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Prizivanje građanskog društva
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Prizivanje građanskog društva

Author(s): Charles Taylor / Language(s): Serbian

I am very pleased that this collection of my papers, edited by Obrad Savic, is appearing in Belgrade. Work of this kind positively calls out for translation and publication in a new context. I hope that the fact that I come at familiar questions from an unfamiliar angle might be helpful to some readers. And even more, I hope that the reactions to and criticisms of this highly partial work will eventually help me to think about these matters more effectively. I think of this publication as one move in an ongoing exchange, which I hope we will one day be able to continue through meetings and other publications. I am of course aware of the difficult times and struggles which Serbian society is now going through, and I know that the experience of those who are working there for democracy and human rights, however dismaying to them, will have something to say to all of us. (Charles Taylor, Introduction)

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Brojevi koji ravnopravnost znače. Analiza rezultata istraživanja potreba LGBT osoba u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Brojevi koji ravnopravnost znače. Analiza rezultata istraživanja potreba LGBT osoba u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Jasmina Čaušević / Language(s): Bosnian

Sarajevski otvoreni centar je od februara do jula 2013. godine radio na istraživanju problema i potreba LGBT osoba u Bosni i Hercegovini. Inicijalni cilj ovog istraživanja je bio locirati stvarne probleme i procijeniti konkretne potrebe LGBT osoba u BiH kako bi se moglo, argumentirajući preciznim podacima, dalje raditi na rješavanju tih problema kroz konkretni rad sa institucijama, kroz zagovaranje, edukaciju, sastanke i savjetovanja, za koje se pokaže da diskriminiraju LGBT osobe, ne obavljaju svoj posao u skladu sa etikom ili na bilo koji drugi način ne zaustavljaju politiku selektivnog branjenja ljudskih prava. Interdisciplinaran teorijski pristup u uvodu u analizu bio nam je neophodan kako bi se iz nekoliko perspektiva osvijetlila sva složenost socioloških fenomena, te kako bi se napravio prostor za smještanje konkretnih podataka bosanskohercegovačkog konteksta u širi teorijski okvir. Upitnicima se ispitivalo kako osobe neheteronormativnog rodnog i spolnog identiteta, te seksualne orijentacije žive u BiH – koje osobe iz njihovog okruženja znaju za njihove LGBT identitete i da li podržavaju, da li su i gdje doživjele diskriminaciju i nasilje, kako su se odnosile prema takvom vidu ugrožavanja svojih ljudskih prava, kako je društvo i pravni sistem reagovao, šta misle o Paradi ponosa i imaju li povjerenje u policiju, da li njihovo psihičko zdravlje strada tvog straha i homofobije koju trpe zbog svoje seksualnosti ili rodnog izražavanja, te kako se zdravstveni radnici_e odnose prema njima. Također, ispitivali su se stavovi LGBT osoba o njihovim društvenim potrebama, o tome šta zajednica misli o samoj zajednici, o radu Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, i na kraju o političkoj participaciji LGBT osoba. Podaci prikupljeni upitnicima obrađeni su u SPSS statističkom programu. Deskriptivna analiza je pisana na osnovu statističke analize i bazirana je na interdisciplinarnom pristupu oblastima i temama kojima se bavi. Kroz analizu nam je, prije svega, bilo važno da interpretiramo pitanja koja smo postavili kao ciljeve istraživanja. Ova analiza će poslužiti kao platforma za dalje zagovaranje, kod vladinih i drugih institucija – policija, zdravstvo, resorna ministarstva, pravosuđe itd, promjena u korist LGBT osoba. Istraživanjem je obuhvaćeno 545 osoba, starosti od 54 do 15 godina. Osoba ženskog spola je bilo 275, muškog 246, interseksualnog 14, transeksualnog 9, a 1 osoba je označila da se ne identificira po spolu. Od ovog broja, 252 osobe su se identificirale kroz ženski rod, 235 kroz muški, kroz transrodnost se 9 osoba identificiralo, 42 osobe se ne identificiraju rodno, dok se njih 7 izjasnilo kroz sopstvenu samokreaciju roda. Što se seksualne orijentacije tiče, 338 je homoseksualne orijentacije, 151 osoba je biseksualne, 25 je panseksualne, 7 osoba se izjasnilo kao aseksualno, 9 kao heteroseksualno, a 15 osoba je odgovorilo „drugo“ i dopisalo kako razumiju svoju seksualnost. S obzirom na nezanemarivu brojnost trans* i interseks osoba koje su učestvovale u istraživanju, u jednom poglavlju se posebno bavimo njima. Kroz pitanje koje osobe iz Vašeg okruženja znaju/ne znaju da ste LGBT osoba, pokazalo se da za čak 90,4% LGBT osoba prijatelji_ce znaju i da ih velika većina podržava – od ukupnog broja prijatelja_ica koje znaju, 89,2% podržava svoje LGBT prijatelje_ice. Također, i kolege_ice sa posla/iz škole/sa fakulteta češće znaju da je osoba LGBT nego članovi porodica. Naime, za 46,4% osobe okruženje sa posla, iz škole ili fakulteta zna da su LGBT i dvije trećine (66,6%) ih podržava. Sestra/sestre u 44,7% prilika znaju da im je brat/ sestra LGBT osoba, i 86,7% pružaju podršku, što ih čini grupom koja poslije prijatelja_ica najviše podržava LGBT osobe. Na četvrtom mjestu su majke/starateljice – za 40,7% LGBT osoba majke znaju, ipak samo 61% majki podržava svoju djecu. Brat/braća u 37,1% znaju, ali ih većina podržava, 75,9%. Za svaku treću osobu poznanici_e znaju (36,8%) i većina ih podržava (67%). Svakoj petoj LGBT osobi otac/staratelj zna za seksulanu orijentaciju ili rodni identitet (22,7%) i manje od polovine podržava svoju djecu (41,8%), što očeve/ staratelje stavlja na posljednje mjesto kada je uža porodica i davanje podrške u pitanju, a zatim slijedi šira familija (za samo 15,2% LGBT osoba šira familija zna, ali ih zato dvije trećine ovih koji znaju - 65,7% - podržava). Na pitanje da li ste doživjeli neki vid diskriminacije zato što ste LGBT osoba, pozitivno je odgovorilo 35,8%, a negativno 63,1%. Jasno je da osobe koje nisu autirane u široj javnosti – na poslu, na fakultetu, poznanicima itd – ne mogu ni biti diskriminisane na osnovu svoje seksualne orijentacije. Istraživanje pokazuje da kolege_ice sa posla/iz škole/sa fakulteta u 40,7% znaju da je osoba LGBT ali ih gotovo polovina ne podržava. Također, za svaku treću LGBT osobu poznanici_e znaju koje je seksualne orijentacije. Sve ovo zajedno se uklapa u dobijenu sliku da je malo više od trećine LGBT osoba autovano širem krugu ljudi, te zato diksriminaciju i trpi otprilike svaka treća LGBT osoba. Diskriminacija se ne prijavljuje u 93,8%. Samo su 3 slučaja diskriminacije bila procesuirana, 1 slučaj je završio uspješno, a 23 slučaja koja su bila prijavljena nisu bila procesuirana nikada. Zbog svog rodnog izražavanja ili seksualnog identiteta 23,5% osoba je doživjelo nasilje, a 74,2% osoba nije nikada bilo žrtva nasilja. Fizičko nasilje je doživjela svaka treća osoba, a seksualno skoro svaka peta. Žrtve nasilja su gotovo uvijek autirane osobe. 130 osoba je doživjelo neki oblik nasilja, samo njih 17 je prijavilo to nasilje, a samo 3 slučaja su procesuirana na sudu, dok se 2 slučaja još procesuiraju. Ako se uzme u obzir dobijeni podatak da su samo 3 slučaja, od 17, prijavljenog nasilja procesuirana na sudu, zaista nije neobičan podatak da LGBT osobe nemaju povjerenja u institucije koje treba da ih štite. U policiju ima povjerenje 23,1% ispitanika_ca, dok čak 73,6% nema. Svaka treća osoba koja, trpeći posljedice homofobije, osjeća depresiju, strah, uznemirenost, potištenost, ili neke druge simptome, odlučuje se da potraži stručnu psihološku, psihijatrijsku ili terapeutsku pomoć, a razlozi se odnose ili na pretpostavljenu nekompetenciju osoba kojima bi se obratile, ili na strah da će se otkriti njihova seksualnost. Kao najveći problem, gotovo, 70% ispitanika_ca izdvojilo je nedovoljnu podršku porodice i prijatelja_ica. Iako 85,2% LGBT osoba ne mora pred prijateljima_cama da skriva svoj rodni identitet i seksualnu orijentaciju, očigledno je da većina ne dobija emotivnu, psihološku i socijalnu podršku kakvu želi. Sa druge strane, kako je i pitanje o podržavanju (grafikon 10) pokazalo – porodica nije mjesto podrške, tako je težina ovog podatka samo potvrđena kroz pitanje o najvećim problemima. Gotovo isto tako veliki problem je i fizičko nasilje (napadi, uništavanje imovine i ostalo) – 68,9% osoba ga je označilo kao najveći problem. Psihičko/verbalno nasilje je označilo kao problem skoro isti broj osoba (68,7%). Kada problem nasilja, bilo fizičkog bilo psihičkog, povežemo sa nefunkcionisanjem institucija kada je riječ o kažnjavanju osoba koje vrše nasilje, problem procesuiranja i kažnjavanja nasilja se izdvaja kao najhitniji koji treba rješavati. Diskriminacija na radnom mjestu, u školi ili na fakultetu, predstavlja jedan od najvećih problema za čak 62,6% ispitanika_ca, što problem diskriminacije stavlja u gotovo istu ravan sa nasiljem. Problem nedostatka programa podrške od strane državnih institucija je 66,4% osoba izdvojilo. Policija, sudstvo ili pojedine oblasti zdravstva ne pružaju svoje usluge na profesionalan način, što zbog nedostatka znanja vezanog za LGBT pitanja, što zbog visokog stepena homofobije. Cilj istraživanja stepena aktivne i pasivne političke participacije LGBT osoba bio je osvijetliti činjenicu (koja se podrazumijeva, ali joj se ne pridaje nikakva važnost, a još manje se u njoj vidi izvjesni politički potencijal) da su LGBT osobe, također i, glasači_ice na izborima (više od polovine ispitanih LGBT osoba koristi svoje pravo glasa), da su oni i osobe koje su članovi_ice političkih stranaka u BiH (62 osobe su u političkim strankama), da se kandidiraju na različitim izborima, da imaju određene rezultate (13 od 62 osobe su se kandidirale na izborima i imale određene rezultate). Na osnovu analize dobijenih statističkih podataka i dodatnih komentara koje su ispitanici_e isticali, napisali smo opšte zaključke i preporuke za određene sektore - pojedine oblasti zdravstva, policija, ali i civilno društvo – jer se pokazalo da ne pružaju svoje usluge na profesionalan način, a razlozima i rješenjima ovakve situacije bavili smo se u posebnim preporukama.

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Zabilježene – Žene i javni život Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. vijeku. Drugo, dopunjeno i izmijenjeno izdanje
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Zabilježene – Žene i javni život Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. vijeku. Drugo, dopunjeno i izmijenjeno izdanje

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Prošlo je više od godinu dana kako knjiga Zabilježene. Žene i javni život Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. vijeku živi i kako se glas o njoj pronosi. Brojne osobe, koje su direktno ili indirektno povezane sa knjigom su nam se javljale – hvaleći naš rad, šireći glas o njemu, dobronamjerno ga kritikujući, ukazujući na neke činjenične greške ili sugerišući argumentovano neke izmjene. U međuvremenu smo i same dolazile do novih podataka i dopisivale ih u knjigu. Pred vama je, dakle, dopunjeno izdanje u kojem su ispravljene greške na koje nam je bila skrenuta pažnja i koje je dopunjeno ponegdje novim saznanjima. U ovom procesu posebno spominjanje zaslužuju i autorice pojedinih poglavlja, kao i Jadranka Miličević. Živeći svoj život, knjiga ostvaruje svoje ciljeve - aktivističkoakademski problematizira prenošenje znanja i afirmaciju ženskog rada i postojanja, nastavlja da doprinosi bogaćenju baze koja će sakupljati na jednom mjestu, nova, već postojeća i objedinjena znanja, te povezuje i gradi mrežu osoba koje imaju interesa da se bave ovim temama. Na kraju, zahvaljujemo se partnerskim organizacijama Fondaciji Heinrich Böll u Bosni i Hercegovini i Ambasadi Švicarske u BiH koje su podržale objavljivanje prvog izdanja Zabilježenih. Objavljivanje drugog izdanja ove knjige podržala je Švedska vlada putem Švedske agencije za međunarodni razvoj i saradnju (Sida), pomažući tako da se glas o sjajnim ženama Bosne i Hercegovine nastavi širiti.

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Zabilježene – Žene i javni život Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. vijeku
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Zabilježene – Žene i javni život Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. vijeku

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Knjiga koja je pred vama pokušava predstaviti sliku svijeta žena u vremenu kada se život vrtoglavo ubrzao – ideologizirao, industrijalizirao, psihoanalizirao, tehnologizirao, mobilizirao, komercijalizirao, relativizirao, konfekcionalizirao. Naša knjiga ima brojna ograničenja. Naime, metodološki poglavlja nisu strogo ujednačena; izostala je analiza konstruisanja žene u različitim ideologijama. Knjiga je pisana brzo, sa mnogo strasti, ljubavi i žaljenja što se nije otišlo u svaki arhiv, muzej ili biblioteku širom Bosne i Hercegovine kao i van zemlje (jer se ogromna građa uopće ne nalazi u BiH). U njoj, nažalost, nema pomena o radnim akcijama, popularnoj kulturi niti objašnjenja šta je za žene podrazumijevala kazna gubitka narodne časti. Građanska prava ili priča o fizičkom radu prelamaju se ovdje kroz ekonomske i političke uslove u kojima su žene živjele.

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Kojeg je roda sigurnost?
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Kojeg je roda sigurnost?

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Ova publikacija je druga po redu u ediciji Gender Sarajevskog otvorenog centra u okviru koje objavljujemo različite naslove koji se tiču roda kao sociološki i kulturološki uvjetovane razlike između osoba muškog i ženskog spola, koje su prije svega proizvod normi, praksi, običaja i tradicije i kroz vrijeme su promjenljivi, a naročito onih pojava i osoba koje negiraju, prevazilaze, propituju i kritikuju ovu usku binarnu podjelu, te presjek roda i različitih društvenih kategorija: sigurnosti, politike, umjetnosti...

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Подкрепа и реинтеграция на децата - жертви на трафик в България: законодателство, институционална рамка и политики
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Подкрепа и реинтеграция на децата - жертви на трафик в България: законодателство, институционална рамка и политики

Author(s): Miriana Ilcheva / Language(s): Bulgarian

The report explores the legal, institutional and policy framework of countering child trafficking in Bulgaria and assisting and reintegrating its victims. It looks at Bulgarian criminal law and criminal procedure, as well as other legal norms, relevant to the subject, and the extent to which they comply with international standards. The study presents the different stages of referral victims go through, the various institutions and organisations, involved in the process, and the policies and initiatives they pursue in improving child victims’ situation. A number of recommendations are put forward in terms of possible legislative amendments, strengthening policy framework and furthering capacity building of institutions, entrusted with combating child trafficking.

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Poznań w działaniu. Społeczne inicjatywy dawniej i dziś
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Poznań w działaniu. Społeczne inicjatywy dawniej i dziś

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

The book Poznań in Action: Social Initiatives, Past and Present presents grassroots initiatives and the tradition of “organic work” that arose in Poznań, from the birth of the idea of organic work in the nineteenth century, to contemporary actions taken by Poznanians. The publication is a record of specific actions taken by the residents of Poznań (and Wielkopolska) to promote the values they cherished. It is a testament to belief in the ability to express one’s opinion in the public sphere, and to the agency of various social groups which expressed their disagreement with the status quo or sought to achieve social objectives that were important to them. It reflects the struggles and hardships resulting from social engagement, but also the successes and benefits achieved by means of such activity.The book consists of three main parts. The first – Past Actions – recalls the history of social initiatives in Poznań and Wielkopolska. In three chapters, writers discuss topics related to “organic work” in the nineteenth century and the continuation of grassroots action in the interwar period and in the Polish People's Republic. The articles that comprise this part also reflect critically on efforts to continue the ideas of organic work in the twentieth century.The second part of the book, entitled Actions Today, consists of four articles discussing the grassroots initiatives and self-organization efforts initiated by Poznanians after the political transformations of 1989. These texts concern various spheres of social and cultural life in modern-day Poznań. Some articles consider historical contexts, while others describe events in the recent history of the city that were important for particular initiatives. This section opens with an extensive article about Poznań’s urban movements and civic organizations. There are also articles on ecology, Poznań’s alternative theatres and the crisis in the sphere of cultural activities in Poznań.The third part of the book, The Current Polylogue, contains interviews that complement the map of grassroots actions in Poznań over the last quarter century. It opens with a conversation on Poznań’s anarchist movement. The next piece deals with housing issues, including the tenants’ movement and the problem of evictions. There are also discussions with Poznań feminists, showing the history, contemporary state, and multidimensionality of feminist initiatives in Poznań. Another important issue taken up in this section concerns assistance provided to migrants and their integration into the Poznań community. The final interview presents the ideas behind the Hipolit Cegielski Society and the grassroots actions it has carried out drawing specifically on the tradition of organic work in Poznań.The last part of the book is a Handbook designed as a practical guide meant to encourage action and organising on the part of all those who want to effect changes that are important to them and are ready to do something about it. Those looking for specific information will learn step-by-step how to set up a cooperative and create the social structures needed for self-organization.

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Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944 - 1966
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Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944 - 1966

Author(s): Ewa Pogorzała / Language(s): Polish

Zasadniczym celem badania była próba opisu i ewolucji modelu polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w badanym okresie. W odniesieniu do koncepcji polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych podjęta została próba określenia i zastosowania autorskiej periodyzacji. Wyróżniono następujące etapy polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: od polityki akceptacji do polityki restrykcji (1944–1948), okres polityki unifikacji (1949–1955), okres polityki aktywizacji (1956–1960), okres polityki marginalizacji (1961–1966). Analiza zebranych danych źródłowych pozwoliła stwierdzić, że mniejszości narodowe stanowiły istotny problem w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944–1966. W szczególności dotyczyło to mniejszości słowackiej, żydowskiej, niemieckiej, białoruskiej, litewskiej i ukraińskiej, czyli grup, które od przełomu lat 40. i 50. XX w. objęte zostały jednolitym modelem kształcenia, na wzór radziecki, w państwowych szkołach z niepolskim językiem nauczania. Centralnym punktem analizy uczyniono szkolnictwo dla mniejszości narodowych jako główny przedmiot polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości. W tym zakresie analizowano sytuację decyzyjną, tj. główne uwarunkowania i czynniki polityki oświatowej, treść decyzji i dyrektyw wykonawczych (założenia organizacyjne i wychowawczo-programowe szkolnictwa dla mniejszości), proces implementacji tych decyzji (polityka w zakresie sieci szkolnej) oraz jej efekty – w aspekcie ilościowym (struktura szkolnictwa) i jakościowym (stan szkolnictwa). W badaniach nad podjętą problematyką przyjęto rozumienie polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości jako działalność władz państwowych regulujących sytuację tych grup w dziedzinie oświaty poprzez akty normatywne i decyzje stanowiące uprawnionych organów. Należy przy tym wskazać na dwa przeciwstawne wymiary polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: restrykcyjny – negujący prawo tych grup do oświaty w języku ojczystym oraz kompensacyjny – afirmujący prawo do oświaty w języku ojczystym jako wartość autoteliczną lub tylko je akceptujący jako wartość instrumentalną dla osiągnięcia określonych celów politycznych. W pierwszej połowie lat 50. XX w. PZPR, zawłaszczając podmiotowość polityczną ogółu społeczeństwa, w tym mniejszości narodowych, zdecydowała o kształcie systemu oświaty. Głównym celem polityki oświatowej stała się indoktrynacja społeczeństwa. W tej sytuacji ojczysty język nauczania stanowił tylko środek do osiągnięcia tego celu, nie zaś do podtrzymania tożsamości narodowej członków tych grup.

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МЕЖДУНАРОДНИЯТ ТРАНСФЕР НА АДМИНИСТРАТИВНИ МОДЕЛИ И ИНСТРУМЕНТИ: ВЪЗМОЖНОСТИ, ОГРАНИЧЕНИЯ И РИСКОВЕ. Доклади от Първа международна конференция по публична администрация София, СУ „Св. Климент Охридски“, април 2017 г.
20.00 €

МЕЖДУНАРОДНИЯТ ТРАНСФЕР НА АДМИНИСТРАТИВНИ МОДЕЛИ И ИНСТРУМЕНТИ: ВЪЗМОЖНОСТИ, ОГРАНИЧЕНИЯ И РИСКОВЕ. Доклади от Първа международна конференция по публична администрация София, СУ „Св. Климент Охридски“, април 2017 г.

Author(s): Aleksandar Marinov,Georgi Peev,Mariana Dimitrova,Milena Stefanova,Snežana Ilieva,Yana Chakarova,Todor Tanev,Fabrice Larat,Andrei Velchev,Atanas Slavov,Elena Kalfova,Kliment Naydenov,Metodi Ivanov,Vladyslav Akulov-Muratov,Boril Mechkov,Petia Branzova,Simeon Petrov,Tatiana Tomova,Jaroslav Dvorak,Gabrielė Burbulytė – Tsiskarishvili,Edita Stumbraitė-Vilkišienė,Liudmila Guzikova,Lyubimka Andreeva,Georgi Vuldjev,Georgy Ganev,Georgy Sarakostov,Nikolai Valkanov,Ognian Boyukliev,Stoyan Panchev,Krassen Stanchev,Maria Kotseva-Tikova,Milkana Mochurova,Venko Petkov,Galina Stoyanova,Georgi Temelkov,Detelin Dimitrov,Iskra Mileva,Liliya Elenkova,Mariela Yordanova,Nikoleta Efremova,Petya Krasteva,Todor Izhbehov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian

What thoughts the following theme does evoke – “International transfer of administrative models and instruments: opportunities, constraints and risks?” It became an object of “love at first sight” for me immediately after it was proposed as a unifying “crown” of the international scientific conference on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of Sofia University’s Department of Public Administration. What broader content could be set which nevertheless presupposes most specific definitions? What more dynamic context might exist which in fact supports the opposite of dynamics – the sustainability of administrative models resistant to pressures for change? What other topic bundles better tradition and reform of administrative systems? First and foremost, it is the host of the conference – the jubilee Department of Public Administration at Sofia University – that is a living example of the international transfer of theories and trends in the field of administrative science. This small scientific community had to meet all challenges of that transfer during its formative years. On the one hand it was pressed to accept the changing political trends in Western societies by theorizing the administrative models backed by them as a manifestation of progressiveness. On the other hand, the need to create an explanation and prescription for his own Bulgarian administrative practice as a manifestation of elementary adequacy it has always existed. The conclusion from the distance of the past 20 years is that these two lines were combined continuously and successfully. If the themes of international forums on public administration in the 90s of the 20th century are considered it will become clear that the separation of administration from politics was the prevailing problem. This sturdy preference was supported by the use of the authority of classic authors such as Max Weber or Woodrow Wilson. It seemed that the emancipation of administrative science was thus achieved once forever. It happened so that the Department of Public Administration got separated structurally and thematically from other disciplines in Sofia University exactly during the same moment. Similar matching of global trends with local developments within the field of administrative science in few other universities paralleled Sofia University’s Department of PA emancipation from Political Science. As a result, Bulgarian versions of the ideal of what is “civil service” started being sought for with skeptical optimism. Should the administration in the democratic future of the country, however, follow imported Victorian models of “civil service”, or, on the contrary, more creative and proactive participation in decision making should be hammered out? The answer to this dilemma followed quite soon. The tempestuous liberal development in the West considered an objective by the Bulgarian leaders changed the emphasis in administrative science. It was not enough to Theorizing the functional distinction between politics and administration per se became insufficient. It was a matter of good scientific tone to find ways and reasons to minimize government intervention in sector management and place the latter as a new unprecedented major task of public administration. The development of a Bulgarian version of apolitical governance through public policies designed and managed by special networks formed ad hoc by citizens and economic operators became the main task of administrative science in the first years of the 21st century. It was in this way that the original thematic field of administration expanded in Bulgaria by inclusion of research on issues of public policy. The emerging soon after concept of “Good Governance” in the Western world undermined confidence in the traditional rational “Management by Objectives”. The period of initial harmonization of Bulgaria with the European directives in the first years after the country as an EU member somehow naturally draw the attention of our researchers to lists of desirable qualities called “good governance” created by international banks and global organizations. Quite naturally, observing the transitive setting that determined the entry of the good governance principles in the Bulgarian administrative practice made our researchers for the first time be attentive to the problems that the direct import of standard projects for good governance in the country could create. For example, the National Ombudsman institution led by Mr. Ginyo Ganev developed a concise Bulgarian conceptual framework for good governance with the help of the Department of PA at Sofia. It started being applied actively with an increasing success to diverse cases in the focus of attention of this institution. Developments in this regard expanded as much as the creation of an entirely Bulgarian concept of a new human “right of good governance”. The Department of PA consulted and developed strategic projects of the Council of Ministers in the bosom of “good governance” and public policy. The original purely theoretical interest in global paradigms in the field of economic management such as “quality management” and “total quality management” gradually evolved into an interest for their practical application in the Bulgarian administrative practice. As it is in countries with developed democracy over the last decade, it is looked for project appraisals, impact assessment of policies, etc. in context of quality management in Bulgaria as well. It is in this way that certain doubts emerged for the first time. First, how possible is it to successfully transfer, adapt and develop economic theories in the socio-political field without losing their basic sense? Second, if the quality management in the public sphere is examined, how is the object to be tested to be defined? What does quality of public governance mean? What are the legitimate criteria for it to be funded, adopted, and maintained? Until this moment versions of Western administrative mindset penetrating via European directives and other vehicles of influence were intensively developed. However, Bulgaria’s own development from this moment on started imposing a brand new round of research. The past decade uncorked the bottle with the spirit of administrative reforms. A whole arsenal of new problems: what is reform, what is change, what is direction, what is progress and so on was added to the issues already accumulated by the transfer of ideas and best practices considered as “best”. A genuine Bulgarian view on issues of local administrative reforms started getting formed by separate members of Sofia University’s scientific community more and more boldly. What has never been done so far in sufficient size, however, is the development of the old theme of sustainable development from a national perspective. It was left in the hands of political bureaucracy and I hope that it is not abandoned there by our researchers. Sustainable development does not only look like but is generally an issue of key importance. It amalgamates the political, administrative, economic and social problems. The pressure for direct application of practices arising from the so-called “Global sustainable development goals” became tumultuous form of formal accountability. The parameters of the polar sets resistance-development, global-local, political-administrative, etc. remain unclear. Thus the meanders of the development of Bulgarian administrative science that followed up to this moment gradually the sequence of changes in the same area in the world for its own reasons found at last the main problem hidden all the time. This problem is: what are the opportunities, limitations and risks of international transfers of administrative models and instruments? However, this is the theme of the conference. In other words, the wall separating political and administrative management is already raised – administrative decisions today are taken in agreement with the so called social partners, NGOs, networks, etc. Various formulas of good governance, in particular lawfulness, transparency, etc., are applied since long ago be it in one degree or another. Management in the public sphere is fragmented by sector policies and hence by separate projects driven by networking teams. The quality of management activities is measured although only by the proportion between the invested funds and tasks performed such as numbers of training pf administrators, etc. Why is the widespread opinion then that the administration is not working well despite all the good intentions with which people work behind the counters of state and local institutions? I think the key answer is modernization, not modernity. Modernization is a continuous process of an existing human community with a will of life. In contrast, modernity is a condition that those inferior according to someone's perspective should or should not, may or may not adopt. Modernization is moving forward in the name of preserving the general essence intact. Conversely, the movement toward modernity is changing the nature of those perceived as non-modern whereby however no one guarantees either the meaning or the consequences, or even the opportunity that this could happen. What are the ultimate objectives of administrative science keeping modernization in mind if this really is the most general question? Modernization implies preserving the identity of the human community under changing circumstances. Why identity must be maintained is another question that is absurd per se, least according Kant’s Categorical imperative. Without “subjectivity”, at least according to Hegel’s philosophy (why not according to classical economic and legal theory), it no action is possible at all, including actions for “improving the situation.” Values separate at least as much as they unite. Could Eastern European societies follow some winning value model at the beginning of the political changes? Was it only their totalitarian political past that made them different from foreign models? The Anglo-Saxon model of governance is based on the culture of urban individualism. The culture of successful Asian “dragons” is based on collectivist Confucian rationalism. Seen at this background, the Western model based on Roman law is offering rational norms. Although somewhat differing one from the other, Eastern European societies, including Bulgarian, proved to be different from all that. In an effort to get modernized once again they had to make hard choices for their future. The triple eclecticism between Eastern European value system, the successful Asian “developmental dictatorship” and the victorious superindividualistic urban West was even more impossible. However, it turns out that the Western and Eastern universe have defended themselves for centuries by modernization cast in strictly defined areas and volumes sufficient only to maintain their own development model. It seems that the task of the Bulgarian administration and administrative science after 20 years of establishment is no more and no less the same. So, the international scientific conference on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the foundation of the Sofia University’s Public Administration Department turns out to be something like a membrane separating past from future development. The transition from the former to the latter is a clarification of how possible and how necessary the international transfer of administrative models and instruments is.

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U razdoblju od 2016. do 2018. godine došlo je do poboljšanja pravnog okvira kada su u pitanju kaznena djela učinjena iz mržnje. Međutim, u praski i dalje postoje problemi koji se ogledaju u činjenici da bosanskohercegovačko društvo, kao i nadležna tijela, nije dovoljno senzibilizirano, odnosno nije dovoljno educirano kako bi ova kaznena djela bila primjereno sankcionirana. To doprinosi situaciji da žrtve kaznenih djela najčešće ostaju nezbrinute, djela neprocesuirana, što nekažnjenim počiniteljima_cama u ovakvim slučajevima šalje jasnu poruku da su njihova djela prihvatljiva i opravdana. Unatoč postojećem zakonskom okviru, koji trenutno pruža zakonsku zaštitu za žrtve i potencijalne žrtve kaznenih djela učinjenih iz mržnje, nažalost, pripadnici_e manjinskih skupina nisu u mogućnosti voditi siguran i dostojan život zbog činjenice da dijele neke od zaštićenih karakteristika. Iako je u proteklom razdoblju kontinuirano poboljšavana legislativa kada su u pitanju mržnja i kaznena djela učinjena iz mržnje, država nije uradila ništa kako na promidžbi postojeće legislative, tako niti na uspostavljanju povjerenja policije i pravosuđa s pripadnicima_ama marginaliziranih skupina. Jedan od razloga zašto članovi_ce marginaliziranih skupina ne prijavljuju nasilje upravo je nepovjerenje u pravosudni sustav, jer ga, nažalost, vide kao problem, a ne kao dio rješenja. Neprijavljivanje je dakako opravdano strahom žrtava da policijski_e službenici_e, tužitelji_ce i suci_sutkinje nisu dovoljno senzibilizirani_e i nemaju odgovarajući/profesionalni pristup žrtvama pripadnicima_ama marginaliziranih skupina, odnosno javni_e službenici_e imaju izražene predrasude prema društvenim skupinama koje su na marginama bh. društva. Posljedično, kaznena politika je veoma loša kada su u pitanju ova kaznena djela. Drugi razlog je što izostaju državni sustavni programi educiranja i senzibiliziranja policije i pravosuđa. Sav teret senzibilizacije i edukacije preuzimaju organizacije civilnog sektora i međunarodne organizacije koje djeluju na teritoriju BiH, a bave se tematikom i problematikom mržnje i kaznenih djela učinjenih iz mržnje. Iz dokumentiranih slučajeva može se primijetiti, nažalost, da ova kaznena djela imaju tendenciju rasta zbog neprimjenjivanja trenutnog postojećeg zakonskog okvira, prema kojem počinitelji_ce mogu biti sankcionirani_e, te da je potrebno poboljšanje trenutnog zakonskog okvira, odnosno harmonizacija kaznenih zakona u Federaciji BiH i Brčko distriktu s Krivičnim zakonom Republike Srpske.

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