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The article provides an analysis of the mobilization strategies of far-right movements from the Czech Republic and Germany based on the content they provide via hyperlinks on their websites. Vertical and reticular characteristics of the hyperlinked pages have been analyzed, two aspects which form central parts of the mobilization strategies of social movements. The vertical level refers to territorial relations, while the reticular level refers to relations with other actors. The analyses confirmed that the movements focused on the vertical level to their countries of origin. With respect to reticular characteristics the type of hyperlinked content neither differs significantly throughout countries, nor throughout segments of the far-right movement. Additionally, the analysis of the type of hyperlinked content provides insight into the general mobilization strategies employed.
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This paper analyzes changes in the Croatian party system in the 1990-2016 period by looking at trends in the ideological makeup of voters of the main center-right (HDZ) and center-left (SDP) parties. An assessment of changes in voter self-placement on a left-right scale has shown a gradual increase in the ideological distance among voters of these parties. Further, the paper detected a trend towards an increase in the share of self-declared far-right voters among HDZ voters and far-left voters among SDP voters. In addition, an analysis of categorical ideological identification has demonstrated that, on average, two thirds of HDZ voters were Christian Democrats, while two thirds of SDP voters were Social Democrats. However, among all Christian Democrats, an average of 55 percent voted for the HDZ, while just shy of 60 percent of Social Democrats voted for the SDP. Finally, a logistic regression analysis has confirmed the importance of the cultural dimension of voter behavior in Croatia. Religiosity levels, as well as left-right self-placement serve as rather good predictors of a vote for the HDZ and the SDP, with the model showing greater explanatory strength for HDZ voters. In conclusion, the observed trends in ideological characteristics of HDZ and SDP voters could serve as pointers of underlying shifts in patterns of party competition and offer clues to the increased instability of the Croatian party system following the 2015 and 2016 parliamentary elections.
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Review of: Viktorija Car - IN THE SERVICE OF POWER: MEDIA CAPTURE AND THE THREAT TO DEMOCRACY, Anya Schiffrin (ur.) CIMA – Center for International Media Assistance, Washington DC, 2017.
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The intensification of world processes has acutely raised the problem of preserving traditional ethnic culture. Preservation of cultural heritage in a mass society is the most important problem of our time. In this regard, the question of influence of mass culture on the culture of an ethnos and its overcoming is actualized. In the article, on the basis of the literature review, the concepts of “mass culture” and “ethnic culture” are analyzed. It is revealed that ethnic culture is multi-component and includes both traditional components and elements of mass culture. The consequences of the impact of mass culture on the culture of the Yakut ethnos- acculturation and marginalization – are revealed. Conditions for overcoming the influence of mass culture on the culture of an ethnos – the dialogue between western and eastern cultures, the cessation of mindless copying of the Western way of life – are developed.
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The conference provides the appropriate academic exchange of ideas, opinions and communication of the latest results of scientific research in the field of security and strategy.
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The conference provides the appropriate academic exchange of ideas, opinions and communication of the latest results of scientific research in the field of security and strategy.
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Journal of Liberty and International Affairs is a triannual (3 issues per year), open-access and internationally peer-reviewed journal devoted to the study of liberty and international affairs, published by the Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola. A group of scholars are responsible for the launching of this journal. The primary intention is to offer academic and public debate on liberty and international affairs in all their aspects, taking into account the following topics: Individual liberty; Libertarianism; Classical / Neoclassical liberalism; Objectivism; Social liberalism; Coercion; Statism; Anarchism; Minarchism; Democracy; Political anthropology; International relations and diplomacy; Public and private international law; Geopolitics; Nationalism; Multilateralism; Security and freedom; Ideology; Politics and religion; Neo-Ottomanism; Neo-Sovietism; Yugosphere; Propaganda; Regional cooperation; European federalism; EU law and politics; European economic governance; EU foreign and security policy; Competitive federalism; Comparative constitutional law; Human rights and freedoms; Gender studies; Emerging powers (BRICS; Russia; China; India etc.); Transatlantic relations and other related topics, that contribute to the understanding of liberty and international affairs from different angles. It is important to emphasize, that this journal devotes special attention to Europe / EU as a crucial factor in the contemporary international affairs. Also, the journal editorial team encourages the submissions that treat Balkan issues, especially the attitude of the Balkan countries towards the European integration, and their place within the new international context.
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs is identified by an International Standard Serial Number (ISSN) and each its article carries a Universal Decimal Classification number (UDC), which serves as a unique article identifier. The publisher and the journal have registered deposit policy with SHERPA/RoMEO. All the articles are freely available online upon publication. They are published under the liberal Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY). Each article is archived in SSOAR with assigned URN (Unique Resource Name), which is a persistent identifier (PID) that enables unequivocal and permanent access to the publication and its scientific citation. The author holds the copyright and retains publishing rights without restrictions. Articles that have been accepted, will be published on the website of the journal, and may be distributed to other online repositories, such as ISSUU.com and Scribd.com, or the author’s pages on Academia.edu. In order to provide visibility of the published work, the journal is indexed and abstracted in multiple academic repositories and search engines. The journal editors share announcements, news and related articles about the topic of the journal on Facebook, Twitter and LinkedIn.
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs is a peer-reviewed journal, all articles being examined by researchers with credentials in the article's field of study before they are published. Articles are subjects to initial editorial screening and anonymous peer-review by two reviewers who will be selected by the editors. This journal operates a closed peer-review process, meaning that reviewers will not know author details and will themselves remain anonymous to the author. Journal of Liberty and International Affairs follows double-blind peer-review policy strictly.
The publisher and journal have a policy of “Zero Tolerance on the Plagiarism”. All articles will be checked by PlagScan before being sent to the reviewers. If the case of plagiarism or duplication is detected, the article will be immediately rejected. If plagiarism or duplication is detected after publication of the article, the journal editors have the right to issue a correction or retract the published article. Any attempts for plagiarism will be strictly sanctioned by the journal editors.
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs is a fully open access journal, which means that all articles are freely available, ensuring maximum, worldwide dissemination of content, in exchange for an article publication fee. The journal provides immediate open access to its content on the principle that making research freely available to the public supports a greater global exchange of knowledge. Published material can be re-used without obtaining permission as long as a correct citation to the original publication is given.
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The paper focuses on the relationship between capitalism and democracy, with particular reference to the issue of representation in the framework of democracy. Furthermore, the paper (that attempts to synthesize conceptual dilemmas and analyze conjunctural tendencies) consists of three parts. In the first part, I highlight four different views regarding the compatibility and incompatibility of capitalism and democracy, with the orientations that make this relationship irrelevant. In part two, I discuss the conjunctural crisis tendencies of capitalism that produce negative expectations and produce political effects. I relate these expectations to the recurrence of the crisis that broke out in 2007, and treat the continuity of the various protest struggles that indicate a significant manifestation of the potential of democracy's resistance. Finally, in the last part, I discuss the issue of representation from the perspective of democracy and build on the previous two chapters. I emphasize that the aforementioned movements, the protest groups created by the crisis, were simultaneously developing different counter-representation practices, again problematizing the relationship between capitalism and democracy. There is no way for democracy to be cleansed of its heterogeneous meanings. However, the practice of counter-representationreminds us that democracy still contains the potential for resistance.
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Tamas Gyorfi: Against the New Constitutionalism Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham (UK) – Northampton (MA, USA), 2016., viii + 278 oldal, £ 90 (Elgar Monographs in Constitutional and Administrative Law)
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The following article argues that most protests of the last decade from Occupy to the Arab Spring and various workers’ strikes make sense as class struggle - as the political struggle of a knowledge class. I am using the term knowledge class very broadly to designate those whose communicative activities generate value that is expropriated from them. To describe this process, I’m using the term communicative capitalism. It refers to the form of late capitalism in which values heralded as central to democracy materialize in networked communications technologies. In short, this means that capitalism has subsumed communication such that communication does not provide a critical outside anymore. Communication serves capital and because of this, we have to think through both our understanding of the system itself and the movements that organize against it.
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The article aims at restoring local self-government as a research problem of political theory. In contemporary political science literature, local self-government is not treated as one of its normal, standard research problems. The main obstacle of its ambiguous position within political theory is, as I argue, the forced and imposed apolitical character of local self-government considered as a part of public administration. Despite some degree of organizational, especially institutional and legal, self-determination, the local self-government is not a political, i.e. sovereign entity. However, its non-sovereign status, which is legally established, does not exclude the existence of political potency in it.
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The communicative style used to exclude immigrants from the idea of “the people” is the scope through which right-wing media populism is measured in a case study of Macedonia, a post-communist country on the Balkan migrant route. Quantitative content analysis of articles from four Macedonian right-wing partisan news outlets N = 409, demonstrates a clear change in tone in coverage of migration, marked by an increase of populism as the “migrant crisis” intensified. Logistic regression confirms that incivility, as a proxy for the intensity of partisan bias, is a significant predictor of populism, and opinion pieces have a significantly stronger populist tendency than news reports. The findings show that online news outlets, however, are not more populist than traditional print media.
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The paper examines the thesis about the elements of gender, race, and morality discrimination in popular media culture, with an emphasis on two television series: Game of Thrones and Stranger Things. The main research question is whether the elements of discrimination that are most commonly found in Hollywood productions can be found in these series as well. Using the method of multi-perspective cultural studies and looking at the subject dealt with through the constructivist paradigm, the authors conclude that in popular culture, such as the aforementioned series, there are elements of discrimination: morality is dominantly nihilistic, with few characters possessing moral integrity; racial discrimination is evident both in the story and in the cast selection; gender representation is stereotyped, men get a lot more space. The authors argue that it is impossible to explore current media effects on audiences, but it is possible to interpret messages and meanings in popular media culture.
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The book "More Afer More. Essays Commemorating the Five-Hundredth Anniversary of Thomas More’s Utopia" is the first volume of Facta Ficta Research Centre’s in Kraków series "Frontiers of Nowhere", published in co-operation with Villa Decius Association as a part of the world-wide research initiative Utopia 500 to celebrate five hundred years since the publication of sir Thomas More’s De Optimo Reipublicæ Statu Deque Nova Insula Utopia Libellus Vere Aureus, Nec Minus Salutaris Quam Festivus in 1516. From the introduction by Gregory Claeys: The twenty-six essays which compose this collection cover a substantial range of both historical and theoretical themes, indicating at the least that the utopian idea thrives today across a number of disciplines as well as in domains (like computer games) which are themselves of recent origin and which indicate that utopia can also be addressed as an aspect of the internal psychic fantasy world. There is some consideration here of the lengthy and complex historical relationship between utopian ideals and religion. There is some effort to reconsider practical efforts to found actual communities which embody utopian ideals. Several authors revisit the emotional substrata of utopian aspiration rendered accessible through music in particular. Literature is here nonetheless the chief focus, in keeping with the form of Thomas More’s original text and that of the tradition which has imitated and satirised it. The themes represented here mirror in literary form the dystopian dri in the external world discussed above. Many of the leading authors of post-totalitarian dystopian fiction are included here, notably (to name but a few) Margaret Atwood, James Graham Ballard, Robert A. Heinlein, David Foster Wallace and, most recently, Michel Houellebecq. Within these treatments, the possibilities are explored that dystopia may emerge from or assume the form of racist regimes, environmental destruction, corporate dictatorship, or religious fundamentalism, or some combination of these factors. Such poten-tial outcomes of modernity need, the authors of this volume also assure us, to be balanced against the utopian promise which bodily remodelling entertains, and the possibility of longevity which scientific and technical advances enca-psulate as the epitome of modern individualist utopianism.
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Myanmar has crafted a neutral foreign policy since its colonial years to avoid leaning too much on any foreign power, but a spiraling political crisis at home is pushing it toward China as a buffer against international outrage. Myanmar faces charges of genocide against the Rohingya. China has backed Myanmar in the UN. In fact, China is in a similar situation. China is grappling with international criticism over perceived repression of ethnic Uighur people. Myanmar is exposed to various words and loud in the international community. So Myanmar wants to improve relations with China and is turning into an active cooperative attitude as a strategy to secure a friendly army. This paper shows how the diplomatic relations between Myanmar and China are changing, and how Myanmar’s foreign strategy toward China is approaching. Also this article analyzes the outlook of diplomatic relations and the implications of the current situation.
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The paper traces the thinking about humanism in the postmodern philosophy and political philosophy, singling out the three key postmodern contemporary thinkers, Lyotard, Derrida, and Agamben, interpreted and reconceptualised humanism towards the end of the 20th and at the outset of the 21st century. The paper focuses mainly on how postmodern political thought in general, and these three in particular, approached humanism through a ‘negative’ definition of man, i. e. a definition in which humanity is understood via its testimony of non-humanity.
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While much of the scholarship on populist political communication focuses on its content and a verbal style, less is known about the nonverbal cues accompanying populist messages. This paper aims in filling that gap by providing findings of the study on characteristics of nonverbal communication of two Polish presidential candidates: Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda, traced during two debates broadcast on television before the second round of the presidential elections in 2015. The results revealed that both candidates employed nonverbal cues such as appearance, eye contact, facial expressions, or gestures that emphasized their references towards the people or negative attitudes towards elites expressed in their verbal messages. The study also proved that the methods used previously in research on nonverbal content on television observational protocols and analysis of facial expressions may be successfully employed in studies on nonverbal components of the populist style of communication.
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