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A konszenzusok felszámolása – Jobboldali populizmus és a „gender-ideológia” fenyegetése

A konszenzusok felszámolása – Jobboldali populizmus és a „gender-ideológia” fenyegetése

Author(s): Eszter Kováts / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 22/2017

Since 2012, several European countries have seen the rise of conservative and, in part, fundamentalist social movements fuelled by the animosity against the perceived threat of „gender ideology” or „gender theory”. Being opposed to women’s rights, LGBTQ issues, certain administrative policy instruments (such as gender mainstreaming) as well as the public financing of gender studies departments, the advocates of these platforms tend to regard all political and non-governmental actors, administrative staff and scientific researchers who focus on these issues as a single homogeneous group and an organised lobby. This is partly manifested in grassroots or religiously-affiliated movements and partly in the agenda of right-wing and populist parties. More and more researchers are convinced by the transnational character of the movements as well as the broad impact of discourses and practices reaching across national borders and issues that we are not dealing with isolated cases, but a coherent phenomenon. Contrary to the three most frequent interpretative frameworks, i. e. the national/local political context, the discourse/mobilisation of the Roman Catholic Church, and the conservative backlash, I discuss these movements in the context of the rise of right-wing populism and on the basis of theoretical explanations seeking to grasp the demand side. On the one hand, I argue that the study of this phenomenon provides important clues for understanding the reasons behind the gain of populist forces in Europe and beyond. On the other hand, I propose that „gender” is not the final target for these movements which should primarily not be understood as mobilizations against equality. Rather, the emergence of these movements is a symptom of a larger crisis, and their ideologies are the surface, where „gender” is a symbolic glue. These mobilizations are rather the throes of a contest for redefining liberal democracy where, in the interpretation of its adversaries, „gender ideology” embodies numerous deficits of the established global power order and the so-called progressive actors, and they react to these by re-politicizing certain issues. Therefore, the interpretations limited to a ‘fight between values’ are rather an obstacle to understand the phenomenon, by repudiating or obscuring this important structural realignment. Based on Chantal Mouffe’s concept of ‘consensus’ and her critique of the established hegemony of consensus in liberal democracy, I discuss the contribution of three phenomena that are characteristic of the so-called progressive actors (including the feminis and LGBTQ actors), namely the neoliberal consensus, the human rights consensus and the consensus about liberal progress, to the rise of the movements against ‘gender ideology’.

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ПРЕДИЗВИКАТЕЛСТВАТА ЗА ИНСТРУМЕНТАЛНАТА РАЦИОНАЛНОСТ НА ПУБЛИЧНИТЕ ПОЛИТИКИ

ПРЕДИЗВИКАТЕЛСТВАТА ЗА ИНСТРУМЕНТАЛНАТА РАЦИОНАЛНОСТ НА ПУБЛИЧНИТЕ ПОЛИТИКИ

Author(s): Tatiana Tomova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2018

In the current time of power dispersion and lots of stakeholders’ presence in public policy process the opportunities for rational public goals achievement are on the decrease. The role of administration changes as a consequence. The necessity to control over the policy process and to influence with the policy communities is added to its expert function to look for rationality. Finding the balance between the rational decision and the public support for its implementation becomes the main challenge to the contemporary public administration.

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ПУБЛИЧНИ ЦЕННОСТИ И ПУБЛИЧНА АДМИНИСТРАЦИЯ

ПУБЛИЧНИ ЦЕННОСТИ И ПУБЛИЧНА АДМИНИСТРАЦИЯ

Author(s): Aleksandar Marinov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2018

The article engages with several basic features of public values and studies them as a primary field of responsibility of public sector and public administration. Recognizing that public values’ fulfillment is a complex and sometimes controversial process, nonetheless it is accepted that it is the needed common ground for collective action.

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МОТИВИРАН КУРС ЗА ПУБЛИЧНО ДЕЙСТВИЕ - АНАЛИЗ НА ПУБЛИЧНИТЕ ПОЛИТИКИ

МОТИВИРАН КУРС ЗА ПУБЛИЧНО ДЕЙСТВИЕ - АНАЛИЗ НА ПУБЛИЧНИТЕ ПОЛИТИКИ

Author(s): Simeon Petrov,Todor Tanev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2018

The text examines the legal nature of the science of policy creation – Public Policy Analysis. Public Policy Analysis is what the experts do to determine what is best to be done under the circumstances in solving individual social problem (sometimes very significant) in particular area of life (such as education, health, security, foreign affairs etc.). They recognize as priority the long-term political impact and social consequences of future actions without underestimating the financial parameters, risk etc. of any actions that will be taken. Ultimately, it’s about creating and considering options for future actions which are examined in details in order to find the best among them. Public Policy Analysis has a value- oriented starting point of a particular client and undertakes specific steps to formulate the grounds for a future course of action. Thus, the analysis turns into a professional advice, building logical and practical connection between policy and governance, between self- determination based on values and solving of public problems.

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A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY

A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY

Author(s): Albert Ogien / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

This paper endorses a pluralist conception of politics, which articulates three proposals : 1) the order of politics is scattered throughout society ; 2) its institutionalization takes place in a multitude of ways which are not confined to those acknowledged by State administrations ; and 3) forms of political action manifest themselves under modes that often go far beyond the usual bounds set by official political. In such a perspective, politics is not conceived of as if it were totally detached from the daily life of the members of a society. It thus contends that in their political dealings citizens make use of an ordinary conception of politics and democracy which endows them with a specific idea of the common good and of the rights a State should guarantee to nationals. This contention is empirically put to test through two case studies of political claim staking: civil disobedience and gatherings (encampments, occupations). The article eventually suggest that democracy should be seen as a method for organizing ordinary social relations on the basis of a principle : respecting the plain autonomy and unconditional equality of any citizen.

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WOMEN IN THE SOVIET UNION

WOMEN IN THE SOVIET UNION

Author(s): Lilith Hayaapetian / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

Women born in the 20th century were different from theirgrandmothers. Throughout the world women raised their voices, as they sought toprove to men and to themselves that they deserved equality with men in allaspects of life. The Soviet Union was Women born in the 20th century were different from theirgrandmothers. Throughout the world women raised their voices, as they sought toprove to men and to themselves that they deserved equality with men in allaspects of life. The Soviet Union was one of the first countries in the World toequate men and women in rights and provide the same opportunities for bothsexes. Yet it is to be mentioned that it was not done due to the humane ideals. TheUSSR saw women’s great potential in both production and expansion of thecommunist ideology. The legacy of the Soviet Epoque still lingers in the post-Sovietspace and Eastern Europe and in order to apprehend the essence of the existingproblems, a look back is required. This article tackles the gender issues anddifficulties of Soviet women as well as emphasizes the achievements and failure ofthe Era. In order to write the article, the author analyzed a vast number ofsecondary sources, visual arts of the epoque, used comparative method tocompare the difference in cultures and its implications for women of that specificculture on the Soviet territory as well as statistical data of nowadays, which isclosely tied to the results of the Soviet legacy .

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THE IMPLICATIONS OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION. A NEW FORM OF ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

THE IMPLICATIONS OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION. A NEW FORM OF ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN

Author(s): Mihaela Bărbieru / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2015

In this paper, the author, starting from literature, makes a brief analysis of political communication and message transmission during the election campaign via the Internet in general, and through social media in particular. The power of new technologies to mobilize the electorate has been proven in US election campaigns from 2008 when Barak Obama used them with great success, but also in Romania’s presidential campaign in November 2014 when Klaus Iohannis became president as a result of using the social network Facebook. In the short period since it began to be used in political communication, the Internet has managed to transform the way in which politicians, political parties, government organizations, but especially the media and, not least, the citizen acts.

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Transformacje języka polityki a media (1918-1939): Prezydenckie przemówienia radiowe i dyskurs publiczny II RP

Transformacje języka polityki a media (1918-1939): Prezydenckie przemówienia radiowe i dyskurs publiczny II RP

Author(s): Anna Maj / Language(s): Polish Issue: 6/2018

The aim of this paper is to show communication and cultural aspects of transformations of the language of politics which took place as the result of the impact of development of media technologies and social processes of 20th century, which have formed public doscourse. The analysis describes the phenomenon of the language of politics or—widely—political communication in the context of mass media. Using the elements of content analysis method, the author made the attempt to analyse and interpret historical material. Analysed media content, which senders were the major politicians of the epoch of Second Polish Republic, as well as their attitude towards new media of that time. Giving the analysis of the political discourse of the epoch, and reflecting on differencies in communication process at the beginning of the rebirth of Polish state in comparing to the contemporariness, the paper was the attempt to indicate the tendencies of transformations of political communication and the language of politics, which appeared in 20th century and to some extent survived up to these days, even if the media and technologies of dissemination of information and political autopresentation have changed.

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In Search of Expressive Equivalence  (Based on Translation of Barack Obama’s Autobiography “Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance” into Latvian)

In Search of Expressive Equivalence (Based on Translation of Barack Obama’s Autobiography “Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance” into Latvian)

Author(s): Olga Romanova / Language(s): English,Latvian Issue: 19/2/2018

The article is devoted to the issue of preserving the expressive power of metaphor in translation of literary texts into Latvian. The author conducts a comparative stylistic analysis the metaphors used to describe the characters of the parents in Barack Obama’s autobiography “Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance” and its Latvian translation.

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Postumanismul

Postumanismul

Author(s): Alex Ciorogar,Robert Cincu,Vasile Mihalache,Cristina Diamant,Daniela Petroşel,Doru Pop,Radu Vancu,Laura T. Ilea,Denisa Adriana Moldovan,Laurentiu Malomfalean,Marius Puscas,Andrei Codrescu,Aurel Codoban,Daniel Clinci,Florina Ilis,Cosmina Morosan,Anca Chiorean,Ana-Maria Deliu,Laura Pavelescu,Olga Stefan,Zeltil Yigru,Ştefan Borbély,Paul Cernat,Bogdan Alexandru Stanescu,Marius Popa,Alex Cistelecan / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 03+04/2017

This sections contains a large number of interventions related to the theme of the issue, which is Posthumanism.

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SOCIJALNI KONSTRUKTIVIZAM

SOCIJALNI KONSTRUKTIVIZAM

Author(s): Teodora Deretić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2019

The topic of this paper is social costructivism as a modern theoretical approach which significantly changes social work practice. Social constructivism is observed as a heterogeneous set of theoretical approaches. The paper presents an overview of different definitions and designations of this term. Its essence is a critical attitude towards common social assumptions, which are considererd important for empowering the role of dominant social groups. Putting emphasis on self-determination, individualism, participation and social justice, it becomes an important link in the process of empowering users of social work. Therefore, in this paper we put a special emphasis on its contribution to theory and practice of social work. At last, it is previewed as a practical example of social constructivism usage in social work practice.

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Neighbourhood or Europeanity: Dilemma of Disputed space – Republic of Moldova
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Neighbourhood or Europeanity: Dilemma of Disputed space – Republic of Moldova

Author(s): Grigore Vasilescu,Cristina Morari / Language(s): English Issue: 26/2018

Every state which was founded and recognized according to international law and has obtained its independence and sovereignty has its right to existence. This truth refers to the Republic of Moldova as well. Moldova has declared its independence in August 1991. At the moment, it seems, nobody doubts that Republic of Moldova is an independent and sovereign state. However, the geopolitical debates regarding this space- Republic of Moldova, its prospects and future continue. So, the authors try to highlight some important issues as: dilemma of neighborhood and Europeanity for the Republic of Moldova; Republic of Moldova between East and West, between EU and Eurasian Union; Republic of Moldova as post-soviet space or European space; relations of the Republic of Moldova with its neighbours etc. The main conclusion of authors is that Republic of Moldova should develop as a European country despite the EU membership perspective by building a state based on European values and principles.

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“Yes…, and…”. On Violence and/as Hospitality

Author(s): Ana M. LUSZCZYNSKA / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Beginnings are violent and deceitful. Pretending that they spontaneously emerge from nowhere, these words and thoughts cannot help but feign erasure of all that preceded them. There is thus something bold and presumptuous about claiming the ability to inaugurate and virtually burst onto the scene. In an attempt to mitigate the violence and deception of this particular beginning, I want to clearly contextualize what will follow.

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Политически и икономически предизвикателства пред Западните Балкани в процеса на присъединяването им към ЕС

Политически и икономически предизвикателства пред Западните Балкани в процеса на присъединяването им към ЕС

Author(s): Galya Mancheva,Elena Simeonova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2019

The study presents the results of a comprehensive study focusing on the political, economic and social aspects of the Western Balkan countries, with particular emphasis on the overall political risk environment within the EU accession process. For the purposes of the analysis, the well-known PEST analysis is modified to so-called PES (I) analysis. The survey covers a period of 10 years (2007-2017) and the countries of the Republic of Serbia, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Northern Macedonia and the Republic of Albania of the Western Balkans.The report is structured into three parts: 1) presentation and argumentation of the main variables of the PES (I) analysis; 2) implementation of the PES (I) analysis for the Western Balkan countries and data interpretation; 3) conclusions.The accession of the Western Balkans to the EU is a political rather than an economic issue. Moreover, the analysis shows that, from all the countries in the region, the Republic of Albania is best represented by making the most progress in economic and political terms and thus generating the lowest levels of political risk. While Serbian and Montenegrin leaders are "lagging behind", they are lagging behind the surveyed indicators and generating higher levels of political risk.

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SAINT JOHN CASSIAN’S VISION ON THE RELATION BETWEEN GRACE AND LIBERTY

SAINT JOHN CASSIAN’S VISION ON THE RELATION BETWEEN GRACE AND LIBERTY

Author(s): Nicuşor Tucă,Corneliu-Dragoş Bălan / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The orthodox doctrine states that the beginning of salvation is made by divine grace, as uncreated energy, combating Pelagianism and Semipelagianism. Saint John Cassian, rightly included among the “great teachers and spiritual masters”, is considered by Owen Chadwick, together with Blessed Augustine, the personality who dominated the 5th century. Saint John Cassian highlights in his writings, especially in the second series of “Conferences” (Conferences XI-XVII) his teaching regarding the relationship between grace and free will, a teaching he had learned from Scripture, from theologians from the East and from many of the Western writers before Augustine (West theologian who supported predestination). The 13th Conference is a broad analysis of the relationship between grace and will of freedom, not only in the context of human effort to obtain salvation and perfection, but also in the process of conversion.

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POLITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS: REALISM VS. IDEALISM IN MARSHAL ION ANTONESCU’S POLITICAL THOUGHT

POLITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS: REALISM VS. IDEALISM IN MARSHAL ION ANTONESCU’S POLITICAL THOUGHT

Author(s): Costel Coroban / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

This work looks at the political discourse of Marshal Ion Antonescu from the perspective of international relations theory, specifically realism and idealism. There is no agreement yet among historians and political scientists regarding the nature of the regime of Ion Antonescu. Some have called him a nationalist, a fascist dictator, others see in him a moderate dictator, or simply an opportunist politician. Therefore, further exploration of his political personality from the lenses of international relations theory should not be dismissed. One way of conducting this exploration can be done by comparing his personal writings, diplomatic letters and political correspondence with the main features of realism and idealism. The existent literature on the subject is also used in order to provide insight into how other scholars have perceived Ion Antonescu. The study is first concerned with identifying the main characteristics of realism and idealism, afterwards it analyses Ion Antonescu’s political ideas as selected from his published volumes, correspondence, political statements and actions. The conclusion shows how despite the existence of serious examples where Ion Antonescu displays an idealist ideology (most of these are found in the pre-1939 period), the circumstances of his political activity have led to this aspect of his political thinking being replaced with realism.

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State Capture: From Theory to Piloting a Measurement Methodology

State Capture: From Theory to Piloting a Measurement Methodology

Author(s): Alexander Stoyanov,Alexander Gerganov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The objective of this paper is to present a method to measure and quantitatively assess the prevalence of state capture. This phenomenon refers to the emergence of private interests which, in the course of modernization and growth tend to become dominant (in a sector, in the economy or globally). The assessment of this phenomenon is controversial and depends on the dominant perceptions of norm and deviation from the norm embedded in laws and regulations. In the context of the European civilizational model, and the Weberian state ideal, the norm postulates that all interests and actors should be regarded equal and no specific privileges should exist. The paper is based on the idea that the functional nature of the capture process (the acquisition of privileged status) can be achieved not only by influencing the adoption of regulations and rules but also through other mechanisms. At a general level, state capture could be described as virtual privatization of the state functions which ensures a systemic privilege for captors. Depending on who the captors are (business, government officials, parties, politicians, etc.) capture could include combinations of multiple base mechanisms. The concrete state capture assessment methodology used focuses exclusively on business capture and includes three groups indicators of state capture: business capture pressure assessment, institutional enablers, environmental enablers. This theoretical structure has been tested using factor analysis. Pilot test data from five countries have been merged to produce 1605 different institutional assessments. The factor analysis generally confirms the initial theoretical assumptions about the structure of indicators necessary to assess state capture vulnerabilities.

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Transitions Online_Middle Europa-Central Europes Lonely Liberals Seeking Solace
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Transitions Online_Middle Europa-Central Europes Lonely Liberals Seeking Solace

Author(s): Martin Ehl / Language(s): English Issue: 03/09/2020

What will liberal politicians do after once again being left out in the cold, this time in Slovakia?

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Examining the populist communication logic: Strategic use of social media in populist political parties in Norway and Sweden

Examining the populist communication logic: Strategic use of social media in populist political parties in Norway and Sweden

Author(s): Bente Kalsnes / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2019

Previous research has demonstrated that right-wing populist parties are particularly successful in gaining engagement and interaction on social media, but less is known about how rightwing populist parties use social media strategically, both in relation to voters and news media. By focusing on two Nordic countries, Norway and Sweden, this paper addresses the strategic use of social media within the Sweden Democrats and the Progress Party based on three different data sets: interviews, content analysis of Facebook posts, and engagement data from the parties’ Facebook pages. This study finds that the two populist parties basically follow up their social media strategy in practice, and the Sweden Democrats are more closely following a populist communication logic in their Facebook posts. The article argues that right-wing populist parties’ social media strategy and communication style must be understood in relation to their position in the political system and the parties’ different phases in the life cycle model of populist parties.

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Media populism in Macedonia: Right-wing populist style in the coverage of the “migrant crisis”

Media populism in Macedonia: Right-wing populist style in the coverage of the “migrant crisis”

Author(s): Ivo Bosilkov / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2019

The communicative style used to exclude immigrants from the idea of “the people” is the scope through which right-wing media populism is measured in a case study of Macedonia, a post-communist country on the Balkan migrant route. Quantitative content analysis of articles from four Macedonian right-wing partisan news outlets N = 409, demonstrates a clear change in tone in coverage of migration, marked by an increase of populism as the “migrant crisis” intensified. Logistic regression confirms that incivility, as a proxy for the intensity of partisan bias, is a significant predictor of populism, and opinion pieces have a significantly stronger populist tendency than news reports. The findings show that online news outlets, however, are not more populist than traditional print media.

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