supported nationalist causes.Journalists of the “Odra” journal proposed a cultural programme for – to use the terminology of the time – the Recovered Territories. They were actively involved in polemics with Kuźnica, a journal promoting Marxist thought and an important title on the national scale.A considerable part of the content of the journal was concerned with analyses of literary texts, which are discussed in the last two parts of the volume. “Odra” carried texts by widely respected writers, including those whose influence on the shape of Polish literature and culture was growing with time: Tadeusz Różewicz, Tymoteusz Karpowicz, and Stanisław Lem. Browsing through the issues of “Odra”, one will easily notice that the literary themes and texts often directly corresponded with the content of articles which discussed other issues. Poetry and prose frequently functioned as illustrations of various problems addressed by journalists. “Odra” editors used this strategy, for instance, to raise the readers’ interest in the problem of Polish-German and Polish-Czechoslovakian relations.Historians of literature and media scholars often appeal for more research being done into the periodical press in general, and into the period immediately following World War Two in particular, when the new post-Yalta order was forming. Despite the abundance of source material, studies of the subject are scarce. So far, no special monograph devoted solely to the “Odra” journal has been published. It is hoped that the present volume will fill this gap.

Armed conflicts in the Middle East and Africa in the second decade of the 21st century. The course ¬– the conditions – the implications.

Konflikty zbrojne na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Afryce w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Przebieg – uwarunkowania – implikacje

Author(s): Katarzyna Czornik,Miron Lakomy / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: war; armed conflict; Syria; Iraq; the Islamic Sate; Libya; Israel; Palestine; the Central African Republic; Mali

There currently exists a burning necessity for undertaking an academic analysis of the nature of the armed conflicts which occurred in the second decade of the 21 century in the Middle East and Africa. With an increasing frequency they exert a significant influence on the security of the nations of NATO and the European Union, a clear sign of this being the immigration crisis of 2015 and the dramatic increase in the number of terrorist attacks in Europe in the recent years. The problem grows more serious as the world and local public opinion perceive the above symptoms in a very simplified manner, saturated with stereotypes or distortions, frequently thoughtlessly proliferated by the mass media. The main research purpose of the monograph is to present the course, the basic conditions and the most important implications of the selected armed conflict in the area of the Middle East and Africa in the second decade of the 21st century. Altogether six armed conflicts have been selected for the analysis: in Syria, Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, the war with the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria and the Israel-Palestine conflict. Among the specific aims of the presented monograph the following should be enumerated: the discussion of the course of all of the selected armed conflicts in Africa and the Middle East, the verification of the stereotypes and distortions which have grown around these conflicts, the characteristic of the most important internal and external factors which have influenced the eruption and the course of the selected armed conflicts, the distinguishing, as far as it is possible, of the common features of the military conflicts in Africa and the Middle East in the second decade of the 21st century and the indication of the most important implications of the armed conflicts for the security of the discussed countries, as well as international security.

CETA comprehensive economic and trade agreement - benefits and threats

Kompleksowa umowa gospodarczo-handlowa CETA – korzyści i zagrożenia

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: CETA trade agreement

W dniu 21 września 2017 r. tymczasowo weszła w życie1 Kompleksowa umowa gospodarczo‑handlowa (Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA)2 – porozumienie handlowe zawarte pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Kanadą. O poziomie doniosłości tego aktu prawnego świadczy zarówno długość okresu prowadzenia negocjacji w zakresie jego treści (lata 2009–2014)3, jak również ogromne zainteresowanie medialne i liczba kontrowersji (fala protestów) związanych z samym zawarciem umowy4, a przede wszystkim zawartość merytoryczna porozumienia wprowadzającego znaczące ułatwienia w wymianie handlowej między Kanadą a państwami członkowskimi Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem CETA jest likwidacja barier i ograniczeń w stosunkach gospodarczych łączących przedsiębiorstwa działające po obu stronach Atlantyku. Szacuje się, że porozumienie to doprowadzi do zniesienia 98% (docelowo 99%) ceł pobieranych przy wymianie handlowej dokonywanej pomiędzy Kanadą i UE5. Ponadto, CETA ma również m.in. ułatwić przedsiębiorcom inwestowanie w Kanadzie i ubieganie się o udzielenie zamówień publicznych w tym państwie, otwarcie rynku kanadyjskiego na europejskie produkty oraz przynieść wymierne korzyści dla konsumentów6. /fragment wstępu/ 1 https://ec.europa.eu/poland/news/1709201_ceta_pl [Dostęp: 21 maja 2018 r.]. 2 Tekst umowy dostępny na stronie Komisji Europejskiej: http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/in‑focus/ceta/ceta‑chapter‑by‑chapter/index_pl.htm [Dostęp: 21 maja 2018 r.]. 3 Http://www.canadainternational.gc.ca/eu‑ue/policies‑politiques/trade_agreements‑accords_commerciaux.aspx? lang=eng [Dostęp: 21 maja 2018 r.]. 4 Zob. np.: Protesty przeciwko CETA w Europie, https://www.bankier.pl/wiadomosc/Protesty‑przeciwko‑CETA‑w‑Europie‑Galeria‑tygodnia‑7481810.html; Gigantyczny kurczak, dziesiątki transparentów. „CETA stop w Warszawie”, https://www.tvn24.pl/wiadomosci‑z‑kraju,3/protesty‑przeciw‑ceta‑i‑ttip‑w‑polsce, 684214.html; Niemcy: masowe protesty przeciwko umowom transatlantyckim TTIP i CETA, http://www.dw.com/pl/niemcymasowe‑protesty‑przeciwko‑umowom‑transatlantyckim‑ttip‑i‑ceta/a‑19558993 [Dostęp: 21 maja 2018 r.]. 5 Http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2017/february/tradoc_155355.pdf [Dostęp: 21 maja 2018 r.]. 6 Http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/in‑focus/ceta/ceta‑explained/index_pl.htm [Dostęp: 21 maja 2018 r.].

The faces of contemporary propaganda. The case of the Chinese-Taiwan information war

Oblicza współczesnej propagandy. Przypadek chińsko-tajwańskiej wojny informacyjnej

Author(s): Robert Rajczyk / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Propaganda; People's Republic of China; Taiwan;information war;

The book „Contemporary propaganda. The case of the Chinese-Taiwan information war” depicts the oldest propaganda conflict in the world. The first three chapters of the monograph relate to the theory of propaganda in international communication. The next ones review the role of mass as well as social media in creating contemporary propaganda narratives. In the fourth chapter, Taiwan’s propaganda activities are analyzed, taking into account the specific situation of this non-recognized state. The last chapter consists of the analysis of the propaganda activities of the People’s Republic of China in relation to the Taiwanese issue. The research on the narratives and propaganda actions of both countries presents their strategic goals, directions, and adapted methods and techniques. The particular attention was focused on the role of traditional media as well as on the new media. The analysis shows that while the propaganda strategies and actions of both countries are determined by the changing political and economic conditions of both entities, they are also mutually dependent. The Taiwan’s propaganda aim is to create its own image as the „only one Chinese democracy” and to develop favourable economic and cultural relations. On the other hand, continental China promotes the idea of one China (one China policy), and the propaganda activities are focused on strengthening the country’s political and economic position in the world. The future of Taiwanese propaganda will be shaped primarily on the basis of new media focused on the important role of the e-image of the state and the intensive protection of its own information sphere. The future of Chinese propaganda will be related to the development of the international broadcasting of information programmes by the state-financed television stations having a global reach, and the expansion of state-supported Chinese private capital to dominate ownership in media organizations that operate in the media markets within the areas of the political and economic interests of the People’s Republic of China.

The process of democratisation and its determinants. An analysis based on the example of the Czech Republic and Hungary (1999–2016)

Proces demokratyzacji i jego determinanty. Analiza na przykładzie Republiki Czeskiej i Węgier (1990-2016)

Author(s): Sebastian Kubas / Language(s): Polish

This study is concerned with an analysis of the democratisation processes in two Central European states: the Czech Republic and Hungary in the years 1990–2016. It consists of two parts, with the first one presenting a theoretical analysis of the phenomenon of democracy, the process of democratisation, and the determinants of this process, and the second one focusing on the empirical analysis of the democratisation processes in the Czech Republic and Hungary. Today democracy means that almost all adult citizens participate in the exercising of power. In substantive terms, democracy relies on freedom, equality, and majority rule. At the same time, it is also a regime that rests on specific principles and procedures (the procedural perspective). The process of consolidating democratic values and procedures goes through various stages. First, the erosion of a non-democratic regime involves the transfer of power from former elites to new political actors. Next, during the transition stage, the democratic institutional design is introduced into the political system. Finally, during the consolidation stage, the democratic principles of political life become well-established and democratic values accepted and internalized by the society. The most important determinants of the stage of erosion include: the heritage of the past and the influence of the surroundings. The transition is determined by: the structure of the state, national identity, political elites’ work on the constitution, the relationship between the organs of government, the party system, the electoral system, lustration, decentralisation of power to a system of local authorities, and external factors. The consolidation stage depends on institutional factors on the one hand. such as the final design of the constitution, a stable model of relations between the organs of government, the development of a pluralistic party system, and solidification of the electoral system, and on behavioural factors on the other, such as acceptance and internalisation of democratic values by the society. The process of democratization can be analysed and evaluated with the use of quantitative and qualitative indicators. This study employs indices used by Freedom House, The Economist Intelligence Unit, and The Bertelsmann Foundation.The erosion of the non-democratic regime in Czechoslovakia and Hungary was marked by the transfer of power from political elites to democratic actors. In Hungary, this process was accomplished by negotiations, leading to an agreement signed in the autumn of 1989; in Czechoslovakia, it resulted from the inefficient political elites surrendering the control of the country. The fall of the regime was non-violent. In the initial phase of democratisation, the Czechs could draw on richer experience and more substantial democratic achievements than the Hungarians.During the transition stage, various contributing factors not always influenced the Czech and Hungarian processes of democratisation in the same way. Differences can be seen in the case of such determinants as the structure of the state, national identity, or particular elements of the institutional design. While the Czechs formed their own state in 1992, after 1990 the Hungarians had to redefine their stance towards a several-million Hungarian diaspora in neighbouring countries. The Constitution of the Czech Republic was adopted in 1992, while the Hungarian communist Constitution of 1949 was amended in 1989 and 1990. Both states adopted the parliamentary cabinet system of government, but Hungary opted for the chancellor model. Multi-party systems emerged, but the electoral systems for parliaments were different – with proportional representation in the Czech Republic and mixed in Hungary. The process of lustration was more radical and effective in the Czech Republic. The impact of exogenous determinants was similar in both states because the situation was conducive to the promotion of democracy.The consolidation stage brought changes in the institutional design in both countries. In Hungary, a major restructuring took place after 2010, including the approval of the new Constitution in 2011. Its laws reflect the axiological stance of the legislator, based on conservative and national values rather than on liberal principles that were highlighted before. The party systems have remained pluralistic in both states, but the Czech one is more decentralised. This results in multi-party government coalitions and negatively influences the cabinet stability. In Hungary, the complicated electoral system has been simplified but the mixed formula has been retained. The democracy indices applied in the analysis – The Freedom House index, The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index, and The Bertelsmann Foundation’s index – unanimously indicate that the Czech Republic is more advanced than Hungary in its progress towards consolidated democracy.

Polish elections 2014–2015. The national and international context - the course of the competition - political consequences. Vol. 1

Polskie wybory 2014–2015. Kontekst krajowy i międzynarodowy - przebieg rywalizacji - konsekwencje polityczne. T. 1

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Opracowania zawarte w niniejszym tomie odnoszą się do trzech podstawowych grup zagadnień: strategicznego ukierunkowania poszczególnych kampanii, roli pełnionej w strategiach komunikacyjnych przez media masowe oraz personalizacji kampanii (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ekspozycji kampanijnej kobiet pełniących rolę liderów politycznych/twarzy kampanii). (fragment wstępu)

Around the theoretical and practical aspects of international relations. Jubilee book dedicated to professor Mieczysław Stolarczyk

Wokół teoretycznych i praktycznych aspektów stosunków międzynarodowych. Księga jubileuszowa dedykowana profesorowi Mieczysławowi Stolarczykowi

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: international relations; Mieczysław Stolarczyk

Poland’s Foreign Policy towards Latin America in the Post-Cold War Period

Polityka zagraniczna Polski wobec Ameryki Łacińskiej w okresie pozimnowojennym

Author(s): Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska / Language(s): Polish

The work is a compendium of information and a study of Polish-Latin American relations, with particular emphasis on the implications of Poland’s accession to the structures of the European Union in the context of the country’s policy towards Latin America. The monograph is the first in the literature on the subject in which the title issue has been presented within the framework of the entire post-cold war period, i.e. 1989/1990–2016, and in a comprehensive way, on the political, economic, scientific and cultural levels.The author has focused on the analysis of bilateral relations with Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. The determinant of such a choice was the desire to discuss Poland’s relations with its main Latin American partners. In accordance with the government document Strategia RP w odniesieniu do pozaeuropejskich krajów rozwijających się [Strategy of the Republic of Poland with regard to non-European developing countries] of 2004, Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico were included among the priority partners, while Colombia and Venezuela were defined as important. These are the Latin American countries with which Poland conducts political dialogue both bilaterally and multilaterally (within the EU or the Pacific Alliance, which includes three of the countries listed in the Strategy – Mexico, Chile and Colombia), and Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Chile account for the largest percentage of Poland’s trade with the region (about 75%). As far as the historical experience of mutual contacts is concerned, it should be noted that these countries, especially Brazil and Argentina, were the main directions of emigration from Poland to Latin America. The work also mentions Poland’s relations with other countries of the region, such as Cuba, Peru, Panama and Ecuador.The study is devoted to the post-war period, but it takes into account the context of Poland’s earlier policy towards Latin America, divided into the most characteristic stages, corresponding to continuity and change in the bilateral relations. It discusses Poland’s contacts with the countries of this region in the 17th and 18th centuries, as well as in the 19th century, when there was an increased emigration of Poles, especially to Brazil (the so-called Brazilian fever) and Argentina.The title issue has been presented in the bilateral and multilateral dimension, taking into account the formal and legal basis and the results of meetings at the highest and lowest levels. Factors hindering and facilitating relations between Poland and Latin American countries and the position of these countries in the foreign policy of Poland have been identified. Determinants and tendencies in Polish policy towards the Latin American region, its manifestations, as well as dilemmas and challenges that appeared in the 21st century have been presented. Moreover, arguments for intensification of mutual relations in bilateral and multilateral forums and potential areas of cooperation in the field of political, economic, scientific and cultural relations have been indicated.