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We study the basic principles of political and legal status of head of state in context analysis categories of "form of government", "state institution" and " state power (authority)". It is proposed to the head of state as a special public institution. Investigates the basic characteristics of the institution head of state and their impact on state power, depending on the traditions of a society.
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The article analyses the problematic nature of the methodological approach examining populism as an ideology. There is an emphasis on several aspects. Firstly, the lack of a worldview, which would give an ideological value of populism. Secondly, on the insignificance of populism understood as lack of ideas for the development of politics, economics and society. Thirdly on its collaboration with left and right ideologies, as well as on the insubstantiality of the ideological approach, in that it draws some of its intuitions from the paradigm that considers populism as a strategy for political mobilization.
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The article focuses on three dimensions of the issues related to the rule of law and the judicial system reform in the context of the presidential elections in Bulgaria in 2016: the formulation of a clear vision for future development of the judicial reform and strengthening of the rule of law in the candidate’s manifestos, the level of participation of candidates in the political and civic debate on the issues and the type of commitments expressed during the campaign. Thus the article aims to formulate a typology of campaign related positions on the basis of two dimensions – political profile of candidate and their distance to bringing the issues as priorities of the presidential institution.
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The last few years are witnessing rapid grow in the use of the ‘administrative capacity’ concept in Bulgaria, with overwhelmingly negative connotation. The flaws – real or apparent - of the administrative capacity reach the status of universal explanation of all failures, mistakes and even facts of corruption. This article identifies some typical pitfalls in the common efforts to define the ‘administrative capacity’ concept. A framework is set for further clarification of its main traits and components. ‘Administrative capacity’ is understood as capability of the administration (as a whole or as specific administrative structures) to deliver services, to meet relevant targets, therefore – to respond to public expectations. Following the historic evolution of ideas about the ‘capacity to govern’ some oversimplified notions or ‘myths’ about administrative capacity are dismantled.
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The article presents a review of strengths and weaknesses of the leading trends analysis of the problem of choosing an optimal model of government as set out in the contemporary political science. Provides an overview of four basic views on the effectiveness of presidential, parliamentary and semi- (mixed) systems of government, as well as analysis of the factors that significantly influence the choice of a particular form of government. The author did attempt to carry out a comparative study of theoretical and academic views, and some examples of the practical functioning of the systems of government in a parliamentary system, of presidentialism and sexprezidentsializm.
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The crisis in 2020, as any crisis, brought many problems but also created opportunities in various areas of human life. In the field of politics, the crisis provided different opportunities for oppositional political actors in Bulgaria to be an alternative to the government, which is incapable of dealing with the biggest social problems, multiplied by the crisis. Chances, however, must be “caught”. If the opposition is not able to make the right decisions in the context of contemporary events, it will lose that political game undoubtedly. Even if, the opposition has all the necessary qualities and the necessary circumstances are there, the essence is contained in the right and prompt decisions.
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This article aims to present and examine the results of an original dataset of collective protest actions in Bulgaria from 2009 to 2017. Unlike previous studies that focus on a specific protest movement or protest wave, this dataset consists of all collective protest actions in the form of demonstrations, strikes, blockades, marches, petitions, etc., including information about their demands, repertoires and number of participants. Along with the description of the initial findings of the dataset, the article makes a periodization of the protest cycle in three separate phases: an ascending phase with reactions against austerity measures and the emergence of new protest movements (2009-2012), the mass discontent against the political elite (2013) and demobilization of the mass protest and the rise of contention over cultural issues (from 2014 onwards). The findings offer arguments against the backward hypothesis of the civil society in Bulgaria and describe the most complete picture of the quantitative dynamics of the protest mobilizations.
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The last two years of development of the Russian political system were characterised by theincreasing protest mood. Social discontent and various forms of political protest have becomea noticeable element of social and political life. It is symptomatic that the protest mood developsduring electoral campaigns (that predetermined the victory of the opposition in the elections ina number of regions), and also as a result of development and implementation of the currentgovernmental processes. Considering that elections have been held in the majority of Russianregions during 2017-2019, the attention to the protest movement from various political actors willincrease. The authors analyse the forms, main actors and technologies of protests, worked outtheir typology based on the case studies. The current protest mood in Russia is compared withthe situation in several EU countries (primarily in France, as well as in Portugal, Poland, Serbia andGreece). In conclusion of the article the forecasts of the socio-political situation development inthe Russian Federation will be presented.
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The article engages with several basic features of public values and studies them as a primary field of responsibility of public sector and public administration. Recognizing that public values’ fulfillment is a complex and sometimes controversial process, nonetheless it is accepted that it is the needed common ground for collective action.
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Рецензия на книгата на Ивайло Дичев „Културни сцени на политическото“
A review of Ivaylo Dichev’s book „Cultural scenes of the political”
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The free movement of judicial decisions on the territory of the European Union presupposes a high level of mutual trust between the judicial bodies of the Member States. From the citizens’ point of view, the keyissue is the balance between the rights of the plaintiffs and the defendants, i.e. the right to access to justice(to sue) and the right to defence. Mutual trust between the judiciary can be built in various ways. Firstly,through the creation of a unified European procedure in the form of additional tools held before the adjudication and based on the general rules of procedure. Secondly, through sectoral harmonisation of procedurallaw within the framework of solving individual issues in accordance with a step-by-step approach. Thirdly,it is necessary to create common standards, in the form of principles and rules, regulations and directives.The Author in this article analyses the main ways of creating uniformity of norms applied in the territoryof the European Union, the most suitable for the institution of mutual recognition and enforcement ofjudgments. The process of legal development of the institution of mutual recognition and enforcement ofjudgments and its current status are considered.
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The importance and relevance of tracking and analyzing China-US relations, which are today key global countries with a huge impact on the world, can hardly be questioned. The aims of this study are, on the one hand, to examine and understand how these relations have developed over time, especially since initially the United States and then the PRC became global powers. On the other hand, the author analyses the problem of how the dynamics of these relations affect the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which are today mainly under the “lid” of the influence of the West.
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This paper’s basic objective is to prove with appropriate argumentation that a complete development of industrial production and technology inevitably leads to strengthening of democratic state and that it is not possible to achieve development of democratic society without democratization of property relations. It is concluded that development of industrial technology brings also socialization of managing, by which an autocratic state is getting transformed into a democratic state; that the objective of modern democratization of the property relations through development of the workers’ shareholding, stockholding and cooperative movement is to provide them a better property status and so as to consequently increase the workers’ motivation, which has been a basic factor of economic efficiency throughout all historical circumstances so far; that a basic precondition of development of democratic society and democratization of political institutions of Serbia is democratization of the property relations which implies that broadest social masses manage social reproduction.
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The article aims to address the fragmentation and the oppositions dividing the opposition in Bulgaria in the light of the parliamentary elections on April 4 2021, the “short” 45th National Assembly and the early parliamentary elections on July 11 2021. Following the mass citizens protests in 2020, all opposition parties did campaign against the incumbent party GERB and its allies and claimed to dismantle the authoritarian model of governance and to tackle the endemic corruption. This seemed to be the main common goal of the opposition. In the end, the opposition actors discovered their political immaturity and incapacity to construct a viable alternative of government. Above all, the elections in 2021 have revealed and deepened the divides amongst the opposition forces.
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A review of the book " A Pillar of Democracy on Shaky Ground. Public Service Media in South East Europe”, published by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Media Programme South East Europe. The book gives an overview of public service media in the ten countries covered by the Media Programme of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Kosovo, Moldova, Romania, North Macedonia, Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro) plus Germany.
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The paper examines different forms and intensity of censorship in culture in socialist Serbia and Yugoslavia. Since Yugoslavia was a country that tried to promote a third path between the Western capitalist and Eastern real-socialist social models from the mid-1950s, censorship had to be more subtle in culture and had some peculiarities, unwritten and often not very, well-defined rules.
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This modern translation of all the surviving literary compositions ascribed to Liudprand, the bishop of Cremona from 962 to 972, offers unrivaled insight into society and culture in western Europe during the "iron century". Since Liudprand enjoyed the favor of the Saxon Roman emperor Otto the Great, and traveled to Constantinople more than once on official business, his narratives also reveal European attitudes toward the Byzantine Empire and the culture of its refined capital city. No other tenth-century writer had such privileged access to the high spheres of power, or such acerbic wit and willingness to articulate critiques of the doings of powerful people. Liudprand's historical texts (the Antapodosis on European events in the first half of the 900s, and his Historia Ottonison the rise to power of Otto the Great) provide a unique view of the recent past against a genuinely European backdrop, unusual in a time of localized cultural horizons. Liudprand's famous satirical description of his misadventures as Ottonian legate at the Byzantine court in 968 is a vital source of information on Byzantine ritual and diplomatic process, as well as a classic of medieval intercultural encounter. Readers interested in medieval European culture, the history of diplomacy, Italian and German medieval history, and the history of Byzantium will find this collection of translated texts rewarding. A full introduction and extensive notes help readers to place Liudprand's writings in context.
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Problem setting. Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) on the peculiarities of the development of state-building processes, transformations of political regimes in its individual countries, manifestations of tendencies to combine heterogeneous factors of endogenous and exogenous nature in the dynamics of change and interaction of institutional, social or economic factors and geopolitical changes. interests, continues to be the focus of scientific attention of specialists in various fields of knowledge. LAC - a region in which, perhaps, the most amplitude in terms of content parameters, quantitative indicators. «markers» appear in relation to their perspective significance and the degree of further actualization of the manifestation of «fluid modernity» (Z. Bauman), at its various levels and in the contexts of conceptual shifts of political and legal significance. Against the background of the general theoretical basis of institutionalism in its versions of neo-institutionalism, historical institutionalism, or other methodological approaches with their special attention to the importance of constitutional formatting of the sum of social relations, innovation and experiments in the region on constitutional creativity show a wide range of research. In connection with the divergent development of constitutional law in the LAC countries in recent decades, according to the director of the Institute of Comparative Constitutional Law. Max Planck, Armin von Bogdandi; Latin America is a region where the question of the future of constitutionalism is being discussed». There are also manifestations of a special historical subtext in the region: its countries have long been involved in various geopolitical confrontations, including those with a pronounced ideological coloration, and traditionalist collectivist values are sometimes paradoxically combined with liberal-democratic individualism. Unfortunately, the region is a clear example not only of significant changes in improving the quality of socio-political life, the introduction of positive institutional solutions and the adoption of new standards of economic existence - it still today, with significant differences across countries, remains the most brutal and repressive in the world. Against this heterogeneous background, in our opinion, some aspects of the successful experience of building the national-state life of the Republic of Costa Rica (Spanish: Republica de Costa Rica) deserve research interest.Recent research and publications analysis. In the article, in connection with the subject multidimensionality of the topic, an interdisciplinary scientific approach was used, which, in turn, led to the involvement of general scientific research methods and special theoretical and methodological developments ofrepresentatives ofvarious fields ofscientific knowledge. Regarding the foundations, tendencies andfeatures ofconstitutional creativity, a significant role was played by fundamental research and scientific experience ofdomestic constitutional scholars, M. P. Orzikh, V. P. Kolisnyk, Yu. G. Barabash, N. V. Mishina, M. V. Savchina, theorists of state and law I. V. Protsyuk, D. V. Lukyanov, L. I. Kormich, M. V. Serebro. Regarding the formation of the fields of modern conflict, their representation in social reality and in the contexts of the idea of development and institutionalization ofstrategies, used multifaceted research material ofscientific developments of representatives ofpolitical science and sociology L. M. Herasina, M. P. Trebin, I. D. Denisenko, M. A. Polevoy, V. Yu. Karasev, G. M. Kuts, O. I. Tkach, and foreign authors representing a wide range of research both purely humanitarian and political and legal in nature - Z. Bauman, Ul. Beck, R. Gargarella, M. Mann, G. Negretto, H. Montero, Z. V. Ivanovsky, T. O. Vorotnikova, P. Blocker, E. S. Cortes, others. Materials and statistical data of separate international funds and research institutions, official sites of the state of the Republic of Costa Rica are used in the work. the country’s media.Paper objective. The purpose of this work is to establish the nature and essence of transformation processes in the Republic of Costa Rica, to find out the substantive basis of the country’s development strategy. The task is to identify and analyze certain parametersof state-building transformations in separate projections of constitutional and legal activity, its institutional representation in political processes and public life, to single out key ideas, mechanisms and directions of their implementation on building a successful national-state project «clean life, happy country» in the present and in relation to the vision of future prospects.Paper main body. Regarding the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the way of life in the Republic of Costa Rica and, above all, the characteristics of the constitutional process, we note that against the background of other countries in the region, it has not resorted to constitutional replacement since the mid-20th century. the day is in force the Basic Law of1949 - Constitucion Politica De la Republica De Costa Rica. Regarding its main connotations, we can only note that a certain liberal-democratic content is paradoxically combined with ideological and instrumental openness and readiness to reproduce public demands and non-liberal nature of the socially protected way of life of all segments of the population, which leaves room for current political and legal «maneuvers» in the legal field set by the Constitution and allows to adjust the strategic dimensions of the political process in the direction of «connection» of broad social programs. led by representatives of local elites who are especially responsible for the implementation of the national-state project, who, in the end, agreed on a vision of the strategic principles of development of the Republic of Costa Rica. Thus began the implementation of a unique project - «clean life» (and «happy country» - Spanish: Pura vida, pais feliz). The country has long emphasized the development of education, health care, housing. In our opinion, the significant difference in the whole meaningful vector of the country’s development is manifested, first of all, in the long-term consolidated position of local elites on the vision of the future, understanding of the strategy of re-creation.Conclusions of the research. The main factors ofsuccess in the strategy ofdevelopment of the Republic of Costa Rica: for a long time coordinated and strategically adjusted in the defined basic parameters of constitutional lawmaking and public consent work of a particularly socially responsible group, which in this case can be described as a strategic elite for the national-state project of common good, creation of social comfort zones, environmental security, confidence in the future and further joint social measures to form a general social solidarity around the national project - clean life, happy country - subject to the assertion ofprocedural respectfor the mechanisms of mutual communication along the line of social demand, processing, output (D. Easton’s theory), in a democracy and on the basis of following constitutional and legal norms.
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