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През месец октомври 2010 г. разградската библиотека чества своята 140-годишнина
Article dedicated to the 140 year anniversary of Razgrad regional library, that gives information about the history, the founding and the development of the library.
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Article in memory of Boris Iliev, one of the people who have done much for the education and identity of the Bulgarian high school students .
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Statute that gives information about the topics and the requirements the works of the students have to meet in order for the later to participate in the contest.
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The article discusses aspects of urban economy in the Bulgarian lands under an Ottoman rule during the period 1800–1878 on such information is received by British diplomatic documents. If at the beginning of the XIX century reportedly mainly for the southern part of the Balkan Peninsula, it just before and after the Crimean War (1853–1856) data refer to most of the territories populated by Bulgarians. In British diplomatic correspondence there is a lot of information about trade relations, payment of taxes and the presence of the Bulgarians as part of the urban elite. The spread of the missions of the Foreign Ministry of Great Britain in Bulgarian lands under an Ottoman rule contribute to the advent of European economic relations in the urban sector and have a catalytic role in the process of modernization.
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Eyes, exactly speaking the vision was the most important subject of pedagogical texts in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1878 to 1918. We hold that two factors influenced it. Firstly, they recommended visual education (Zorna obuka) as a right way to educate the character, according to which our acquiring the unquestionable knowledge starts from the all-sided observance of everything around us. Secondly, they held that the vision is one of various factors for creating the loyalty to Habsburg Monarchy, for example, through people’s participation on Emperor Franz Joseph’s visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1910 as its spectators. It is therefore well-known that the visual representation was important to create loyal, pious, national character etc. Nevertheless, the scholarship has not analysed how the vision itself was understood in Bosnia and Herzegovina at that time. In this paper we investigate what kind of image of “observer” was re/produced by means of discourse on vision. As a starting point we analyze a book School bench of Luka Karaman (1910) that firstly discussed the school benches and myopia in the visual way. Besides it, we research the various texts in Bosnian and Croatian pedagogical periodicals and monographs that discuss the vision, especially myopia. In Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early twentieth century, the concept of cost effectiveness became increasingly prevalent in the educational sphere, depending on the progress of mechanization in society. We demonstrate that the correct vision in this context was considered as an economically rational approach to the nerves. Furthermore, psychosomatic activities encompassed the energy circulatory system, involving neural networks and blood flows. Thus, myopia functioned as one moment to normalize the “observer”, that is, human who sees correctly in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Habsburg regime according to mental and physical rational economy.
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The paper considers the financial policy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy after the introduction of the monopoly on tobacco and importance of the organized tobacco production which transformed the lifestyles of Herzegovina people. The paper seeks to clarify conditions that caused changes in the social structure of population and economy of Herzegovina.
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This article focused on the policy pursued by Austro-Hungary towards Albanians during 1916-1918. It observes carefully the disputes between “civil” and “military” authorities about the political status of Albania throughout the war. The author analyzes special attention of Austro-Hungaria to the cultural and administrative development of the Albanian population as well as their opposition to any national political movement of Albanian nationalists disagreeing with Vienna political platform.
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The study has been conceived and implemented in a manner that will create variations on linking historiography and historical demography. Linking these two sciences, as well as their values and methodology, will result in the formation of an integral and advanced system of research, especially in the case of lesser known and historically complex demographic issues. With the fulfilment of this goal, both sciences will have certain benefits: historiography will now feature a development incentive through acquiring and obtaining new experiences within the demographic history, as a legitimate part of an expanded and improved system of historiographic sciences. Integrating the aforementioned sciences and their derivatives during the implementation of demanding projects will greatly improve the quality and durability of research, their scientific and social applicability. This is only an introduction in testing development opportunities of the New Advanced Historiography (NAH) in one segment dealing with the inter-regional and Euroasian migration of Bosniaks in the Ottoman Empire during the Austro-Hungarian occupation and governance of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The present study sums up the overall reaction of the Czechoslovak Communist Party establishment on the Hungarian uprising in 1956. As we can see from the sources, the Czechoslovak political elites pursued to prevent any kind of “harmful ideological infiltration” from Hungary by immediate and intensive military manoeuvres. As we look at the depth of the events: at the aims, strategy, and extent of the reactions on the side of the Czechoslovak political leadership, we can discover that Czechoslovakia regarded the situation so grave that it not only mobilised heavy forces (including State Police, State Security, Peoples Militia and military forces units) but it would have been ready to move in to Hungary if there had been such a need.
More...State Violence against Women in Communist Romania
The paper focuses on the manifestations of structural and symbolic violence against women during the communist regime by addressing the most important mechanisms and embedded beliefs that allowed the proliferation of spousal violence in communist Romania, in what I see as a continuation of the interwar patriarchal state, and a bridge to the new discriminatory policies developed by the democratic structures, after 1990.
More...Women in Polish Political Elite 1949–1956
The aim of this article is to present the collective portrait of the 40 women occupying the highest posts in the communist party and state apparatus in Poland during the Stalinist period. It focuses on the vast majority of people involved in the communist movement, while it also examines the cases of Socialists and women from the younger generation. The first part of the study presents the milieus they came from, their educational and professional careers and – above all – the motivations and patterns of their political engagement. The second part engages with their position in the structures of power, as well as the circumstances of their political advances and declines. The key biographical category is that of “widowhood”, understood both literally – considering the percentage of women whose husbands were killed by Soviets or Germans – and symbolically – as a bitter disappointment with the Idea and its realization.
More...Neo-Protestant Women and Gender Equality in Communist Romania
In communist Romania, as in other Central and East European communist countries, women became fellow workers in the building of the new proletariat state. However, there was a discrepancy between state rhetoric and the treatment of women in reality. Though not the most targeted faith group in communist Romania, neo-Protestant women faced, nevertheless, multiple levels of marginalization, due to their sex and to their religion. These women re-appropriated the state’s gender equality rhetoric and, along with their faith, produced a sense of personal agency, which allowed them to overcome barriers in their various communities.
More...Women’s Political Activism during the Establishing of Communist Power in a Polish Industrial Town (Żyrardów, 1945-1948)
The author presents the changing role of women and of the attitudes towards them in the PWP (the Polish Workers’ Party) and the PSP (the Polish Socialist Party) in a midsize industrial town in Central Poland in the years 1945-1948. During the war, women of the PWP were promoted to the highest positions in the party structures, however, due to the quick reaffirmation of gender roles in the post-1945 period, they were relegated to lower posts. Their political influence was thereafter limited solely to the care sector which was considered their natural domain. In turn, the PSP gained importance in the post-war period only after A. Tomaszewska, a woman and an influential prewar labour organizer, took charge of it in 1946. Under her leadership, the Socialists renewed their ties with women workers of the town’s main textile factory and challenged the Communist party.
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The paper aims at tracing a collective portrait and the trajectories of a group of about forty women active in the communist movement after Poland had regained independence (1918), and after the Second World War. I explore the relations between gender, communist activity, and the changing circumstances of the communist movement (conspiracy/state socialism). I argue that interwar activities shaped women communists as radical, uncompromising, and questioning traditional femininity political agents, accepted as comrades at every organisational level. This image and identity, though, contributed to the creation of the gender division of political work after the war, when women were assigned specific roles as guardians of revolutionary past. The post-war situation of state socialism with the communist party as the ruling party assigned women mainly to invisible, secondary positions.
More...The Italian Women Union and the Italian Communist Party: Reaction, Negotiation and Sanctioned Struggles in Local and Global Context 1944-1963
This contribution aims to outline the birth and development of the Unione Donne Italiane (UDI) in regard to its relations with the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) from 1944 to 1963.The present research has drawn mainly from archival sources.UDI was born as a multi-party women’s organization but the hegemony of the Communist women would de facto bring it under the influence of the PCI. The Italian Communist Party tried to perform a normative and normalizing task. By the logic of the Cold War, women were relegated to deal mainly with the defence of peace, both nationally and internationally.From the international point of view, UDI was among the founding organizations of the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF). Gradually, the Unione began to accrue dissent even within the WIDF, leading to an internal struggle on the path to emancipation that the organization was already developing within its national context.
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The article discusses this intricate issue of women’s anti-Fascist/communist activism during World War II in Romania. I am particularly interested in the relationship that developed between the Romanian Communist Party and the women who joined the movement in the complicated context of World War II. The article is attempting to assess whether women’s increased involvement in the communist organization was due to the previous and continuous politics of the RCP, or it was a mere consequence of unprecedented circumstances. The article also addresses issues related to the legacy of the anti-Fascist/communist women’s struggle during World War II, in their attempt to establish postwar public careers, but also the manner in which their efforts and activisms were recognized and/or recompensed (or not) after the war.
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