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After the fail of the Safevid state, some local khanates appeared in north Azerbaijan, and the region was never united from then on. The Ottoman and Rus Empires, as well as Iran, first with the Avşar, and then Kajar dynasties, quarreled for dominance over this region. The eventual winner in this game was the Tsardom, which succeeded in invading all of the khanates. Ottoman imperial strategy was to save those princelings.
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During the Ottoman-Russian War in 1877-78 so called as 93 War because of occuring in 1293 according to the Hijri Calendar, the Ottoman Empire armies were unable to succed in the face of Russian and Romanian forces except for some of the achievements in the Caucasian front and the defense of Plevn and the war resulted in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire. At the end of the war, the Ottoman Empire signed the Treaties of San Stefano and Berlin, leading to the loss of land and prestige. To resolve the failure and shortcomings of the army in battle, training of the Ottoman Army like the European model was decided. While getting help from France on the military reforms until the War 93, henceforth Abdulhamid administration turned to Germany in this regard. The military officers were brought from Germany for the proposed reforms and the Ottoman officers was sent for training to European countries, especially to Germany, being advanced in the military context. In this regard, from the year 1880 for rehabilitation of the army, a lot of officers and technical specialists came from Germany. These are the examples: Colonel Koehler, Lieutenant-Colonel Von der Goltz. Starting from this date, the Ottoman Empire followed a close policy to Germany in terms of the foreign policy until the end of World War I. One of the most important reasons behind this was, Germany had a different policy than the other European Powers regarding the sharing policies. Undertakings required to be done to reform the Ottoman Military order also affected the foreign policy of Germany and the European Great Powers, then reforms were brought to the instrument of this policy. This study will analyze why the Ottoman Empire was close to Germany on military reforms after the war and how this situation affects the Empire’s relations with Duvel-i Muazzama.
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International expositions having been started in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century have shifted to the continent of America from the end of this century. All countries, including Ottoman Empire, have been invited to the expositions held in Chicago for the 400th anniversary of discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. Ottoman Empire defined as the sick man of the Europe has spread on effort to be able to be a member of the developing world by presenting a modern Ottoman look in Chicago Exposition. Turkish participators having shown the Ottoman culture and products in Chicago with their mosque, fountain, and hippodrome have been rewarded with forty five medals by Chicago Exposition Commission. Ottoman administrators have exhibited the technological development of the country with the products manufactured in Tersane-i Amire and Telegraph Surveillance Factory in the Chicago Exposition. The fleet which have been locked in the Golden Horn after ascending of Sultan Abdülhamid have been awarded with five medals. These rewards having contrasted with the existing condition of the navy are the result of the success of Tersane-i Amire in fine processing. Despite its success in the fair, the navy having left to corrode and of which culture have been destroyed was not to be able to fulfil the duties given for defending the homeland in the following period and Ottoman Empire was to pay a heavy price for the negligence. In preparation of the subject, Ottoman Archive documents of the Prime Ministry are benefited from as well as Naval Museum Archive documents.
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120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia.
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120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia. Since its establishment, the Macedonian Committee, literally with a slam-bang, came to the political scene with revolutionary action in Macedonia. This became possible mainly because certain events in Bulgaria, the Balkans and in Europe.
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In 19th century, the Ottoman Empire was under a heavy Western influence in all respect which also includes the foreign policy. In this century, the political, militaristic and economic campaigns of the major European Powers, in particular, were influential on the Ottomans to adopt the European organizational and ceremonial patterns, and thus the Ottomans were influenced by the Europeans, primarily by the Great Britain. In this study, it is aimed to explain the foundations of the Classical Ottoman foreign policies, the changes in the traditional Ottoman foreign policies in relation to the developing and expanding New World and finally the policies of the Empire which had to move toward international expansion to survive in the If century. On the other hand, we emphasize the effects on Empire's domestic and foreign policies particularly when Germany built its union, the current political and economical balance started to change in late century. In this most difficult period of state If century British political colonialism activities firstly commenced with India but then involved the Balkans, the Caucasus and Middle East and this long-running British policy kept on affecting on Ottoman State and its foreign policy.
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Basra territory is under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for a long time. Because of geo-strategic value of Basra territory, each period it witnesses important events. In the 19th century, Ottoman military and political powers start to decline, developments in the Ottoman Middle East concern to especially Britain, Russia, Germany and Persia. Due to British colonies in India, Basra territory is crucial for British Empire. In the first three quarter of 19th century, Britain protects Ottoman territorial integrity against Russia and Germany for own economic benefit and strategies about India colonies. However, after the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, Britain gives up this policy due to changed situations and balanced elements. Anglo-Ottoman relations are subject to many researches and works. In this study, Anglo-Ottoman relations specific to Basra territory and subject briefly evaluated with different perspective. In the light of the Ottoman archival documents, British activities of two periods, British protective policy period and give up this policy period, will be described. In the 19th century Anglo-Ottoman relations are increased. These relations include economic, commercial, political and diplomatic dimensions. In this study, firstly, Basra territory’s situation in the pre-19th century briefly overviewed then British activities for penetration in Basra territory in the 19th century examined in detail.
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The content of the article is the effort of Armenians to use some of the theatres/movies produced by them against Turks as a tool of propaganda in 1920’s in various cities of Europe (Stockholm, Hague, Geneva, Bern etc.) and the effort of Turkish embassy officers to prevent this. The study was prepared by using the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives. The role of this propaganda will be better understood in the context of the Armenian issue reached today.
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This article, based on the archives stored in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Russia and some recently published documents, investigates the coup attempted by the Soviets on December 1, 1924 in Tallinn and evaluates its consequences within the broad context of international relations. During the research, it was established that an attempt to stage a coup in Estonia had been undertaken both by the Estonian communists and the USSR leadership, which had the highest political body – the Politburo – and the Comintern, a self-crafted tool set up for spreading the communist movement around the world, at its disposal. Thus, the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet authorities, whereas the Estonian communists were mainly responsible for its implementation. The task of the coup leadership was to seize power and hold on to it for some time, long enough to request that the USSR “renders support.” Preparations were underway for such support. This is evidenced by military preparations in the northern regions of the USSR and the territory near the Estonian border as well as by the deployment of Soviet ships in the vicinity of Tallinn and the activities of the Soviet embassy located in the capital. The attempted coup turned into a putsch due to the maximum conspiracy of their organizers. The conspiracy was brought about by the then-public awareness that the revolutionary events in Germany in 1923 had been instigated by the Soviets. The attempted coup in Estonia failed due to the extraordinary defensive operations put up by the Estonian authorities and power structures as well as due to the failure to involve the workers and the other strata of society in the coup. Latvia, Estonia’s only ally, was the first country to stand by Estonia’sside after the country withstood the attempted coup. The lessons were learnt not only by these two countries but by Lithuania as well. They began taking adequate measures to stifle communist activities. Neither France nor England or any other Western state made plans to deploy their fleets to the Baltic Sea to support the Estonians or at least show, in a demonstrative way, their support in such a trying time. They also failed to hold any diplomatic démarches against the Soviets opposing the export of revolution practiced by the Soviets. Due to diplomatic pressure imposed by the USSR, Estonia could not publicly and officially name the actual organizers of the putsch. As a result, only the local communists were indiscriminately accused. Such forced tactics, if only indirectly, had at least partially been influencing the area of historical research as well. However, the sudden and unequivocal liquidation of the putsch in Tallinn could have prompted the USSR to no longer expand its revolutionary export to the West, and the “abstinence” of such kind had lasted until the Second World War. The war itself and the previous collusion with Adolf Hitler made it possible for Stalin to cherish even greater ambitions to renew the spread of communism in other countries.
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In the case of the mandate that Grigore Niculescu-Buzești fulfilled in the Latvian capital, attention is drawn by the accuracy of the reports and the political-diplomatic analysis carried out by the Romanian diplomat. A careful and detailed study of the telegrams he sent to Bucharest from the Baltic capital can reveal to anyone, on the one hand, the concerns, fears, tensions and hopes of the authorities in Riga, as well as the Latvian society, in the context of the Soviet-German pact from August 23, 1939, of the outbreak of war and of the relationship with the Soviet Union, and on the other hand the mechanisms and resorts of Moscow’s aggression, the chro-nology of the small steps that led to the annexation of the Baltic countries by the great neighbour from the East in June 1940. Specifically, the diplomatic correspondence of Niculescu-Buzesti from the Latvian capital can expose in detail what some authors have termed the “technology of aggression”. Until August 1940, the Romanian diplomat sent to Bucharest numerous telegrams in which the stages of annexation can be clearly and accurately captured. The number of documents and the quality of the information and analysis show, on the other hand, the high interest of Bucharest in relation to what was happening in the Baltic states at that time, the Soviet neighbourhood being the common factor that linked Romania to the three small countries or Finland at that time. However, if the end of independent Latvia also marked the end of Niculescu-Buzești’s mission in Riga, so too was the termination of the mandate of Ludvigs Ekis, Minister of Latvia accredited to Romania and Hungary, from October 1939, as well as to Turkey starting with April 1940. In a report prepared on December 23, 1942 Ekis testified that his arrival in Romania was an accidental one, due to the fact that almost the entire foreign diplomatic corps from Warsaw left for Bucharest in September−October 1939. After the annexation of Latvia by the Soviet Union, the diplomat, however, realized that Bucharest was not the best place to serve the democratic inte-rests of his country, so he considered his departure to Budapest, Bern or to the United States of America. Finally, Ludvigs Ekis handed over his duties from Bucharest to his legation secretary and left for Budapest first, because his application for a Swiss visa was refused, on the grounds that it was filed with a delay of several days. Later, with the help of Latvian Minister in Washington, Alfreds Bilmanis, he would arrive in the United States.
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The author presents the basic contours of 1945, which was marked by the end of the war, the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, the establishment of Federal State of Croatia as a component of Democratic Federal Yugoslavia and the seizure of authority by the Communist Party of Yugoslav (KPJ). After the end of a liberation and civil war, the KPJ took power into its hands and created the essential prerequisites for the federal reorganization of the Yugoslav state and the revolutionary change of society in compliance with its revolutionary and federalist ideas and through the application of experiences from the USSR. The emphasis is on the most important moves by the KPJ in the first year of its rule and the fate of the main anti-communist forces in Croatia.
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In 2015, the world celebrated its 70th anniversary since the end of World War II. On the initiative of Dr Dragan Aleksić, the Institute for Contemporary History of Serbia decided to join the commemoration of this significant date by publishing a collection of scientific papers that would not only be of a suitable character but would also represent a scientific contribution to the anniversary. It was an honor for me to be the editor of this collection, and my idea of what it should look like revolved around 1945 as a turning point: a time when the war was ending and a new era was beginning. The end of World War II, to a much greater extent than the end of World War I, also marked the end of an old, pre-war world. After World War I, three empires disappeared, a series of new states emerged, democracy and the right of peoples to self-determination became generally accepted ... The end of World War I sowed, however, the seeds of the next world slaughter. It was incomparably greater than the previous or any other war in history, and its end created a world that people who lived in 1914 would never recognize. Europe was devastated, effectively divided between the two victorious superpowers, while the old European powers were losers or mere formal victors: soon after World War II, and in large part thanks to it, the colonial empires of Great Britain and France began to crumble rapidly, giving birth mainly during the first two postwar decades the world as we know it today. [...]
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Autorzy prezentowanego tu memorandum przekonywali, że celem komunistycznej propagandy jest wychowanie nowego pokolenia ludzi, zdecydowanie wrogiego wobec państw zachodnich. I pytali: jak przeciwdziałać takiej propagandzie?
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The anti-Semitism of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin became, at the beginning of the Cold War, an anti-Semitic paranoia and took on the most radical form during the campaign against Western influence on Soviet society. Soon after the destruction of the Jewish Antifascist Committee, the Doctors’ Plot campaign was launched at the end of 1952; it soon became a perfect basis for blaming all Jews as disloyal to the Soviet regime. In the republics of the USSR the local Communist leaders supported the anti-Semitic campaign in Moscow with allegations about Jewish medical crimes at the local level.Despite much circumstantial evidence and many testimonies there still is no strong basis for the conclusion that the anti-Semitic campaign of 1952-1953 would soon turn into a large-scale repression campaign or wholesale genocide of the Jewish population in the USSR, but the clear anti-Jewish policy and the Soviet practice of the mass repression of nations leaves little doubt that the Soviet society was mentally prepared for the deportation of Jews to Siberia. The Soviet regime practiced constant archive purge campaigns, and documents about politically sensitive issues or regime crime were destroyed on a regular basis. Despite all regime efforts, some traces of anti-Semitic campaign preparation, control, and coordination may be found not in the central state institutions of the USSR but in the Communist Party archives of the republics. At the republican level Communist party Central Committees some top secret documents of the anti-Semitic campaign of 1953 were preserved in specific archive units, the so-called Osobaja Papka.In the USSR the reports of local party leaders to Moscow always described never-existing enthusiastic popular support for Soviet policies; thus the true scale of anti-Semitism in society can’t be determined on the basis of such sources. But they demonstrate that local Soviet institutions supported the spread of anti-Semitism during the infamous Doctors’ Plot campaign of 1953. They also permit the conclusion that any anti-Semitic campaign would not be limited to negative propaganda and at least part of Soviet society was ready to accept some repression of Jews.Joseph Stalin’s death in 1953 put an early end to the anti-Semitic campaign. Soon Stalin’s political heirs quashed charges against the doctors and even punished a few distinguished instigators of the campaign, but there was no official and public condemnation of that anti-Semitic campaign. Thereupon anti-Semitism became less aggressive but still remained very strong in the USSR.
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1968 – Forty Years Later represents a collection of historiographical works of 26 authors from different countries (Serbia, Russia, Czech, Croatia, Bulgaria, and Germany) about the international relations and the foreign-relation temptations of Yugoslavia and also about the domestic circumstances in Yugoslavia during the years 1967-1969. The first part of the book is dealing with topics like: 1968 as the turning-point for Eastern Europe, „Prague Spring“ after the increase of Soviet pressure on Czechoslovakia (July 1968), „Prague Spring“ and the attitudes of the Hungarian leadership, its influence in Bulgaria, the phenomenon of the Czechoslovak opposition after the defeat of the „Prague Spring“ in 1969-1972, the year 1968 as a point of departure of the new Yugoslav foreign policy orientation, Yugoslav reactions to the crisis in the Middle East and dictatorship in Greece, Yugoslav-Soviet, Yugoslav-Romanian and Yugoslav-Italian relations in the days of the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia relations with the Federal Republic of Germany in 1960s, Yugoslav economic emigration in West Germany and the visit of the crew of Apollo 11 to Yugoslavia in 1969. The second part of the book is consisted from the works about Yugoslavia's activities in domestic and foreign policy after the intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Czecholsovakia in 1968, Yugoslav People’s Army’s ordeals in 1960s, the echo of the global student revolt of 1968 in Yugoslav youth and student press, student demonstrations in Belgrade and Yugoslavia in 1968, the case of Krunoslav Draganovic as one aspect of Yugoslav − Vatican relations, liberalization of Yugoslav theatre, and „rebellious“1968 in Istria. Most works are based on the new historical researches and they, after forty years, try to give a new answer and point of view on the issues connected with the happenings in 1968. The book contains also Chronology of the important events in 1968 and Bibliography of the selected Works on 1968.
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Para disa muajsh, duke hulumtuar në Arkivin e Ministrisë së Punëve të Jashtme, rastësisht më ra në dorë një Raport i përgatitur nga një grup profesorësh të Universitetit Shtetëror të Tiranës, mbi vizitën e tyre në Prishtinë, në maj 1968.
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When October 20, 1944 is in question, it is necessary to keep in mind the »overlapping« of two histories – the history of the event and the history of the interpretation of the event. The Belgrade operation was an important, but not the decisive operation in the South-Western advance of the Red Army on the vast front stratching from the Baltic to the Black Sea. On the other hand, the events in October 1944 introduced a fundamental change in the processes in Yugoslavia itself. It follows from the comparision of the forces of the German army group »Serbia« and those of the partizans that the liberation of Belgrade couldn't have been possible without the units of the Red Army. Over the past 65 years three historiographical discourses clearly featured in the interpretation of the events from October 1944: „common past”, „our past” and „occupation“. The history of WWII in Yugoslavia is interwowen and intersected by different contexts and levels of understanding and interpretation. The general context of the war is the world clash between the Anti-Hitlerite coalition and the Tripartite Pact. The occupation of Europe by the Third Reich and operating of occupation systems in these countries is on the second level. Mutual relations of allies within the Anti-Hitlerite coalition is on the third level. The context of the civil war in Yugoslavia comes only on the fourth level, having several different dimensions. Each of them represented a different historical context: religious war in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, struggle between the two resistence movements, war between the Quisling forces and the resistence movements... The visit of the Russian preisdent on the 65th anniversary of liberation of Belgrade (proposed by the president of Serbia) re-historicized the whole event and relativized the paradigm of October 20, as the „day of the new occupation“.
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In 1813 Napoleon Bonaparte was confronted by a new powerful anti- French coalition. The decisive battle, popularly referred to in history books as the Battle of the Nations, was fought in the autumn of 1813 at Leipzig, in Saxony. Nearly 600, 000 troops from over 20 nations took part in the four-day-long battle and over 100, 000 men lost their lives on the battlefield. It is considered to be the bloodiest battle in German history. The victory over Napoleon I contributed to the liberation of the German lands from French rule and it has been officially commemorated in Germany in the past 200 years. In 1913, to mark the 100th anniversary, the tallest monument in Europe was opened on the battlefield at Leipzig. In 2013, the organizers of the celebrations stressed the importance of peace and understanding among nations.
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