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Publisher: Instytut Zachodni im. Zygmunta Wojciechowskiego

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Transformations of the European Union. The role of Germany and implications for Polish-German relations. Three scenarios
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Transformations of the European Union. The role of Germany and implications for Polish-German relations. Three scenarios

Przemiany Unii Europejskiej. Rola Niemiec i implikacje dla stosunków polsko-niemieckich. Trzy scenariusze

Author(s): Krzysztof Malinowski,Michał Nowosielski,Marcin Tujdowski,Jacek Kubera / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Unia Europejska; geopolityka; integracja europejska; przyszłość Unii Europejskiej

Narastające wyzwania zewnętrzne, z jakimi jest konfrontowana od pewnego czasu Unia Europejska, jak również nasilające się różne niekorzystne tendencje i zjawiska w jej funkcjonowaniu, skłaniają do konstatacji, że znajdujesię ona obecnie w fazie kryzysu. Przy czym z trudem można przewidzieć, czy zbliża się już jego przesilenie, czy też przybierze on bardziej chroniczny charakter. Kryzys zadłużenia w strefie euro, konsekwencje Arabskiej Wiosny, aneksja Krymu przez Rosję i wojna na Ukrainie, terroryzm na Bliskim Wschodzie i jego przenikanie do Europy, wreszcie wojna w Syrii i kryzys uchodźczy skutkujący podziałami między państwami członkowskimi, ilustrują powiększającą się gwałtownie skalę zagrożeń. Ich skumulowanie i uporczywość postawiło UE przed poważnymi dylematami związanymi z poszukiwaniem odpowiednich strategii i instrumentów służących, jeśli nie rozwiązaniu palących problemów i zażegnaniu kryzysów, to przynajmniej złagodzeniu ich negatywnych skutków. Kryzysową fazę charakteryzuje też ujawnianie się narodowych interesów i artykułowanie narodowych aspiracji przez państwa członkowskie. Polaryzacja stanowisk stała się widoczniejsza, co tłumaczy trudności z uzgadnianiem wspólnych reakcji i formułowaniem właściwych odpowiedzi w UE na zmieniające się warunki. Determinowana jest ona częściowo przez narastającew wielu społeczeństwach europejskich populistyczne tendencje, które objawiająsię poprzez powstawanie ruchów otwarcie kontestujących integrację europejską, optujących za działaniami secesjonistycznymi. W rezultacie oddziaływania różnego typu destrukcyjnych zjawisk podważeniu ulega zatemnie tylko sama idea integracji europejskiej i jej dalszego rozwijania, ale także bardziej dalekosiężna wizja urzeczywistnienia aspiracji międzynarodowych UE jako znaczącego aktora dbającego o bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe i współtworzącego liberalny ład światowy. Polska jest żywotnie zainteresowana zahamowaniem odśrodkowych tendencjii znalezieniem kompromisu między państwami członkowskimi, satysfakcjonującego i pierwszych protagonistów idei europejskiej i tych, którzyz powodu podziału jałtańskiego dołączyli do dzieła integracji z opóźnieniem. Podobnie Niemcy są zainteresowane przezwyciężeniem aktualnych trudnościi umocnieniem UE. Dysponują przy tym odpowiednim potencjałem pozwalającym zmobilizować inne państwa wokół tego celu bądź skierować przemiany w UE w pożądanym kierunku. Bez wątpienia od kształtu UE, formowanego podczas zmagań ze wspomnianymi wyzwaniami i zagrożeniami, będzie zależeć przyszłe miejsce Polski w Europie. Prognoza dotycząca rozwoju UE w najbliższych latach jest przedsięwzięciem trudnym. W niniejszym opracowaniu zaproponowano trzy scenariusze rozwoju Unii Europejskiej w perspektywie krótko- i średnioterminowej, którą określono w horyzoncie 2025 r. Prognozy dotyczą różnych wariantów rozwoju UE i uwzględniają założoną w projekcie kluczową rolę Niemiec. Pierwszy scenariusz zakłada realizację zapowiadanej w Niemczech przez partię chadecką już przed ponad dwoma dziesięcioleciami koncepcji integracji rozwijanej według różnych prędkości z kluczową rolą awangardy, tzw. trzonowej Europy. Drugi scenariusz zakłada fiasko tej koncepcji i nieuchronność regresywnych tendencji obrazujących „pełzającą” dezintegrację. Jest on jednocześnie propozycją uwzględnienia takiego rozwoju wypadków, który dzisiaj wydaje się najmniej oczekiwany i który zakłada wyłonienie się destrukcyjnych skutków różnych procesów i kryzysów, w zarządzaniu którymi UE tylko pozornie zachowuje efektywność. Trzeci scenariusz zakłada pragmatyzm państw członkowskichw dążeniu do przezwyciężenia pojawiających się kryzysów wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych oraz rozwijanie integracji w obrębie całej UE. Zgodnie z przedstawionym wyżej założeniem w ramach każdego scenariusza starano się określić charakter zaangażowania Niemiec w UE oraz jego implikacje dla stosunków polsko-niemieckich.Punktem odniesienia we wnioskach były ogólne diagnostyczne ustalenia wynikające z wcześniejszych analiz opinii i poglądów polskich elit politycznych. Zaobserwowano mianowicie sporą rozpiętość opinii i poglądów na temat stosunków z Niemcami w UE w ostatnich latach (2009-2015). Trudno było więc uchwycić ich wspólny mianownik i dokonać uogólnień, które pozwoliłyby uzyskać ujednolicony punkt wyjścia do interpretacji i oceny roli Niemiec w UE i jej znaczenia dla Polski.

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Polish organisations in Germany.
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Polish organisations in Germany.

Polskie organizacje w Niemczech. Stan i uwarunkowania

Author(s): Michał Nowosielski / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Polish organisations in Germany; Polish community in Germany; immigrant organisations; Polish community in Germany; identity; assimilation; Polish- German relations; status; social structure; minority associations

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U.S. Global Leadership in XXI century
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U.S. Global Leadership in XXI century

Światowe przywództwo Ameryki w XXI wieku

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: USA; globalisation; NATO; American dominance; leadership; strategy; foreign policy; crisis; image; superpower

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Poland and Germany i Europe (2004-2014). Divergent interests – conditionalities and consequences
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Poland and Germany i Europe (2004-2014). Divergent interests – conditionalities and consequences

Polska i Niemcy w Europie (2004-2014). Różnice interesów – uwarunkowania i konsekwencje

Author(s): Krzysztof Malinowski / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Polish-German relations; EU integration; NATO; security policy; eurozone; financial crisis; Russia; energy security

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Partnership in leadership? US and Germany (1989-2016). Polish perspective
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Partnership in leadership? US and Germany (1989-2016). Polish perspective

Partnerstwo w przywództwie? Stany Zjednoczone i Niemcy (1989-2016). Perspektywa polska

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: US-German relations; American-German partnership; EU, Polish foreign policy; NATO; Russia

Stany Zjednoczone i Republikę Federalną Niemiec łączą stosunki, które stanowią ważny filar zaangażowania Ameryki w Europie. Stąd ich znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego i porządku międzynarodowego. Od momentu zjednoczenia Niemiec wiele się zmieniło we wzajemnych relacjach. Był to zarówno efekt nowych uwarunkowań międzynarodowych, jak i skutek odzyskania przez Niemcy pełnej suwerenności oraz ich rosnących aspiracji politycznych. Silniejsze Niemcy stały się bardziej asertywne wobec oczekiwań Waszyngtonu. Dynamika wydarzeń międzynarodowych spowodowała także redefinicję amerykańskich celów i metod działania na arenie światowej, co nie pozostało bez wpływu na kształt relacji z Berlinem. O tym wszystkim mowa jest w prezentowanej książce. Analizując ewolucję stosunków amerykańsko-niemieckich w ostatnim ponad ćwierćwieczu, próbowano odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy RFN zyskała nowe miejsce w strategii Waszyngtonu. Czy jako silniejszy podmiot postępowała odpowiedzialnie i wiarygodnie w relacjach z amerykańskim supermocarstwem? Czy z kolei USA wyciągnęły właściwe wnioski z faktu, że ich partnerem jest państwo o dużym potencjale gospodarczym i znaczącej randze politycznej? Czy potrafiły optymalnie i skutecznie współpracować z nowymi Niemcami? Biorąc pod uwagę znaczenie dla Polski dobrych relacji zarówno z Niemcami, jak Stanami Zjednoczonymi, starano się określić implikacje stanu stosunków na linii Waszyngton-Berlin dla polskich interesów. Czy udało się te cele osiągnąć, pozostawiam życzliwej ocenie czytelników.

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Poland’s political elites in the context of Polish-German relations within the European Union
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Poland’s political elites in the context of Polish-German relations within the European Union

Polskie elity polityczne wobec stosunków z Niemcami w ramach Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: elites; Polish-German relations; EU; EU’s eastern policy; security; energy; climate change; crisis

A review of the opinions of Polish political elites on Polish-German relations within the EU framework, which are of both academic and practical significance, was undertaken in a project of the Institute for Western Affairs conducted between 2013 and 2016 (Poland’s political elites in the context of Polish-German relations within the European Union). The goal was to examine the positions of Poland’s political elites within specific thematic fields associated with the EU (such as visions of EU transformations, the EU’s eastern policy, as well as security, energy and climate change) as held between the outbreak of the eurozone crisis in 2009 and the outset of the refugee crisis in 2015. The opinions and views expressed by Poland’s political elites reveal a conviction that a strong correlation exists between the nature of Polish-German relations and the crystallization of Poland’s role in the European Union. The elites are deeply divided on Polish-German relations at this critical time for the EU’s development, which suggests an absence of a political consensus. The divisions run deep, rooted in differences in the basic political orientations represented by the elite’s members. Conflicting views on Poland’s role in Europe and the European Union coincided with discrepancies in approaches to Germany, the concepts of mutual relations, and particularly the acknowledgement of Germany’s vital importance for Poland in Europe. Evidently, there are two aspects to the relationship. On the one hand, the perception of Germany as a strategic partner has influenced the search for Poland’s place in the EU. On the other, Germany was seen as a hindrance for defining a role for Poland within Europe. In this sense, the discourse on the shape of Poland’s role in Europe and specifically in the EU ended up being bundled with a dispute on the significance of Germany for Poland in this process. As a secondary consideration, the discourse influenced the way in which the state of Polish-German relations was diagnosed and predicted. The same applied to collaboration between the two countries and the widening gaps between the interests pursued in various fields of the EU’s engagement (such the eastern, energy and defense policies). Noticeably, the opinions of Polish elites on Polish-German relations became polarized along the same lines that separated views on a more prominent (leadership) role which Germany aspired to play in the EU in the wake of the eurozone debt crisis and in the face of the Ukrainian conflict. Diverse interpretations of Germany’s actions prevented Polish elites from reaching a consensus on the opportunities and prospects awaiting Poland in the event Germany succeeds in strengthening its position in the EU. The above maneuverings were echoed in the parliamentary discourse. Thrown into sharp relief were two narratives on the desired way in which Poland should develop its relations with Germany within the framework of the EU. While one of them saw Poland rising to the role of Germany’s strategic partner, the other expected it to pursue its own subjective policy within the EU independently of Germany. Both approaches reflect two archetypical visions of the course that Poland should take in history, i.e. (1) the Piast line which combined support for strengthening European integration with the belief that Poland’s cooperation with Germany is likely to help it rise to greater significance in the European Union; and (2) the Jagiellonian view oriented at increasing Poland’s autonomy within the EU through closer integration with Central Europe (and possibly the Intermarium region) and consequently also with the EU as a whole. Disparities between the two visions were reflected in debates on eastern, energy & climate and security policies. Despite differences on the essence of relations with Germany, underpinned by the divide between the ruling coalition of the Civic Platform and the Polish People’s Party and its right-wing opposition embodied by the Law & Justice party, as reflected in the pre-2016 parliamentary debates, the two approaches converged in e.g. the admission that it is in Poland’s best interest to keep the EU from evolving towards a confederation dominated by large member states which alone would determine the fate of the Union.   In the academic discourse, references to Germany are central to disputes about Europe and Poland’s place in the Union. The line that separates advocates of Poland’s integration with the EU from Euro-skeptics coincides with different understandings of Germany’s role and significance for Polish-German relations and for the development of the EU. In the former (prevailing) approach, emphasis has been placed on (a) Germany’s huge potential, partially compromised by dissenting forces, including those seeking to divide the EU into a “multi-speed Europe”, and (b) the relevance of the European imperative in Germany’s policies. The authors stressed also the key significance of Poland’s collaboration with Germany (regarding the CSDP, eastern policy and the future structure of the EU). The latter critical approach supported by the political right wing tended to focus on Poland’s geopolitical security and the need for Central Europe’s autonomy, both of which are seen as alternatives to cooperation with Germany. Differences in views on Germany’s leadership were associated with the way the proponents of the two approaches saw the EU and their preferred visions of European integration. Such proponents agreed to oppose Europe’s domination by major powers and resist the historically discredited “concert” among the member states. However, when the advocates of the pro-European approach sought to strengthen European institutions as an effective means of holding Germany in check, the Euro-critics proclaimed such a strengthening would stand in the way of transforming Europe into a commonwealth of sovereign states which they saw as a guarantee of Poland’s equality vis-à-vis Germany. For that reason, a closer cooperation between Germany and the EU was treated as rather contrary to Poland’s interests and as a barrier to Poland’s empowerment. The participants of the discourse of experts agreed to accept Germany’s central role in transforming the EU. The experts generally supported the postulate that Poland has an interest in ensuring that Europe continues its integration and that the EU achieves internal cohesion. The key point on which they diverged was Poland’s adoption of the euro. The scales tipped in favor of the proponents of a wait-and-see approach. The prevailing opinion was that a closer relationship with Germany would strengthen Poland’s position in the EU and that Germany was potentially interested in establishing closer links with Poland due to the similarities in the two countries’ fiscal regimes and specifically to (a) Poland’s possible future entry into the eurozone and (b) the benefits that Germany expects to derive from having Poland as a partner that would legitimize Germany’s leadership of the EU. Surveys of parliamentary elites have shown that Germany’s leadership of the EU is viewed primarily as a consequence of the eurozone crisis and of the weakening of the member states rather than as Germany’s pursuit of a long-term scheme to assert supremacy. The survey’s respondents suggested that the most likely consequences of Germany’s leadership of the EU would be a transformation of the eurozone into a hard core of the EU as well as the strengthening of Germany’s position and economic model in the Union. Both were pronounced as the definitive cause of adverse consequences for Poland. The survey’s results suggest that a pivot is possible in Polish-German relations. Since the coming to power of a new Polish government in the autumn of 2015, Germany has lost its status as Poland’s favored partner. Poland’s new preference is to choose its partners selectively and form flexible coalitions. The view that collaboration with Germany would continue to be as good as it has been and that its tightening would strengthen Poland's position in the EU is being gradually forsaken. Surveys offer two types of predictions. One envisions Poland’s flexible positioning in response to individual German initiatives while the other sees Poland acting on its own initiative vis-à-vis Germany by forging alliances with third countries. The findings of (anonymous) interviews with experts support the results of questionnaire surveys, albeit to a lesser degree than those suggested by the discourse unfolding among the same experts. It is evident that the expert community subscribe to two differing views and propose two types of recommendations for Poland’s policy towards Germany in the field of EU transformations and especially its eastern policy. Some of the experts recommend opposing Germany within the EU framework to avert a German domination of Poland. Others advocate building a closer political relationship with that country as a logical consequence of strong economic ties. As for the future, the anticipated negative impact on Poland has not necessarily been correlated with Germany’s assumption of leadership as Germany is not generally perceived as harmful for the EU.

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Obama and Merkel – Building a Partnership German-American Relations (2009-2016). A Polish View
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Obama and Merkel – Building a Partnership German-American Relations (2009-2016). A Polish View

Obama and Merkel – Building a Partnership German-American Relations (2009-2016). A Polish View

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): English

Keywords: USA; Germany; Poland; international relations

German-American relations have always served as a mainstay for the involvement of the United States in Europe. Since the end of World War II, the time when, having abandoned the principle of isolationism, the American superpower chose to get actively involved in matters of Europe, it was West Germany that became its main focus. From its establishment in 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany enjoyed a special covenant with the United States. West Germany owed a great deal to Washington which supported and endorsed it in various ways ranging from assistance in democracy building and restoring the economy after Germany’s defeat and breakup post World War II, to military protection extended throughout the Cold War period.

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History and Memory: mass expulsions and transfers 1939-1945-1949
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History and Memory: mass expulsions and transfers 1939-1945-1949

History and Memory: mass expulsions and transfers 1939-1945-1949

Author(s): Maria Rutowska,Zbigniew Mazur,Hubert Orlowski / Language(s): English

Keywords: history; memory; Poland; Germany; Second World War

2008 was a year of a lively discussion on ways to commemorate and present the common Polish-German history both in Poland and Germany. It was triggered by the government of the German Federal Republic which undertook steps to determine how to commemorate the forced resettlement of Germans after the Second World War, and proposed the “Visible Sign” Centre Bill to regulate the foundation and status of the memorial against the flight and expulsion (Sichtbares Zeichen gegen Flucht und Vertreibung).

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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008
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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008

Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008

Author(s): Michał Nowosielski / Language(s): English

Keywords: civil society; Poland; third sector

The present paper aims at outlining the development of the Polish thirdsector since 1989. The emergence and growth of the Polish civil society,its professionalization and specialization constitute a crucial aspect of thedemocratization of Poland. These processes also happen to fit in the largerphenomena of social and political convergence in Europe.

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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations
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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

Author(s): Joanna Dobrowolska-Polak / Language(s): English

Keywords: international solidarity; UN; NATO; EU peace operations

The moral obligation of solidarity – present in every religion – and the wayit functions in the relations between states, nations and people belongingto foreign ethnic, national and religious groups, have been discussed in theinternational arena for several years.The rule of solidarity is an ethical imperative that gives the right and imposesthe obligation to act whenever a human being experiences harm thataffects his mental and physical well-being or threatens his life. Accordingto John Paul II, “Solidarity is (…) a firm and persevering determination tocommit oneself to the common good; that is to say to the good of all and ofeach individual, because we are all really responsible for all”1. Tenzin Gjaco,the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet says that when people demand the rights andfreedoms they cherish, they should not also forget about responsibilitiesthey have towards other people. “If we accept that others have an equal rightto peace and happiness as ourselves do we not have a responsibility to helpthose in need?”2. He claims that if we close our eyes to the suffering of othersto enjoy our freedom and success, we reject the responsibility. That is why it isabsolutely necessary to develop interest in the problems of others - individualsand entire nations3.

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On the German perception of Polish history. Three interviews
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On the German perception of Polish history. Three interviews

Über die Wahrnehmung der polnischen Geschichte durch die Deutschen. Drei Interviews

Author(s): Stanisław Żerko / Language(s): German

Keywords: polnische Geschichte; Deutschland

Die Geschichte der wechselseitigen bilateralen Relationen gehörte fast seit jeher zu den brisantesten Problemstellungen innerhalb der deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen. Das Gleiche lässt sich über die Deutung der historischen Prozesse die im Nachbarland vorgehen, sagen über die Wahrnehmung der Geschichte Polens einerseits und zum anderen über die polnische Lesart der deutschen Geschichte andererseits. Der Verzicht auf frühere stereotype Darstellungsweisen und ein Abgehen von den überholten Schemata erfolgten nur im Zuge eines langwierigen Prozesses, der allerdings im Zeitverlauf zunehmend durch immer lebhaftere Kontakte und konkrete inhaltliche Debatten angeregt wurde...

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Ethnic Economics - a case study on Poles living in Berlin
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Ethnic Economics - a case study on Poles living in Berlin

Ethnische Ökonomie – eine Fallstudie über in Berlin lebende Polen

Author(s): Dorota Kot / Language(s): German

Keywords: Poles in Germany

Praca zawiera wprowadzenie w tematykę przedsiębiorczości etnicznej wraz z prezentacją zastosowanych metod badawczych, wyniki badań oraz sugestie dotyczące przyszłych działań, tak indywidualnych (porady dla przedsiębiorców) jak i instytucjonalnych, skierowane do instytucji niemieckich oraz organizacji polonijnych i przedstawicielstw Polski w Berlinie. Izba Handlowo-Rzemieślnicza w Berlinie podaje, że w Berlinie mieszka ok. 55 tysięcy Polaków z Polski i co dziesiąty z nich jest właścicielem firmy. Jest to jednak obraz nieprawdziwy, statystyki bowiem pomijają zarówno osoby naturalizowane, w tym osoby o podwójnym obywatelstwie, jak i Polaków przebywających w Berlinie nielegalnie. Wśród firm polskich większość stanowią tzw. firmy jednoosobowe, korzystające z formuły prawnej, która umożliwiała Polakom podejmowanie pracy w latach 2004 -2011. Polskie firmy w Berlinie to w 80% firmy budowlane i sprzątające oraz przedsiębiorstwa handlowe. Resztę stanowią nieliczne przedsięwzięcia w innych zróżnicowanych dziedzinach: gastronomii, usługach graficzno-marketingowych, obsłudze biur i księgowości, modzie, grafice, IT oraz wolne zawody, jak lekarze czy adwokaci. Poza branżą serwisową dla polskich firm i kilkoma sklepami, firmy polskie nie mają oferty skierowanej do własnych rodaków. Analiza polskiej przedsiębiorczości w Berlinie obejmuje zagadnienia dotyczące zakładania i warunków działania firm oraz ich problemów i perspektyw.

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Poles and Germans in the European Union (2004-2009). Main problems and challenges
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Poles and Germans in the European Union (2004-2009). Main problems and challenges

Polacy i Niemcy w Unii Europejskiej (2004-2009). Główne problemy i wyzwania

Author(s): Bogdan Koszel / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Poland; Germany; European Union

Poland and Germany have common interests in the Union, and above all, they have a significant role to play in implementing the so-called Eastern dimension of the European Union. Together, they should strive to create in Central Europe an area of ​​"freedom, justice and security" outlined in the Amsterdam Treaty. Poland should approach cooperation with Germany in the EU rationally, guided not by immediate benefits or resentment, but with respect for its own interests and those of its partner. It should be borne in mind that in the history of the European Union, there has been no major initiative that has been adopted without the approval of Germany. The policy of sacro egoismo and being guided solely by national interests can easily lead to Poland's isolation in the European Union.

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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations
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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

Międzynarodowa solidarność. Operacje pokojowe ONZ, NATO i UE

Author(s): Joanna Dobrowolska-Polak / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: UN; NATO; EU; peace operations

Od kilkunastu lat na arenie międzynarodowej toczy się intensywna debata dążąca do określenia jak dalece moralny nakaz solidarności znajduje zastosowanie w stosunkach między państwami, narodami oraz ludźmi należącymi do obcych sobie grup etnicznych, narodowych i religijnych. Solidarność jest wpisana w system międzynarodowy. Ucieleśniającym ją mechanizmem prawnym są zawarte w rozdziale VI i VII Karty NZ akcje w razie zagrożenia pokoju i bezpieczeństwa: operacje pokojowe oraz interwencje humanitarne. Nadużycie prawa do interwencji humanitarnej w 2001 r. (interwencja w Afganistanie) i w 2003 r. (interwencja w Iraku) spowodowało ograniczenie międzynarodowej aprobaty dla działań interwencyjnych i oddanie pierwszeństwa operacjom pokojowym. W ostatnich latach stały się one głównym sposobem reagowania społeczności międzynarodowej na konflikty zbrojne i stanowią dziś podstawową formę wyrażania międzynarodowej solidarności. W 2008 r. Polska obchodziła 55. rocznicę udziału w międzynarodowych przedsięwzięciach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz 35. rocznicę pierwszego udziału w operacji pokojowej. Od 1953 r. w działaniach pokojowych wzięły udział ponad 63 tys. polskich żołnierzy, policjantów oraz obserwatorów cywilnych i wojskowych.

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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations
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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

Author(s): Joanna Dobrowolska-Polak / Language(s): English

Keywords: UN; NATO; EU; peace operations

Solidarity has been implemented into international law as an obligation to respect and support the respect for human rights. It is embodied in the regulations under chapters VI and VII of the Charter of the United Nations (peacekeeping operations and humanitarian interventions). The 2001 (Afghanistan) and 2003 (Iraq) abuses of the right to military intervention limited the support for humanitarian interventions in favor of peacekeeping operations. The reform of the UN operation system started complex, multipurpose and multilateral undertakings (to be conducted also in cooperation with the EU and NATO), which allowed to implement the process of nation building and include operations to guarantee the respect for human rights and freedoms in the mission’s mandate. The task of strengthening the respect for human rights (as a part of security building in the region of the operation) is realized by soldiers, police officers and non-uniformed personnel from the contributing countries. In 2008, Poland celebrated the 55th anniversary of Polish participation in international actions for peace and security, and the 35th anniversary of its first participation in a peacekeeping operation. Since 1953, 63 thousand Polish soldiers, police officers as well as civilian and military observers have taken part in peacekeeping actions.

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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations
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International solidarity. UN, NATO and EU peace operations

Internationale Solidarität. Die Friedensoperationen der UN, NATO und EU

Author(s): Joanna Dobrowolska-Polak / Language(s): German

Keywords: UN; NATO; EU

Die Solidarität hat in Gestalt der Verpflichtung zur Achtung der Menschenrechte und zur Unterstützung von deren Einhaltung ihren festen Platz im Völkerrecht. Ihre konkrete Form sind die Regelungen von Kap. VI und VII der UN-Charta (Friedensoperationen und humanitäre Interventionen). Durch den Missbrauch des Rechts auf bewaffnete Interventionen in den Jahren 2001 (Afghanistan) und 2003 (Irak) nahm die Unterstützung für humanitäre Interventionen ab, stattdessen stieg die Akzeptanz für eine breitere Einsetzbarkeit von Friedensoperationen. Die Durchführung einer Reform des Systems der UN-Friedensoperationen ermöglichte komplexe Einsätze, die mehrere Ziele gleichzeitig verfolgten und die multilateral (u. a. in Zusammenarbeit mit der Europäischen Union und der NATO) durchgeführt wurden. Auf diese Weise konnte die Konzeption des nation building verwirklicht werden, u. a. durch die Aufnahme von Aktivitäten in das Missionsmandat, die auf die Gewährleistung persönlicher Rechte und Freiheiten der betreffenden Bürger abzielten. Die Aufgabe, die Einhaltung der Menschenrechte (im Rahmen der Schaffung von Sicherheit im Operationsgebiet) zu stärken, obliegt Soldaten, Polizisten und nichtuniformierten Mitarbeitern aus den an der jeweiligen Mission beteiligten Ländern. Polen beging im Jahre 2008 den 55. Jahrestag seiner Teilnahme an internationalen Friedens- und Sicherheitsmaßnahmen sowie den 35. Jahrestag seines ersten Engagements im Rahmen einer Friedensoperation. Seit 1953 nahmen über 63.000 polnische Soldaten, Polizisten sowie zivile und militärische Beobachter an Friedensmaßnahmen teil.

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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008
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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008

Odradzanie się społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Rozwój polskiego trzeciego sektora w latach 1989-2008

Author(s): Michał Nowosielski / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: civil society; Poland; third sector

Lata 1989-2008 przyniosły wiele pozytywnych zmian w funkcjonowaniu polskiego trzeciego sektora, m.in.: rozwój organizacji parasolowych i infrastrukturalnych, profesjonalizację, zintensyfikowanie współpracy z administracją publiczną oraz biznesem. Mimo pozytywnych zmian przed polskim trzecim sektorem stoją nadal istotne wyzwania: pobudzenie aktywności społecznej, poszukiwanie nowych źródeł finansowania oraz dalsze zwiększanie wpływu organizacji pozarządowych na decyzje administracji publicznej.

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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008
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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008

Wiederbelebung der Zivilgesellschaft. Der dritte Sektor in Polen 1989–2008

Author(s): Michał Nowosielski / Language(s): German

Keywords: Zivilgesellschaft; dritte Sektor in Polen

Die Entwicklung des dritten Sektors in Polen nach 1989 wurde durch Mangel an Fachkräften und fehlende Finanzmittel, erstarrte Gesetzgebung und schwache Zusammenarbeit mit der öffentlichen Verwaltung gebremst. Jahre 1989 bis 2008 haben viele positive Veränderungen mit sich gebracht. Darunter muß man die Entwicklung der Dach- und Infrastrukturorganisationen, die Professionalisierung des dritten Sektors, sowie die Verstärkung der Zusammenarbeit mit der Wirtschaft und der öffentlichen Verwaltung (immer häufiger unterstützen die öffentlichen Mittel den dritten Sektor) erwähnen. Darüber hinaus wurde das Gesetz über gemeinnützige Tätigkeit und Freiwilligenarbeit verabschiedet. Trotz der positiven Veränderungen steht der dritte Sektor in Polen nach wie vor vor großen Herausforderungen, nähmlich Wiederbelebung des gesellschaftlichen Geistes, Suche nach neuen Finanzierungsquellen sowie die Verstärkung des Einflußes der Nichtregierungsorganisationen auf die Entscheidungen der öffentlichen Verwaltung.

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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008
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Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008

Revival of the civil society. Development of the third sector in Poland 1989 - 2008

Author(s): Michał Nowosielski / Language(s): English

Keywords: civil society; third sector in Poland

Development of the Polish third sector after 1989 has been hampered by the deficiency of resources (both human and financial), inadeqaute legal regulations and imperfect cooperation with public authorities. In the years 1989-2008, the functioning of the third sector has undergone substantial positive developments. The following can be named by way of an example: emergence of umbrella and infrastructure organisations, professionalisation, intensification in terms of cooperation with business and public authorities (more public funds being earmarked for third sector). The Public Benefit and the Volunteer Work Act has also been finally passed. In spite of these positive developments the Polish third sector still faces the following substantial challenges: stimulating social activism, establishing new sources of financing, as well as further increasing the influence that the third sector exerts on decisions of public authorities.

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Expropriations in the Reichsgau Wartheland in 1939–1945. The activities of the Treuhandstelle Posen
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Expropriations in the Reichsgau Wartheland in 1939–1945. The activities of the Treuhandstelle Posen

Grabież mienia w Kraju Warty 1939-1945. Działalność Urzędu Powierniczego w Poznaniu

Author(s): Bogumił Rudawski / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: German occupation; Treuhandstelle; Haupttreuhandstelle Ost; Warthegau; Poznań

In 19391945, appropriations of assets from Poland’s citizens were a commonplace experience. Appropriations continued throughout the German occupation were part of the planned destruction of people’s existence. At the very beginning of the occupation various property rights of Polish citizens were limited by regulation, and property was seized by way of requisition or confiscation. In the Wartheland, as in all of Poland occupied by the Third Reich, appropriations took place on were a mass scale. They took two basic forms: robbery by German officials and civilians, and official expropriations, which were institutionalised. This second form proved to be more painful. Acts of appropriation were executed by purposefully established institutions of German state administration which organised and confiscated Poles’ assets. Of these institutions, the most important was the Haupttreuhandstelle Ost (HTO), or the Main Trustee Office for the East, which covered Polish lands incorporated into Germany and some other parts of the German Reich. The HTO had several branches in the incorporated lands. In the Wartheland there was established the Treuhandstelle Posen, which had a subbranch in Łódź (Treuhandnebenstelle Litzmannstadt). The HTO and its regional branches formed the main part of the German trustee administration (Treuhandverwaltung). Institutions of this administration had a monopoly on property confiscations. The basic tasks of these institutions were to confiscate non-agricultural property of Polish citizens and to administer it until it passed to its new German owners, who were German settlers.. The HTO and its units expropriated the property from Polish citizens; then property administrators were appointed, and finally the property was transferred to Germans, who were the only group entitled to property allocation. This organised property transfer was one of the most important measures to Germanise the land and “strengthen” the German countenance of the occupied territory. Appropriations of Polish-owned businesses facilitated (despite some limitations) the building of the foundations of the German socio-economic order. Such plunder was motivated by the prospect of material gains. However, racist theories and their introduction in the territories incorporated into the Reich played an important role. The assets seized by the HTO were primarily real property, namely homes, industrial enterprises, shops and small workshops. In transferring them to Germans, the HTO devised a number of administrative procedures which in a sense neutralised the appropriation process and made it appear to be a “normal” administrative practice. The Main Trustee Office for the East was established by Hermann Göring’s decree of 19 October 1939. This document was an attempt to secure Göring’s own economic interests in occupied Poland. The idea of a separate trustee administration was developed in the Office of the Four Year Plan, which Göring headed as plenipotentiary. At the time this was the most powerful economic office in the Third Reich. On 1 November 1939, an official communique was issued announcing the creation of the HTO. Its appointed head was Max Winkler. The activities of the HTO as the main body of the trustee administration can be divided into stages. The first stage lasted until early 1940. In this period the focus was on controlling and subordinating various acts of expropriation and ensuring the dominant role of the HTO in the confiscation process. During this time local branches of the Main Trustee Office for the East were developed. Trustee offices were established in Katowice (Kattowitz), Gdańsk (Danzig, then Gdynia/Gdingen), Ciechanów (Zichenau) and Poznań (Posen). The activities of the HTO did not cover the Generalgouvernement zone. There, on 15 November 1939, Governor-General Hans Frank issued an ordinance establishing a separate trustee administration. Thus the HTO was responsible for managing private property only in the Polish territories that had been incorporated into the Reich. Also at this stage a division of competences was made between Hermann Göring and Heinrich Himmler, as the latter also wished to participate in the expropriations. On 10 November 1939 it was agreed that Himmler would be responsible for agricultural property confiscations and the HTO for all non-agricultural assets. The second period lasted until 1942. Here, the activities of the HTO focused on actual confiscations of assets from Polish citizens. The gains were redistributed and transferred to Germans, who were moved in to settle in the occupied lands. At that time there were also plans to expand the trustee administration to cover the occupied Soviet territories. In 1942, the third ordinance on the HTO limited the sale of expropriated property. This marked the beginning of the HTO’s gradual decline. The main factor which paralysed its activities was that its employees were increasingly being conscripted into the Wehrmacht, and thus the HTO’s plans and activities could not be executed effectively. In addition, in 1943 Göring lost interest in the HTO. In the second half of 1944 the evacuation of the HTO’s branches and agencies began, which in effect meant that the trustee administration ceased working. The Wartheland was a “testing ground” for the organisation and execution of a planned and massive plunder of private assets as an element of economic and ethnic policies. The Treuhandstelle Posen began its operations on 6 December 1939, when its first manager, Hugo Ratzmann, was officially appointed. Initially the whole Wartheland territory was subject to the office’s operations. On 20 January 1940 a subbranch in Łódź was created. Nominally, this was subordinated to the office in Posen, but in practice it was independent and functioned as a separate establishment. On 1 May 1941 an agreement was signed whereby the Treuhandnebenstelle Litzmannstadt was made responsible for thewhole administrative district of Łódź while the office in Poznań was made responsible for the Poznań and Inowrocław (Hohensalza) administrative districts. The subbranch took an active part in the functioning of the Litzmannstadt Jewish ghetto. As a result of the establishment of trustee administration offices in the Wartheland, the appropriation of Polish assets was subjected to standardised criteria. Expropriations followed designed administrative procedures and were overseen by specialised German civil servants. The trustee office in Poznań carried on its operations until January 1945. The trustee office in Posen performed four basic tasks in expropriating non-German assets in the Wartheland. These were: registration and record-keeping of assets, confiscations, provisional administration of confiscated assets by trustees (Treuhänder), and redistribution of the assets. In its first months the office concentrated on its own expansion and on establishing its role as the most important and only institution carrying out expropriations on a mass scale in the Wartheland. Its systematic operations to take over businesses that had already been confiscated by other German authorities – mainly the Chamber of Commerce and district administrators (Landrat) – ended in 1940. At that time the plenipotentiaries for counties (Kreise) played a crucial role in strengthening the office’s position. They represented the office at county level, and were responsible for the registration of assets to be confiscated and for safeguarding already confiscated real and movable property on the office’s behalf. On the pattern of the HTO in Berlin, the trustee office in Poznań had two main departments. During the time of its most vigorous growth, its department of administration had six subdepartments, while the economic department had as many as twelve. Each subdepartment of the economic department was responsible for confiscations of defined types of assets. For example, subdepartment B IVa oversaw the appropriation of industrial enterprises, and subdepartment B V was responsible for craft workshops. Additionally, the diversity of assets taken over motivated the creation of several specialised companies, which acted as receivers of some of the confiscated assets. One of the most important companies was the Auffanggesellschaft für die Kriegsteilnehmerbetriebe des Handels (company for taking over trading enterprises for the benefit of war participants), which bought trading enterprises from the trustee office for German soldiers. Another was the Grundstücksgesellschaft für den Reichsgau Wartheland, GEWA (real estate company), which took control over residential land and properties. The takeover of Polish industrial enterprises, the larger ones in particular, was intended to strengthen the potential of German armament production and to increase the efficiency of the German economy in general. As a result of the trustee administration’s activities, Polish economic enterprises were not only confiscated, but also underwent concentration and transformation processes. This led to changes in the pre-war ownership structures. Many large and smaller enterprises were relocated. The equipment of manufacturing enterprises was destroyed and dispersed. The trustee office also closed and liquidated up to 37% of enterprises in the Wartheland, which it classed as unviable. These were mainly small trading firms and workshops, which were many people’s sole assets and source of income. On 17 February 1941 the second HTO ordinance was issued, and the whole institution was decentralised. The trustee office in Poznań , which until then had been subordinated directly to HTO headquarters in Berlin, was now subordinated to the Reichsstatthalter (governor) of the Wartheland, Arthur Greiser. In addition, HTO’s regional branches could no longer manage economic entities whose value exceeded 500,000 Reichsmarks – these would be managed instead by the authorities in Berlin. In the case of the Wartheland there were 133 such enterprises, which were left in the hands of Göring. According to archived documents, by May 1943 the Treuhandstelle Posen and Treuhandnebenstelle Litzmannstadt had confiscated over 49,000 industrial enterprises, trading establishments and workshops. By the end of World War II this number had risen to around 60,000. The real estate company Grundstücksgesellschaft für den Reichsgau Wartheland took possession of over 400,000 homes. In 1944 the value of the assets taken over by the trustee offices in the Wartheland amounted to 266 million Reichsmarks. Of all of the HTO’s branches, it was those in Poznań and Łódź that generated the highest proceeds: 12% of the HTO’s total proceeds, which by March 1945 totalled 2.1 billion Reichsmarks. To this sum should be added the value of assets taken over by dependent companies, and the value of large enterprises which were not included in the financial statements of the regional branches. Taking these into account, it can be estimated that the value of assets confiscated by the HTO in the Wartheland amounted at least to 450 million Reichsmarks. The plundering policy of the trustee administration caused the total destruction of the private sector economy and the pre-war ownership structure. The ruthless economic exploitation affected all spheres of socio-economic life. It ruined Poland’s national assets and the private property of most Polish families. It was not only material losses that Poles suffered. Excluded from political, cultural and economic life, they were exploited as cheap labour in German enterprises. The appropriation of Polish assets by the HTO and its branches greatly facilitated the ownership transformations and nationalisation of the entire economy in Poland after 1945, as it destroyed the institutional and personal continuity of ownership. The economic and social consequences of the HTO’s policies turned out to be extremely far reaching.

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