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The paper discusses peculiarities inherent in formation and development of the administrative-territorial structure of the Volga estuary in the Golden Horde period, singles out economic micro-regions included in the Khan’s domain and offers geographical characteristics of the lower reaches of the Volga River, which had influenced the development of the Golden Horde cities and the formation of their suburbs.
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Are characterized monuments of the Middle Don region in the the Golden Horde period. They relate to different groups of population: are settlements with Russian ceramics and nomadic graves, mausoleums, burial grounds and settlements. New data of anthropological researches are provided. Comparison of data of archeology and written sources is carried out.
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The object of the article is the award of the public procurement in compliance with the principles of the Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and more specially the ones for free movements of goods, freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services and mutual recognition. From them comprise other principles, which are explicitly mentioned in Art. 2 in the Public Procurement Act – among them is the principle of free competition and this is the subject of this research. The purpose is to analyze the significance of the principle of free competition in public procurement award procedures both in the spending of public funds and for the successful management and implementation of the growth, sustainability, convergence and competitive development policies of the regions.
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People referred to as Turkish immigrants in Britain are comprised of Turks, Kurds emanating from the borders of the Turkish Republic and Turkish Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots migration to Britain started in the 1940s following the World War II and increased throughout the 1960s (Ladbury 1977; Robins & Aksoy 2001). Turkish migration from mainland Turkey to Britain started in the early 1970s (Mehmet Ali 2001; Issa 2005). Ethnic Kurds from Turkey began to immigrate in larger numbers during the late 1980s and early 1990s, often seeking refuge and asylum status (Robins & Aksoy 2001; Atay 2006). These increasing waves of migration have resulted in a significant social and cultural presence within British society (Çoştu, 2013a).
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Implemented by the Macedonian national party VMRO-DPMNE the project “Skopje 2014” renewed the urban image of Skopje, capital city of the (Former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia and promoted a narrative of direct descent from the Ancient Macedonians, epitomized by the figure of Alexander the Great. Impressive statues, fountains, a triumphal arch, and new massive buildings now stand in all their grandeur in the city centre of the small republic’s capital city. Although apparently meant to give a new face to Skopje, these urban changes are also strictly tied to a “great” national narrative concerning the Macedonian nation – its roots and origins, and are apparently shaping and changing, not only the urban image of Skopje but also the national identity of the Macedonians.
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This chapter assesses whether national law, policies and practice in the field of unaccompanied asylum seekers are in compliance with international conventions including the UNHCR guidelines and UN convention of the rights of the child (CRC). We will discuss policy and practices on minors exposed to human trafficking, taking Norway as a case. The Norwegian Immigration Act of 2008 includes provisions and formulations intended to strengthen the legal position and rights of asylum-seeking children as children. The intention was to ensure that national regulations on immigration were in accordance with the CRC and in line with the Norwegian Human Rights Act 1999. The CRC as well as UNHCR guidelines mention human trafficking, including forced labour and sexual exploitation as one main threat to which children may be exposed. The chapter discusses three scenarios which represent distinct forms of how unaccompanied minors are recruited into exploitative relations on their way to or in Europe and how their cases are assessed when applying for asylum in Norway as unaccompanied minors. Ways into and out of exploitation may have decisive implication for how their asylum applications are assessed and for further access to rehabilitation measures.
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This chapter describes and proposes a new social inclusion model for supporting unaccompanied minors in becoming autonomous, as they are one of the most vulnerable groups of contemporary migration flows. According to the Committee on the Rights of Children “unaccompanied children (also called unaccompanied minors) are children, […] who have been separated from both parents and other relatives and are not being cared for by an adult who, by law or custom, is responsible for doing so” (Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2005).
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Without doubt, every migratory wave begets serious problems with many dimensions in the fields of education, employment, integration, or gender issues. A recent mass migratory move, if more numerous, can cause delays in policies towards an older refugee group. The Syrian war and the subsequent mass migration towards Turkey channeled both academic and administrative focus towards this group. As the transformative power of migration increases, so does the academic interest in this topic. In this respect, we can understand the abundance of research on Syrians compared to the paucity of studies on African refugees as a reflection of the size and impact of the Syrian stock and flows.
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People who fled their countries of home voluntarily or forced have been described as refugee, migrant, and person with temporary protection in the countries hosting them. The challenges faced by these uprooted people seeking security have forced many countries to develop and formulate new migration, asylum, and refugee policies.
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Populist radical right oppositions to international migration from Islamic countries are argued to undergo a discursive change from ultranationalist and religious constructs to –misleadingly– liberal argumentations, claiming that European liberal democracy is under threat of migration (Brubaker, 2017, pp.1191-1226; Hafez, 2014, pp.479-499; Börzel & Risse, 2018, pp.83-108; Börzel, 2016, pp.8-31). The present study aims to demonstrate how these ‘liberal’ grounds for objecting migrations exist at European (supranational) level, and explores the conceptions of liberal democracy used by pan-European radical right in opposition to migrant and minority rights. Therefore it asks how mainstream populist radical right factions represented in the European Parliament debate migrant and minority rights and what conceptions of liberal democracy emerge within their debates. It orients this question to two plenary sessions held in the European Parliament, in the shadow of the EU’s refugee crisis, to discuss the situation of fundamental rights and terrorism in Europe. Recent refugee debates in the EP have the potential to shed light on this issue, as the way populist radical right parties reject the EU’s minority, migration, and asylum policies feature exclusionary conceptions degrading the substantial meaning of liberal democracy.
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Hostility towards migrants of non-European origin is a recurring subject in contemporary political space, especially among Western/developed states. In fact, the move towards stricter migration and border control in relation to some forms of migration has led authors to characterize such phenomena as a war on migration (Hyndman and Mountz, 2007) or a new ubiquity of borders (Balibar 2002). The crusade against irregular migration has particularly affected prospective asylum seekers who, fleeing from conflict and persecution in their countries of origin, attempt to reach safety and protection through unauthorized border crossings. The Australian border regime presents a paradigmatic case in this context of increasing hostility and control, having been described as “the most original yet retrograde means of repelling and excluding asylum seekers from its shores” (Hyndman and Mountz 2007, 83) and “the most fully developed policy regime that is oriented around control” (Johnson 2014, 67). This chapter focuses on the policies and practices of border/migration control that were/are employed in the context of the Pacific Solution (2001-2007) and Operation Sovereign Borders (OSB) (2013-present). The practices of control implemented during this period include interception and turnback of boats outside of territorial waters, forced return, detention and exclusion of parts of Australian territory from the migration zone (excision).
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Nepal is relatively a new entrant to global labour markets. Nevertheless, over the past few decades, a huge portion of its population has migrated abroad for employment, changing the image of Nepal from a country of “global warriors to global workers” (Rajauriya, 2015). In particular, the political change of 1990 that ushered Nepal into a multiparty democracy triggered the globalizing processes. Unlike during the King’s regime, obtaining passports became easier even for general people, affording them more agility and freedom to travel outside the country (Tiwari & Bhattarai, 2011). Further, the government formed after the 1992 elections embraced a policy of fast-paced economic liberalization, connecting Nepal with global economy and global labour markets (Labour Migration for Employment Report: 2014).
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Describing the Jewish communities in the multi-religious history of Iraq can only take place from a historical perspective, simply because they no longer exist. Apart from a few individuals, there is no future perspective at this point in time.
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The Karaites are one of the religious communities erased from the memory of Iraq. Today hardly anybody in Iraq remembers this centuries-old religious community rooted in the Abrahamic faith of Islam, Christianity and mainstream Judaism. Multiple marginalisations resulted in nobody ever telling the story of the last Karaites in Iraq. The isolated and rural community in the town of Hīt in Anbar did not have any intellectuals to document their history. Later, Karaite Jews became a minority among the rabbinic Jews in Israel and the Iraqi Karaites were even a tiny minority within the minority of the Karaites of Israel. Without anyone interested in their history, even the second generation in Israel did not think that the stories of their parents and grandparents would be worth recording and telling.
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Most Iraqis and scholars on Iraq do not know that Baghdad has significant importance for the Sikh religion. Until 2003, Baghdad had a gurdwara (Sikh place of worship); some evidence exists of a historic Sikh community in Iraq. This article explores both the history of the Gurdwara of Baghdad and the Sikhs who lived in Iraq, and also the activities of Sikh humanitarian organizations in contemporary Iraq.
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Unlike Syria and Palestine, Iraq was never a predominantly Christian land. Nevertheless, Iraq has a long history of Christian presence and one of the oldest Christian communities in the world. Christians, like Muslims and Jews, always played an important role in Iraqi society and even politics. Although the number of Christians declined in recent years, the diversity of Christian denominations in Iraq is still remarkable.
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Armenians have been living in Mesopotamia – modern Iraq – from times immemorial. According to Herodotus, the Hellenic father of history, Armenians used to travel, long before the Christian era, from Armenia to Nineveh and Babylon over the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, importing, by means of round rafts, Armenian wines, dried fruits, fine horses, wheat, nuts and many other products. Historical accounts indicate that Tigranes the Great (king of Armenia during the Artaxiad dynasty from 190 BC to AD 12) defeated enemy armies of several countries, who endangered Armenia’s security. Amongst these countries, he subdued Adiabene (Mosul) in 83 BC, which allowed Armenians to travel from the Armenian highlands to Mesopotamia, reaching as far as Basra and further down the Persian Gulf to the Far East.
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No religious minorities in Iraq was more affected by the violence of the so-called ‘Islamic State’ (ISIS) than the Yazidis (sometimes spelled Yezidis or Êzîdî in Kurmancî) who suffered genocidal attacks by the jihadis in August 2014. However, the jihadist groups in August 2007 and in August 2014 were not the first to attack the Yazidis. For centuries they suffered under resentments and perennial violence by Muslims who accused them of ‘devil worshipping’- a well-cultivated misunderstanding of their ancient religion.
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The Kakai, also called Yārsan or Ahl-e Haqq, follow a religion that emerged thousands of years ago. Their monotheist religion has four principles: Pāki, Rīsti, Nīsti, and Radā. Kakai speak a distinct language called ‘Macho’, a Gūrani Kurdish dialect, and are famous for agriculture and shepherding. They show a strong passion for playing music, because music is an essential part of their religion and rituals. Originally, Kakai believe in Doon-a-Doon (life after death), where a soul passes 1,000 Doon within 50,000 years, and continuously moves from one body to another until it reaches perfection. They also believe that God manifested himself in different souls, such as Ali (the first Shia Imam) and Shah Khoshin, before embodying himself in the form of Sultan Sahak, the founder of the Kakai religion. Kakai also believe that after 1001 transmigrations, the soul comes back to an everlasting home, and everything becomes part of God . In every period, someone had a sense of God, and each period was called the ‘period of Yār’.
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