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Школовање кадрова за дипломатију у социјалистичкој Југославији од 1945. до 1960.

Author(s): Dragomir Bondžić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The new powers that be in Yugoslavia after WWII faced lack of expert and well educated, but also pro-Marxist diplomatic cadres that would also be loyal to the Communist Party. In the beginning, the problem was solved by cautious taking over of the diplomatic officials of the Kingdom of J ugoslavia, by employing the cadres who graduated from humanities faculties and by using the existing Party cadres, regardless of their expertise. Very soon higher schools were set up to broadly educate and improve Marxistically the chosen Party cadres and to enable them to work in the diplomatic service. Firstly, the one-year Diplomatic School at the Foreign Ministry was founded in 1946, and in 1948 the Journalist and Diplomatic High School in Belgrade, that had the rank of a faculty and two departments educating the cadres for diplomacy and journalism. Despite public competitions, only communists and youth activists proposed by Party committees in federal republics were accepted. The teaching staff consisted mainly of university professors, officials of the Foreign Ministry and of other institutions. Due to political problems with the Infonnbureau, the school was abolished in 1952, but it was possible for 200 students to end their studies and graduate. Only in the late 1950s the opinion within the Party leadership prevailed that a higher school for education of the Parly cadres for diplomacy and other political posts should be founded, so that within the framework of the Party school system the High School of Political Sciences started operating in 1960. In 1968 the School was turned into the Faculty of Political Sciences within the framework of the Belgrade University, that, among other things, educated diplomatic experts.

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Комунисти у југословенској дипломатији 1945- 1956: број и организација партијског живота

Author(s): Slobodan Selenić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

CPJ cadres started coming into diplomatic missions abroad immediately after WWII. The influence of the CPJ and the number of communists increased over years through sending new cadres from the country, accepting into the Party membership part of diplomatic officials who previously hadn’t been communists and through recall of old cadres home. According to the 1949 data in J ugoslav missions in 28 countries there were 602 communists. The largest number was to be found in Germany (94), Italy (70), Great Britain and the USA (55 each) and Austria (47). Until early 1952 the number of communists was increased almost by a third: from 602 to 779. The largest number of Party members was to be found in the USA some 120. Until mid-1950s the CPJ established M l domination of the diplomatic service. 1.300 communists were serving in diplomatic missions abroad then. According to the data of June 30, 1956, there were 1.562 Jugoslav representatives (including students and those specializing) in 43 countries. Out of that number there were as many as 1.341 communists, or some 86%. The largest number of communists served in the USA (117), France (114) and Great Britain (104). The presence of the communists in the diplomatic service posed the problem of their organization. Party cells were set up in most countries after WWII but they were disbanded on the decision of the Central Committee in March 1946. Instead, Party plenipotentiaries were put in charge of the communists abroad. After the Resolution of the Informbureau, the Central Committee ordered reestablishing of Party organizations in the second half of 1948. Ever since a single Party organization existed in each country that was divided into several sections in countries with several J ugoslav missions. In the early 1950s on the orders of the Central Committee new changes were introduced, so Party organizations were set up in every town with a Jugoslav mission, whereas Party committees directed the work on the national level.

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Станоје Симић: Прилог биографији

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Stanoje Simić started his diplomatic career in the first days of the existence of the Yugoslav state. He was born and raised in the family of the distinguished diplomat and national activist Svetislav Simić. He was a pupil of the Second Male High School in Belgrade, a student of the Faculty of Law, wartime volunteer, devoted to the state and the people, aware that regimes and ideologies were transient and that state and popular interests stood above all else. He represented one of the few personages in the discontinuity-riddled history of the Yugoslav diplomacy who left their mark on the activities of the Yugoslav diplomacy during the inter-war period, in the whirlpool of WWII and during the first post-war decade. Possessing expert and general education, Slavophile and Russophile by conviction, a republican by determination he stood out by his looks, behavior and lifestyle from his postwar environment. He was at the helm of the Yugoslav diplomacy in hard moments as the postwar society and its institutions were being built, when Yugoslavia forged close ties with the USSR and the countries of „people’s democracy” in all fields and antagonized the West. Closeness to the Soviets decisively conditioned his withdrawal from diplomacy, but not from political life in which he remained active until his retirement.

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Од демаркационе линије до међународно признате границе – Војска и дипломатија у борби за јужне границе Краљевине СХС 1919–1920.

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The question of the constitution of the Kingdom of SCS is inseparable from the struggle for its international recognition. One of the important aspects of this process was the issue of borders. On the southern borders of the new state, there was the prevailing situation of neither war nor peace. While diplomats and experts at the green table in Paris tried to provide better boundaries for their country, the soldiers in the field endured great sacrifices for the same purpose. Occupations of Strumica, Caribrod and Bosiljgrad were the result of the implementation of a peace treaty with defeated Bulgaria. Events on the Yugoslav-Albanian border represented a continuation of the efforts of the Kingdom of Serbia to ensure itself better positions after the Balkan wars in highly complex military, political and economic conditions that characterized the emergence and further maintenance of the Albanian state.

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Tito i Austrijanci: Susreti Josipa Broza Tita sa vodećim ličnostima austrijske politike 60-ih i 70-ih godina

Author(s): Petar Dragišić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The rapprochement between Yugoslavia and Austria following the decision of the Yugoslav regime to renounce its claims to Carinthia resulted in enhanced economic cooperation between the two countries. Besides, during the 1960s and 1970s tens of thousands of Yugoslav labor migrants immigrated to Austria. Numerous meetings of high-ranking politicians from Yugoslavia and Austria confirmed the improvement of relations between the two countries. During the 1960s and 1970s the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito met several times the leading politicians from Austria, including its president, chancellors and foreign ministers. The records of these conversations represent extremely valuable sources for anyone interested in the relations between Yugoslavia and Austria after the Second World War.

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Путешествие Иосафата Барбаро в Персию в 1473—1478 гг. (текст, перевод, комментарий)

Author(s): Igor V. Volkov / Language(s): Russian,Italian Publication Year: 0

This is the first complete publication of the Russian translation, with comments, of the Journey to Persia by the 15th century Venetian public figure, diplomat and traveler Giosafat Barbaro. He headed Venetian embassy to the Persian shah Uzun-Hassan. The discussed travel account was written in late 1480s — early 1490s as a narration of this embassy, during which Barbaro had to make a long and eventful way through different cities and localities of the Mediterranean, Ottoman Empire and Persia. Besides, he provides some details on the countries he had never visited — India and China. Journey to Persia is a valuable source on history of international relations, historical geography, ethnography, economy and culture of medieval Persia and other Oriental countries. The article contains parallel Italian original and Russian translation texts.

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Cultural Encounters and the Role of Art in Yugoslav-US Relations 1961-1966

Author(s): Stefana Djokic / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper discusses the role of art in Cold War diplomacy in Yugoslav-US relations between 1961 and 1966. During the 1960s, culture was often, sometimes unwittingly, at other times intentionally, infused with the politics of the Cold War. According to one line of existing scholarship, the rise of US art after WWII and exhibitions of American art abroad amounted to cultural imperialism and a “profound glorifying of American civilization.” These historians persuasively identified the political motives behind the exhibition strategies of American museums, such as MoMA’s promotion of Abstract Expressionism through the International Program of Circulating Exhibitions (established in 1952), or the US Government’s Central Intelligence Agency endorsement of US art through its offices around the world. Accordingly, Abstract Expressionist works were staged as par excellence representations of America’s democratic values, where the messages of freedom and individuality behind the works of such artists as Jackson Pollock were contrasted against the tyranny and totalitarianism of the USSR. Indeed, John Hay Whitney, Chairman of the Museum of Modern Art, explicitly stated that the role of the Museum and of art is to “educate, inspire, and strengthen the hearts and wills of free men in defence of their own freedom.”

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NEOREALİZM BAĞLAMINDA TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASI (1945-1965)

Author(s): Latif Pınar / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Bu çalışma, Kenneth Waltz tarafından ortaya konulan Neorealist yaklaşımın uluslararası sistemin temel özelliklerine ilişkin varsayımları bağlamında, 1945-1965 yılları arasında Türk dış politikasının temel parametrelerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada, İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın hemen ardından ortaya çıkan iki kutuplu sistemin, Türk dış politikası üzerinde belirleyici bir etkisinin bulunup bulunmadığı sorusuna cevap aranmaktadır. Çalışmanın hipotezi şu şekilde formüle edilmiştir: Kenneth Waltz tarafından geliştirilmiş olan Neorealist yaklaşımın uluslararası sistemin temel özelliklerine ilişkin varsayımları dikkate alındığında, iki kutuplu sistem, bilhassa 1945-1965 yılları arasında Türk dış politikası üzerinde belirleyici bir etkide bulunmuştur.

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Slovak Relations with East Asia: A Lost Decade?

Author(s): Matej Šimalčík / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In recent years, the international system has seen a gradual shifting of the geopolitical and geo-economic centers of gravity. China’s growing power and rising assertiveness under the rule of Xi Jinping, the US trade war with China, and the ever-present threat of North Korea’s nuclear program suggest that the geopolitical shift has been following an eastward vector. This means the most important global processes, which will shape the world in the upcoming decades, are taking place in the Indo-Pacific region.

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PAX AMERICANA. REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA I MEĐUNARODNA DIPLOMATIJA OD VAŠINGTONSKOG DO DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA (18. III 1994 – 21. XI 1995)

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of the reference literature and diplomatic sources, the author considers the plans and activities of the international community to end the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from the Washington to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Special attention is devoted to the events that had influenced the change of former US policy and its more active engagement. The analysis of international diplomacy and attitudes of various countries towards the developments in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointed to the complexity of achieving a peace agreement for which the United States had to try out various strategies and seek different solutions, whereby a significant role was played by the situation at its inner-political scene. Author pays special attention to the events that paved the way for a peace agreement, as well as the military and political means that had played a key role in achieving peace. Based on the analysis of the provisions and implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, author believes it had ended the war, but did not allow the establishment of a functional state, because the ideologies that had caused the war continued to live and deepen the divisions in BiH society through propaganda and rhetoric. He believes that re-enabling normal life in Bosnia and Herzegovina requires the removal of these structures and the consequences that they have produced and continue to produce, which is why Bosnia and Herzegovina is waiting for support for its European path. He claims that it can only work if the democratic settings, if needed, be even imposed by the international community, which left the project of building the institutions unfinished. If the international community consistently supports this, author believes that the path of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the modern European societies will be much shorter and much faster.

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Komunitarna tekovina - aquis communautaire

Author(s): Zoran Radivojević / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Komunitarna tekovina (aquis communautaire) uobičajeno se naziva prvim stubom Evropske unije. Porijeklo ovog termina vezuje se za dvije međuvladine konferencije koje su prethodile usvajanju Ugovora iz Mastrihta. Odluka o održavanju tih konferencija donijeta je na sastanku Evropskog savjeta u Dablinu 1990. godine. Jedna konferencija je imala zadatak da izradi nacrt ugovora o ekonomskoj i monetarnoj uniji, a druga da pripremi nacrt ugovora o političkoj uniji. Na kraju je odlučeno da se umjesto dva izradi samo jedan ugovor o osnivanju Evropske unije i taj je ugovor potpisan u Mastrihtu 1992. godine.

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NATIONAL LEVEL IMPLEMENTATION OF DIGITAL DIPLOMACY MECHANISMS AND FUNCTIONS BASED ON EU EXPERIENCE

Author(s): Victor Adrian VEVERA / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

As information and communication technology has developed, its impact has been felt in many areas, including international relations. In the diplomatic field, changes have not been long in coming, while many European countries pioneering the use of the online environment to promote national interests and achieve foreign policy objectives. In this paper, we aim to highlight the main benefits of developing the field of digital diplomacy, the biases that the process has generated and to argue the urgent need to implement these technologies in Romania, based on existing experience in various EU countries.

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Търновски принцеси като иноземни владетелки

Author(s): Rumyana Komsalova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

An important medium of diplomacy during the Middle Ages were the dynastic marriages and a number of Princesses of Tarnovo became foreign rulers. Have they faced the dilemma of acting in the interest of their homeland or to support the policies of their ruling spouses and how much did they have the opportunity to participate actively in the power structures?

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Цар Иван Александър и развоят на гражданската война във Византия през 1343 – 1344 г.

Author(s): Momchil Mladenov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The paper presents the key moments of the participation of the Bulgarian state in the Civil war in Byzantium. The author emphasizes the information of the Turkish poet Enveri (15th century). He reports that Bulgaria is part of the sacred alliance organized by the Papacy to fight with emirate of Smirna. Аccording to the author, Tsar Ivan Alexander is part of the Christian coalition. His involvement in Byzantine civil war is a consequence of these diplomatic actions.

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Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Author(s): Gül Çakır / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Cyprus fell out of the hands of the Ottoman Empire after a series of crises towards the end of 19th century, which originally had been under the rule of the empire since 1571. Lands of the Ottoman Empire, defeated in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War known as the 93 War, came under Russian danger with the Treaty of San Stefano. The fact that the capital of the Ottoman Empire and eastern lands were under Russian threat, and the Russian pressure in the Balkans alarmed England. The British Administration, considering a new mission for the future of India, the Mediterranean and Europe, created a great sensation with the request to use Cyprus as a military base. Britain led the convening of the congress in Berlin to nullify San Stefano and entered a new era in its policies regarding Ottoman Empire. With the Cyprus Convention of June 4, 1878, the British promised to help Ottomans against a possible Russian attack on the Ottoman lands, and aimed to use Cyprus as a base to fulfill this promise. On July 1, 1878, the British gained the right to temporarily settle in Cyprus with an additional agreement. Through this process British Prime Minister Beaconsfield was subject to criticism by liberal wing at the British Parliament. The general arguments of the liberals were as follows. The Cyprus Convention imposed responsibilities on Britain that were difficult to fulfill. It was not a proper method to finalize the agreement secretly before it was presented to the British public. It was believed that the settlement of the British in Cyprus was not a peaceful policy. This project would bring costs and serious liabilities to England. It was believed that there was not enough research before decisions on the island were made. It was implied that the administration added territory to its lands with an imperialist motivation. These were some of the common points of the parliament and the press. When the British landed on the island, the opposition's accuracy in these predictions emerged one by one. They could not achieve their goals. Due Liberals taking power in 1880, and the occupation of Egypt, Cyprus was no longer suitable for British goals. However, the Liberals neither left Cyprus when they came to power, nor they give it back to the Ottoman Empire.

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Millî Eğitim Bakanlığı Lise Ders Kitapları’na Göre Lozan Antlaşması

Author(s): Seher Akça / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

After the Greeks occupied İzmir on May 15, 1919, they started to advance towards Ankara from several directions. The Turkish Nation first tried to stop this progress with the Kuvâ-yı Millîye Organization, but it was unsuccessful. Thereupon, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was opened in Ankara on April 23, 1920. The Turkish Grand National Assembly established a regular army to stop the Greek advance. On the Western Front, the regular army won the First Battle of İnönü on 6-10 January 1921, the Second İnönü Battle on 23-31 March 1921 and battle of Sakarya on 13 September 1921. On August 26, 1922, under the command of Commander-in-Chief Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the Turkish Army launched the Great Offensive from Afyon and reached Izmir on September 9, 1922. Between 3-11 October 1922, The Mudanya Armistice was signed as a result of the negotiations held in Mudanya, a small town on the Marmara Sea. After the Mudanya Armistice, the Ankara Government and the representatives of the Allied Powers gathered for a conference in Lausanne. The Lausanne Peace Treaty was signed between the Ankara Government and the Allied Powers on July 24, 1923. With this treaty, the Ankara Government was officially recognized by the Western States. In this article, how the Treaty of Lausanne was made, what were the solved and unsolved problems in Lausanne, and what were the similarities and differences between the the Turkish Republic History textbooks, prepared for high schools by the Ministry of National Education in the years 1934, 1958, 1973, 1976 and 2000, have been examined in detail.

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The Effects of Russia on Central Asia Politics: After the Fall of Soviet Union

Author(s): Farahila Babayeva-Shukurova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this article, Russia’s foreign policy towards the Central Asian countries after gaining its independence was examined. The questions determined as research questions were answered and examined in a detailed and understandable way. I have divided my study in three parts. In the first chapter, I have analyzed the general politics between the Russian diplomacy. We divided Russia’s process after 1991 into two parts and examined Boris Yeltsin’s foreign policy preferences towards Central Asia and Vladimir Putin’s foreign policy preferences towards Central Asia. We mentioned that these two presidents have different attitudes. We will examine our investigations in this section in more detail later in our research.

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KONTAKTI IZMEĐU FRANA BARCA I SVETOZARA BOROEVIĆA TIJEKOM PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Utilizing unexplored archival sources, newspapers and existing scholarly literature, the author shows the contacts between Dr. Fran Barac and Svetozar Boroević during the First World War. Namely, Barac was politician who maintained good relations with political organizations Jugoslavenski odbor (Yugoslav Committee) and Srpski presbiro (Serbian Press-bureau) in Switzerland. Boroević was the famous Austro-Hungarian general. Their relationships were interesting. For example, Barac was the head of the University of Zagreb (1915/1916), when Boroević got an honorary doctorate. Also, Ivan Meštrović, Barac’s contemporary, mentioned their political negotiations, because there were any possibility that Boroević with his army joined to the Triple Entente.

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Savez Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije i bana Ivana Skerlecza u upravljanju Hrvatskom u vrijeme Prvoga svjetskog rata – značaj i posljedice

Author(s): Ivan BULIĆ / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

At the end of the First World War an attempt was made to put into effect political projects which had been defined in an earlier time period. The 1913 parliamentary elections signified an end to previously irreconcilable political notions of solving the Croatian question which resulted in a suspension of constitutionality, the introduction of a commissariat, and assassinations. A change in policy toward Croatia was expressed through two actions: an agreement with the Croat-Serb Coalition and the nomination of Ivan Skerlecz as commissar. Upon becoming Ban (governor), the prospect of an agreement with the Coalition provided him with a significant influence on the government. The politics of the Croat-Serb Coalition during the First World War can be viewed on various levels. Accepting the terms of an agreement with the Hungarian government ensured it of a political position, which in the end enabled it with a mandate in constitutional discussions. The conditions surrounding Skerlecz’s administration of Croatia can be evaluated against internal and external political factors which placed him and the Coalition in the midst of key processes during the First World War.

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Slušanje dobroga ili zlog anđela: Svibanjska deklaracija 1917. i propast srednjoeuropske Monarhije

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Before the beginning of WWI, Croats, Slovenes, and other Slav peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were clearly dissatisfied with its dual organization, which privileged the Germans and Hungarians. Croats were also frustrated because while Dalmatia and Istria administered by the Austrian part of the Monarchy, Croatia-Slavonia were under the Hungarian part of the Monarchy, and Bosnia and Herzegovina were under the governance of the common Ministry of finances. It is therefore not surprising that several proposals for the reformation of the Monarchy had been put forward by the South Slav politicians, nor that all of them called for the unification of the Croatian lands. Three years into the war, the Yugoslav Club of the Emperor’s Council issued on May 30, 1917 a declaration that requested the formation on the territories inhabited by the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs of an independent state, but under the Hapsburg scepter. The request was made on the basis of the national principle and the Croat state right. The May Declaration initiated controversies among Croatian politicians and political parties, but it also began a movement to accept the program of the Declaration. The most enthusiastic supporters were the leaders and the membership of the Catholic organizations. The author highlights the political situation that led toward the issuing of the Declaration, the controversies that surrounded its promotion, and its political consequences. In the end, he draws two conclusions.

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