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The year 2021 has brought with it several geopolitical challenges, and it seems that the biggest is the Afghanistan one. Some interpretations suggest that the beginning of 2022 is in fact only an US-led coalition troop's withdrawal extension – the archives will show us the truth, but only after 50 years or more. A deeper understanding of the Afghanistan situation seems to be a source for decades to come and in this regard we have sought to design this article's text. We did not use just geopolitical analyse, because some explanations on Afghanistan topic need a larger dimension, reaching some specific economic and governmental characteristics. The small size available for text does not make possible an exhaustive analyse, but maybe in a few months we will try to write a volume dedicated to the whole geopolitical Afghanistan situation.
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The purpose of this study was to see whether the Taliban regime poses a threat to the international community. The research primarily examined the threats that the formation of a theocratic regime in Afghanistan poses to neighboring countries and the international community. With regards to research methods, a document analysis method was used to obtain valid information and to analyze and describe the complex situation in Afghanistan. A wide array of documents and scholarly articles were analyzed to obtain reliable and objective information. This research revealed that the Taliban has not changed at all and still rules Afghanistan with medieval methods and strategies. Since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, the economic situation has deteriorated considerably and people face severe hardship. Therefore, hundreds of thousands of Afghans want to leave their homeland and migrate to the West. The Taliban violates constantly human rights and discriminates against women, ethnic and religious minorities. The Taliban has transformed Afghanistan into a narco-state. Neighboring countries fear that Afghanistan might become a hotbed of terrorism and extremism again.
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The increase of computer-mediated communication use and the aging population has led to a renewed interest in online communities and social networks for active aging and social support in daily living. However, a systematic understanding of the design recommendations in Senior Online Communities is still lacking in scientific documentation. The aim of this paper is to identify the design recommendations used in online communities that support active aging. In addition, this paper highlights some of the benefits of using online communities by older adults. Twenty-three papers published between January 2015 and May 2020 in English-language, peer-reviewed publications, met inclusion criteria. The review presents a set of recommendations for designing online communities to enhance older adults’ social interactions. A process that aims for “engagement” is suggested to strategically guide the design of Senior Online Communities: Interacting – Sense of Belonging (Role-playing, Storytelling, and Legacy) – Engaging.
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Russian intervention in Donbas and annexation of Crimea have triggered a fundamental revision ofthe EU policy towards Easter neighbourhood and Russia. The main goal of this paper is to developdiscussion about the EU strategy towards Russia by presenting political concept named “The Giedroyc doctrine”, created by Polish intellectuals on exile, when Poland was under Soviet domination.Although created a few decades ago, some elements of this doctrine are still surprisingly relevanttoday and may contribute to contemporary European debate. In particular, we argue that strengthening the prosperity, stability and security in Eastern Europe is possible only when Russia transformsitself into a prosperous and democratic state. Autocratic and neo-imperial Russia undermines anymajor pro-Western political changes in the region. Therefore, successful transformation of Russiainto stable, prosperous and democratic state should be included into the long-term vision of European politicians who intend to keep Europe secure. All political activities in the Eastern neighbourhood should be subordinated to this. It means that economic support for Ukraine and strengtheningcooperation with this country should not be a goal itself. Westernization of Ukraine ought to beperceived only as a beginning of political transformation of the whole region.
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Civic participation has significant meaning for building internal resources of the individuals and is an important development task for them. In this article, which has theoretical and overview character, we present current knowledge of childhood and adolescence experience on civic behaviors in adulthood. We will deep-dive into the phenomenon of citizenship and it’s psychological perspective. Later on, we present current studies on psychological determinants of citizenship activity of young people including their personality resources, relationship with their surroundings and institutions, as well as demography and socio-economic status. At the end we focus on early experience influence on citizenship activity in adulthood. In the summary section we describe threads for future researches on citizenship of children and youngsters.
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The main purpose of this article is to trace, present and analyze the development of “soft” antiterrorist approaches in the form of the so-called PCVE activities (i.e., “preventing and countering violent extremism”) in comparison with more traditional, “hard” counter-terrorism programs (CT) in four European countries: Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Spain, from 2005 till 2020. In the article, due to a comparison of the local specificity in the area under research, differences and few similarities in the programs aiming at combating political violence in the four EU countries were demonstrated. Each and every state selected for this article has developed various activities and capabilities as an answer to the increasing terrorist threat: Belgium and France, especially until the period 2015–2017, have a preference for “traditional” hard counter-terrorist measures, while Spain and particularly the Netherlands have developed more sophisticated and comprehensive stance including “soft” PCVE approach.
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The issue of the sea between Albania and Greece has been and continues to be an object of study for various authors. Research shows so far that many studies have tried to go slightly from the descriptive to the explanatory and analytical framework and have generally fallen into the ‘trap’ of subjective approaches creating the phenomenon of nationalism. That appears in different forms, damaging the spirit of friendship and cooperation between both countries. This paper analyzes relations between Albania and Greece and their evolution based on international acts until the decision of the Albanian Constitutional Court annulling the agreement between them on the issue of the sea as incompatible with the constitution in terms of absolute objectivity. The demands of the Greek state for extension with 12 miles under the magnifying glass of the interpretation of the norms of the international law of the sea, the principle of equality and equity are part of the insistence on gaining superiority in the sea area vis-à-vis Albania. All this leading to the dialogue for another treaty cooperation and friendship occupy a vital part of the facts, which constitute an ongoing open discussion about the future of the sea issue on the Hague International Court.
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Political realism is not easy to define. The analysis of specific cases may help. In this text, I wonder whether Aleksander Bocheński was a political realist. His journalism has undergone a significant evolution. He was a supporter of the Polish „power state” before 1939, he wanted to collaborate with the nazi Germans during the war years, and after the war he was an apologist for People's Poland and a critic of the Third Polish Republic. My considerations prove, that Bocheński was looking for political realism in his life and oeuvre, not always, however, entering this trend of reflection on politics.
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Interview with Prof.univ.emerit dr. Alexandru Athanasiu
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Interview with Alexandru Calinescu
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The crisis of citizens’ participation in the elections is the feature of many European states, and also Poland. The main thesis of the article is that the voting absence is the problem, which could be solved using different solutions, and one of them is the institutional convenience to facilitate the voting process. The analysis of the use of alternative voting procedures in Polish electoral practice demonstrates, however, that they are not very popular. This fact raises questions about the reasons for this state of affairs and the forms of corrective actions in this regard.To clarify the research problems, the Author used the institutional-legal method and analysed the normative acts, which regulate alternative voting procedures. The comparative method allowed to indicate the existing gaps in the adopted institutional solutions and the practice of their application, as well as to find possible ways to achieve the optimal scheme. The application of the systemapproach gave the opportunity to make a comprehensive overview of the examined institutionsand related phenomena, and to draw conclusions regarding necessary actions to increase theireffectiveness.
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The purpose of the article is to describe, from the perspective of political science and sociology, an alternative approach to security connected with soft power in the context of the endeavour to ensure security to every human being. The authors propose to consider security-related alternatives of the second half of the 21st century as a combination of soft power and hard power – that is, smart power – applied in the area of social and political relations. Conducting politics in the spirit of soft power seems particularly justified and substantial in the face of the contemporary immigration and refugee crisis. Modern states, especially European states and the US, are security subjects that both defend security and seek it using soft power with potential support – when necessary – on the part of hard power. The authors discuss this phenomenon on the example of the US. The article shows, in a manner substantive for security sciences, the relations between knowledge and power, because it is them that determine contemporary societies. An approach to security in the spirit of soft power is becoming a significant factor shaping security culture.
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The European financial and economic crisis made Germany a leader trying to introduce the principles of order to the Economic and Monetary Union in line with the ideas of German governancepolicy (Ordnungspolitik), which is explained by ordoliberalism. However, there is strong relativismvisible in constructing European reality, resulting from the fact that the adopted ordoliberal assumptions do not fit into the macroeconomic, diversified space of the eurozone, and, what is more,cannot be implemented during the recession, because their effectiveness is determined by thelong-term perspective and national identity. Moreover, the role of the leader does not comply withthe principles of Ordnungspolitik. On the other hand, the partnership with France, which is necessaryto maintain stability of the eurozone, causes a move away from the conceptual assumptions ofordoliberalism. The aim of the article is to draw attention to Germany’s ambivalence in solving theeconomic problems of EMU, as well as to show ambivalent attitude of other Member States towardsGermany.
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The history of mankind has taken a sinuous path along the ages, with ups and downs, shifts in direction and changes of paces, accomplishments and tragedies. All these irregularities were due to different factors, the most important of them being probably wars. Like it or not, violence is in our genes and has driven the path of the societies, states, empires or republics as they appeared, rose, flourished or disappeared. During all that time, people surprisingly managed to evolve, economically and technologically. But where these developments independent of the violent nature of humans, or were they influenced by it? Or maybe the other way around? Since the sought answers are not simple, the present paper will try to bring just a little bit of light into this shadowy domain.
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The coronavirus broke out in Europe in January 2020, throughout February and March, the number of pandemic-related measures increasing significantly. The crisis leads to the introduction of unprecedented restrictions across Member States, and the variety of national responses intensified with the evolution of the pandemic. In terms of internal measures, the most common choice was the introduction of a lockdown, while external measures generally included travel and entry restrictions and the reintroduction of border checks. Restrictions and bans on travel have an especially important meaning in the Schengen Area, the „borderless‟ part of Europe. The article aims at making a radiography of government measures introduced in the fight against the pandemic in the European Union, with a special focus on Romania the effects of the restrictive measures on cross-border travel behaviour and patterns across the Romanian-Hungarian border. To achieve this, an online survey was conducted to analyse to what extent restrictive measures targeting travel affected cross-border travel towards Hungary. Both Romania and Hungary have followed the EU trend in their measures, and it seems that these, more or less, had an impact only on the frequency of travels across their shared border. Other aspects, such as changes in border-crossing process and citizen‟s acceptance of their domestic restrictions are also analysed here.
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The aim of this paper is to analyse the political and legal philosophy of Anacharsis Cloots, a Prussian-born French philosopher, through the constructs characteristic of Carl Schmitt’s philosophy, i.e. political theology and sovereignty. The author of the paper undertakes historiosophical criticism, which takes up the theological dilemmas in a strongly atheistic argumentation of Anacharsis Cloots and the possibility of developing a new social model while at the same time mediating from the achievements of European Legal Culture and Western (not only Continental) Philosophy. The originality of Anacharsis Cloots’ methodical approach to the jurisprudence is based on the recognition of transitivity as a decisive category for the “Political”. Anacharsis Cloots transvaluated medieval political theology and opened up a new perspective, which was developed by Modern Philosophy.
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The year 2020 is a serious test for current democratic societies. If the twentieth century was marked by the two world wars, the twentieth century is tested by a pandemic due to the sars-cov-2 virus,guilty of covid-19 disease. The governments of the world have acted to stop the spread of the virus, limiting therights and freedoms of citizens, and the population has become more and more hopeful. In our study, wepropose to analyze the measures that democratic governments have applied, and still apply them, wanting tounderstanding if the democratic states become fragile.Authority, Democratic Consolidation, Covid-19, Sars-Voc-2,Democracy
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The year 1999 marked the beginning of reforms in social insurance in Poland. Changes which were implemented then regarded mainly retirement insurance. Until the reform was introduced, the retirement insurance had operated under a pay-as-you-go system. However, political changes in Poland, as well as adverse demographic trends, led to ineffective functioning of the existing system of financing liabilities arising from retirement insurance. It was necessary to introduce changes that, above all, would allow for maintaining an appropriate level of retirement pension. The following article concentrates on one selected aspect of this insurance - Open Pension Funds (in Polish: Otwarte Fundusze Emerytalne; OFEs) and presents major changes occurring in 2002-2018, their reasons and effects. The analysis is mainly based on data from the Financial Supervision Authority and the Social Insurance Institution.
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The main purpose of this work was to analyse coalition practices in the city assemblies of regional capitals in the Czech Republic following the last municipal elections in 2018. The presented research aimed to analyse and described in detail the inner dynamics of the formation of party alliances at the local level, in this case represented by thirteen regional capitals and their city assemblies. General research found that there is a discrepancy between the theoretical assumptions of the theory of political coalitions and the coalition practice applied in the environment of the city assemblies of regional. The introduction of this article is followed by a part describing the methods of research, continues with theoretical part which focuses on the genesis of the theory of coalition and its outputs in the form of coalition typologies. Then we get to the analytical part that dealing with the application the theory of political coalitions to second order elections (local elections in the Czech Republic). The final part of the article contains a summary of coalition practice in the regional capitals in the Czech Republic and conclusion of this survey. The research proved that “deviant” coalitions must be regarded as a relevant alternative of minimal winning coalitions (primarily surplus majority coalitions are a frequent coalition type in city assemblies of regional capitals after the municipal elections 2018). It seems the political coalitions and alliances of local dimension are formed by specific factors, which distinguish coalitions practice in city assemblies of regional capitals from coalitions in the Chamber of Deputies.
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