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Изкушен? Относно обвързването на Фуко с неолиберализма. Коментар върху неотдавнашната „теза за съблазняването“
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Изкушен? Относно обвързването на Фуко с неолиберализма. Коментар върху неотдавнашната „теза за съблазняването“

Author(s): Magnus Paulsen Hansen / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2016

The essay questions the recent wave of authors claiming that Foucault became ‘seduced’ by neoliberal thought and ended up endorsing it. It does so by a thorough examination of two books that makes the claim, but with radically different explanations for the fact that Foucault engaged himself with neoliberalism. By analyzing the textual ‘evidence’ of the proponents of the ‘seduction theses’ the essay shows that its premises are rather flawed. Firstly, the lack of normative denunciations in Foucault’s writing on neoliberalism cannot be taken as an endorsement, but as integral to a specific way of conducting ‘non-normative critique (Hansen 2016). Secondly, Foucault’s supposedly anti-statist position is questionable when one reads his lectures carefully. In fact, Foucault’s explicitly distanced himself an “inflationary” critique of the state, identifiable on the extreme left as well as in neoliberal thought.

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Биовластта днес
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Биовластта днес

Author(s): Paul Rabinow,Nikolas Rose / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2016

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Една различна биополитика: Фуко чете Мойо
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Една различна биополитика: Фуко чете Мойо

Author(s): Luca Paltrinieri / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2016

This article discusses the concept of “biopower” in the light of Michel Foucault’s courses at the Collège de France, especially his lectures between 1978 and 1980. After having offered a definition of “biopower” and “biopolitics”, I will discuss in more details Foucault’s reading of the great book of the French protodemography Recherches et Considérations sur la population de la France [Researches and Considerations on the Population of France] by Jean-Baptiste Moheau. I will try then to answer the question: Why has Foucault defined this book being “the first great text of biopolitics”? My answer points out that in Moheau the government of the human life is not restricted to a technique of intervention in the vital human milieu; it rather formulates explicitly the principles of a “government of morals” – one that addresses particularly the human reproduction. As a result, it is getting clear that the “biopolitical governmentalization of life” must have already been a response of another project of mastering one’s own body and one’s own descendance – a project that was visible namely by the extension of the contraceptive techniques in the popular milieus in France, starting in the middle of the 18th century. To sum up, my thesis has not been designed as a discussion of the Foucauldian thesis; it is rather an extension of his theorizing on biopower, and it has been made possible namely through the lectures Foucault had done at the Collège de France.

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Биополитика на раждането: Мишел Фуко, Групата за здравна информация и борбата за правото на аборт
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Биополитика на раждането: Мишел Фуко, Групата за здравна информация и борбата за правото на аборт

Author(s): Stuart Elden / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2016

This piece is an edited and abridged excerpt from Chapter Six of Foucault: The Birth of Power, Polity Press, 2017. It discusses the work of the Groupe Information Santé, an activist organisation established in France in 1972 on the model of the more famous Groupe d’Information sur les Prisons. The GIS comprised doctors, sociologists and philosophers, and its most famous member was Michel Foucault. There were many projects that the group worked on, including industrial accidents and sickness, the health of immigrants, and the struggle for abortion rights. Drawing on their publications, pamphlets, archival material and news reports, this piece discusses the importance of the group, especially concerning reproductive rights and sexual politics more generally. One of the group’s key aims was to provide people with free access to information so they could make informed choices. The piece therefore provides another example of Foucault’s involvement in radical activism in the early 1970s, though his was only one voice in the movement and it stresses the collaborative nature of the project.

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Биополитики на дискурса за превенцията на ХИВ
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Биополитики на дискурса за превенцията на ХИВ

Author(s): David M. Halperin / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2016

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Новата теория на справедливостта на Джон Ролс като опит за ревизия на либералната доктрина
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Новата теория на справедливостта на Джон Ролс като опит за ревизия на либералната доктрина

Author(s): Nikolay Alexandrov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 6/2019

The article examines the basic principles of John Rawls’ theory, which not only explores the problems of justice, freedom, and equality, but also attempts to revise liberal teachings in following the work of such prominent representatives of socio-philosophical thought as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The article presents John Rawls’ views on a number of key concepts of liberal theory, such as “natural state”, “civil society”, “negative and positive liberty”, “political society”. It is underlined that Rawls examines justice not only as a theoretical concept but also in the context of the activities of major public institutions. The concept of practical reason, which is fundamental to the acceptance of the principles of justice as a basis of public interaction, is analyzed.

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Бъдещето на публичната дипломация в България

Бъдещето на публичната дипломация в България

Author(s): Georgi Aleksandrov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2019

In times of exponential technological and communicational progress, the topic of the future of political communication is gaining more and more strength. As a result of the creation of many new means for communication and the evolution of the democratic society, there was born a new instrument of political power – public diplomacy. Many scholars have already developed large scale works on the topic about the role, the meaning, and the future of public diplomacy on the world stage. Here we have at hand the question for the future of Public Diplomacy in Bulgaria. This scientific topic is interrelated with yet another phenomenon – the European Union and the participation of Bulgaria as a member in it. This article reviews the future role of public diplomacy as an instrument of the sovereign assisted by the soft power of the EU and the significance of a strong and unified European Union.

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The Question of National Minorities in the European Parliament Between 2014 and 2019: A Hungarian Perspective

The Question of National Minorities in the European Parliament Between 2014 and 2019: A Hungarian Perspective

Author(s): Krisztián Manzinger / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The European Parliament, due to the direct election of the MEPs, is an institution willing to represent the interests of European national minorities and regional communities, compared to other EU institutions, with the exception of the Committee of Regions. During the 2014–2019 term, various questions of national minorities were discussed in the Minority Intergroup, which is an informal but officially recognized group of MEPs, and in the Committees of the Parliament. Individual MEPs, either alone or together with other colleagues, also organized events and conferences on minority topics. Despite the EU being generally reluctant when it comes to national minorities, the plenary of the European Parliament adopted important resolutions on the matter during the term, urging the European Commission to create an EU legal framework for protecting national minorities. While the events, conferences and resolutions did not lead to a breakthrough, even keeping the issue on the agenda is a success, in a milieu often hostile to discuss minority problems seen as offences to national sovereignty. Altogether, important steps forward are greatly needed to secure a more just, equal and citizen-friendly Europe; this is where discussions on minority issues within the EP, for instance, could foster improvement. Hungary is well-known regarding its interests in protecting national minorities. The country itself has a generous legal framework allowing for ethnic and national minority self-governance and is a strong advocate for the international regulation of minority rights overarching the existing system. Hungarian politicians, from both the kin-state and its neighboring countries, are also strong promoters of national minority rights within international organizations, for instance in the Council of Europe or the European Union (EU). Hungarian politicians are not the only ones keen to deal with national minority issues on an international level in Europe. The European Parliament (EP) has also long been advocating for enhancing the system of minority protection. In early 2014, the Strasbourg Manifesto, an act of stocktaking at the end of the mandate of the EP between 2009 and 2014, was adopted by the Minority Intergroup of the EP. It provided guidelines particularly for the MEPs, during the term between 2014 and 2019, and in general for the EU to improve the situation of autochthonous minorities within the EU. With the exception of the EP, EU institutions are mostly reluctant to address national minority issues arising in the Member States (MSs). This traditional position has even been strengthened further in the past term by particular events, such as the independence referenda in Scotland and Catalonia, the illegal annexation of Crimea and the occupation of eastern Ukraine by Russia, the migrant crisis of 2015 and the attacks targeting the civilian population in Western Europe. Nevertheless, in terms of protecting national minorities, there has been some progress in the EP; this article focuses on such developments. There have been other potentially far-reaching successes too, such as the victory of the Federal Union of European Nationalities (FUEN) and the Szekler National Council (SZNT) in front of the courts of the EU concerning their European Citizen’s Initiatives. They, however, lie outside the scope of our inquiry. In this article, the term “minority” exclusively refers to autochthonous national minority groups residing in MSs without taking into account their recognition or legal situation. Other types of minorities (i.e., sexual minorities) are outside of the focus of this article.

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“Russian World” and Compatriots’ Policies: A View from the Other Side

“Russian World” and Compatriots’ Policies: A View from the Other Side

Author(s): Hanna Vasilevich / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This text will analyse the framework and limitations of the Russian policies towards compatriots (as defined in the Russian legislation) and the perception of these policies in the countries of the former Soviet Union, whose entire populations might potentially be treated as “compatriots.” The focus will be made on the political speeches and media discourse analysis, as they appear both in Russia and the selected post-Soviet countries (Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine).

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The European Union Hydrogen Strategy as a
significant step towards a circular economy

The European Union Hydrogen Strategy as a significant step towards a circular economy

Author(s): Florin Bonciu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

The paper is structured in three parts: the first contains some reflections on the essence of the circular economy concept; the second reviews the European Union positions vis-à-vis the circular economy and the large scale utilization of hydrogen, with reference in particular to the most recent strategic documents (European Green Deal, EU New Industrial Strategy for Europe, EU Strategy for Energy System Integration, EU Hydrogen Strategy, European Clean Hydrogen Alliance); the third part evaluates the feasibility and implications of the transition to a hydrogen based economy and the relation of this transition to the circular economy. The conclusions state that the adoption by the European Union of a hydrogen strategy represents a significant step towards a true circular economy

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Disinformation campaigns in the European
Union: Lessons learned from the 2019 European
Elections and 2020 Covid-19 infodemic in
Romania

Disinformation campaigns in the European Union: Lessons learned from the 2019 European Elections and 2020 Covid-19 infodemic in Romania

Author(s): Radu Magdin / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Against the backdrop of the current Covid-19 challenges and their long-tailed effects, the article uses lessons learned from Russian disinformation in the period 2014-2020, including the European Parliament 2019 campaign in Romania and the Covid-19 infodemic, to discuss possible future Russian disinformation approaches and narratives against the European Union (EU). The accent of the analysis and recommendations falls on the instrumentalization by Russian disinformation of the EU’s internal strivings for sovereignty against the backdrop of the economic fallout due to the Covid-19 pandemic, and how European leaders are pushed in directions contrary to continental strategic interests. Early opinion surveys seem to indicate an increased favourability of Europeans towards Russia as a result of soft power campaigns during the Covid-19 outbreak in Spring 2020 – in what we reveal was, in fact, a staged media show orchestrated by including lessons learned from the Chinese ways of strategic communication.

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Chinese backed energy projects in the Western
Balkans: where supply and demand could meet

Chinese backed energy projects in the Western Balkans: where supply and demand could meet

Author(s): Dániel Gábor Csapó / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Although China attempts to present itself as a leader of the fight against climate change – and, in some aspects, is taking initiative in this respect – through the Belt and Road Initiative the country has lent support to many ‘dirty’ projects in the energy infrastructure sector. This is also the case in the Western Balkans, where Chinese banks and energy companies have invested in coal power plants. Western Balkan countries need to improve their energy infrastructure and build new capacities. An obvious solution to this issue is the extension of their coal mines and plants, but this comes with complications. They do not have the capital to invest in these projects themselves, and international monetary institutions do not support these types of investments. In contrast to this, China can offer soft loans and expertise to realise the projects. Although many of the projects that Chinese banks have invested (or intend to invest) in are delayed or only in the planning phase, it seems that some of them can be realised despite the resistance of the Energy Community and various environmentalist groups.

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A kárpátaljai magyar szórvány típusai, tagolási lehetőségei

A kárpátaljai magyar szórvány típusai, tagolási lehetőségei

Author(s): Patrik Tátrai / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2020

The Hungarian term “szórvány” (literally: diaspora, but its meaning can be interpreted as scattered minority communities in the majority population) has been used for a long time to differentiate transborder Hungarian communities according to their location and assimilation trajectories. Up until now only a few attempts have been made to group and typify communities labelled as “szórvány”. This is especially true for Transcarpathian, Ukraine, where those living as “szórvány” communities makes up approximately one quarter of the total Hungarian population of the region. However, the idea of “szórvány” is quite ambiguous, and there is no consensus on its exact definition. Based on both quantitative data analysis and qualitative methods (fieldworks since 2018), the present study aims at giving an overview about how the “szórvány” has been defined and differentiated in Transcarpathia and what the possible factors are that characterize the main types of there Scattered community cluster. We found that although the role of structural features like distance from the relatively contiguous Hungarian settlement area (“block”), ethnic proportions between majority and minority populations, rural-urban settings the allochthonous-autochthonous dichotomy and, local special characteristics are crucial to understanding differences in development paths.

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Paragrafusok a vártán: amiből sosem lehet túl sok

Paragrafusok a vártán: amiből sosem lehet túl sok

Author(s): Csilla Fedinec / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2020

Miran Komac – Vizi Balázs (szerk.): Bilaterális kisebbségvédelem: A magyar-szlovén kisebbségvédelmi egyezmény háttere és gyakorlata. L’Harmattan Kiadó: Budapest,2019. 352 oldal

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РЕФЕРЕНДУМЪТ В БЪЛГАРИЯ – ЗАКОНОДАТЕЛНИ И ПРАКТИЧЕСКИ ИЗМЕРЕНИЯ

РЕФЕРЕНДУМЪТ В БЪЛГАРИЯ – ЗАКОНОДАТЕЛНИ И ПРАКТИЧЕСКИ ИЗМЕРЕНИЯ

Author(s): Vesselina Zhekova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2021

The coexistence of the forms of direct and representative exercise of public power is an indisputable sing of the democracy of the modern state and society. The various forms of direct democracy provide an opportunity for real civilian control, strengthen people’s confidence in their ability to determine their own future and contribute to overcoming existing dependencies, as well as to restoring trust in institutions.

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Újra benn a parlamentben, avagy az AUR felemelkedése és a szélsőjobboldal újjászületése Romániában

Újra benn a parlamentben, avagy az AUR felemelkedése és a szélsőjobboldal újjászületése Romániában

Author(s): Tamás Zoltán Wágner / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2021

Respective Romanian governments for several years have been emphasizing that there is no far-right party in the parliament, which provided them with a good reputation in European mainstream political circles. In addition, this favorable judgement was also reinforced by the election of a president of ethnic German origin in 2014, as well as by the electoral behavior (anti-PSD) of the Romanian diaspora in the previous parliamentary elections. Nonetheless, the election held in December 2020 radically changed the political landscape. First of all, the turnout was extremely low, which effectively contributed to the success of the Alliance for the Association of Romanians (AUR) as the first far-right party to enter the parliament since the fall of the Greater Romania Party (PRM) in 2008. Secondly, the election refuted the general belief that the Romanian diaspora overwhelmingly supports the right-wingliberal parties. Above all, overt anti-Hungarian sentiment is now again in the forefront of Romanian politics. However, the election results cannot be attributed exclusively to the exploitation of the anti-Hungarian sentiment; other factors, such as the utilization of virus skepticism, also contributed. In the paper, I thoroughly analyze these factors. I take a glance at the characteristics of far-right parties and then the history of the Romanian far-right since the regime change. Finally, I examine the ideology and the key politicians of AUR together with the possible future of the party. During the analysis, I address the allegations that Romanian intelligence or Russia were behind the emergence of the party. I argue that AUR’s entrance to the parliament was not unexpected because those structures and electoral groups are present in the Romanian political life that can be effectively used by far-right parties. It is especially true for this election where AUR managed to utilize multiple factors.

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Overhaul Capitalism to Save Democracy

Overhaul Capitalism to Save Democracy

Author(s): Daniel Dăianu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

Why have our societies become so deeply divided, which is inimical to democracy? How do growing distributional conflicts impact governance structures? Why does fake news take often precedence over truth? What should be done to avert that the rule of law is undermined by the rule of the mob? It may be that the current crises (public health and economic) are harbingers of a new turning point in the evolution of capitalism. This evolution is interlocked with cycles of ideas, of public policies, and institutional change. A mixed economy took shape over time, in which a public sector and a private sector cohabit, based on market dynamism, entrepreneurship, with the shares held by the two sectors shifting in accordance with historical and local conditions. The debate that has started after the outbreak of the last financial crisis is about the path of capitalism, of the mixed economy, of democracy. We need to steer the course of events in the right direction via wise policies. Safeguarding democracy relates to the urgency to deal with climate change as an existential threat.

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Deconsolidation of Liberal Democracy in the
Baltic States. The Issue of Compliance with the
EU Standards at Institutional and Value Levels

Deconsolidation of Liberal Democracy in the Baltic States. The Issue of Compliance with the EU Standards at Institutional and Value Levels

Author(s): Nataliia Khoma,Oleksii Kokoriev / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This article analyses compliance of the post-Soviet Baltic States with the EU liberal-democratic standards, at both institutional and value levels. The authors prove that fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria for EU accession did not determine an enhancement of the quality of democracy in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study highlights that, in recent years, the Baltic States have entered a phase of stagnation of liberal-democratic transformations and that they need a more active position of the state on institutional reforms and resocialization of citizens to strengthen adherence to the political and legal values that the EU is based on. The article emphasises how the global financial crisis of 2008, the European migration crisis (2015) and the current coronavirus pandemic have all had an impact on the quality of democracy in the Baltic States. The authors focus on the incomplete process of value reforming among the Baltic population against the EU liberal-democratic standards. The article highlights that the post-totalitarian rotation of values in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania is slow and faces rejection of European liberal-democratic values to a greater or lesser extent. It underlines the preservation of the totalitarian (Soviet) vestiges of political culture, which contradict the EU paradigm of values and prevent the Baltic States from improving the quality of democracy. It is noted that, in terms of the radicalization level in defending national interests, the Baltic countries take the intermediate position between the Nordic and the V4 countries, particularly Hungary and Poland that develop illiberal democracy patterns.

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Pros and Cons of the EU-China Comprehensive
Agreement on Investment

Pros and Cons of the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment

Author(s): Iulia Monica Oehler-Sincai / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The main objectives of the present paper are to elaborate on the EUChina Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), its provisions, advantages and potential risks, and to detach various standpoints of relevant actors, related to this agreement. The ad referendum CAI, complemented by additional documents by the European Commission, underscores that it goes well beyond the investment protection issues, usually addressed in bilateral investment treaties and it additionally includes rules for: a better market access for the EU companies, a fairer investment environment in China and sustainable development. Despite its support by the European Commission, there has been formulated a strong criticism of the deal from various directions, both European and non-European. Besides, the conclusion of the pact induced not only tensions at the extra-EU level, but also intra-EU. The largest two obstacles to the adoption of the treaty are the conflicting interests of the EU Member States and the opposition of the European Parliament. Therefore a common position is needed inside the EU. The research is complemented by an analysis of the broader circumstances of rising FDI protectionism worldwide, under the increased complexity of the system of international relations and recent trends, harmful to multilateralism.

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East-West Divide in the European Union: Legacy
or Developmental Failure?

East-West Divide in the European Union: Legacy or Developmental Failure?

Author(s): Clara Alexandra Volintiru,Alina Bargaoanu,George Ștefan,Flavia Durach / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

EU goes through a realignment process in the context of the demise of multilateralism, yet the impact of this process on the 11 new Member States from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is rarely discussed. There is a persistent East-West divide in the EU that is mainly socio-economic, even though often narrated as a political divide between older and newer Member States. The article explores in depth the current developmental metrics in CEE and argues that the progress that has been achieved in overall levels of convergence in the EU is yet to be reflected at subnational level, where great disparities persist. It is the developmental divide that continues to inform political divisions in Europe.

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