0.00 €
We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
More...
How many times in my life have I heard “Why do you interfere?!”, or “Let it be, you can’t do anything about it!”. And, certainly, the most frequent phrase: “As if my voice would change anything”. I keep asking myself what is the matter here? Do people underestimate themselves and clearly say “I’m just a nobody”, or willingly sink into a collective molasses, saying: “That’s the way we are”. In my case, the problem with identification emerged for the first time in the first grade of elementary school, when records on nationality began to be kept. The ones asked before my turn answered: “Yugoslavian”, “Turkish”, “Serbian”, Hungarian”…I have a surname which corresponds to the nation quoted last, and to the fact that my grandfather speaks Hungarian fluently. Until then, I probably haven’ seen Hungary even in the pictures, and as I admitted knowing how to count up to ten in my grandfather’s language (I could also count in English, but that wasn’t a part of my dilemma), I declared myself as a citizen of Zrenjanin.
More...
Of all the misfortunes that happen to my people, but also to all the other peoples, without exception, I am most upset with those involving children. I don’t justify wars, which are begun by the adults, not by children who are completely innocent, but perish without even beginning to live. I think there is no punishment harsh enough to which I’d sentence such people. This is a true story about the destiny of some people, which made a strong impression on me and made me think.
More...
90’s are gone forever. We are 10 years older, poorer, and truly. That is the price of our stupidity and of our irresponsibility.” In the 90’s I was six years old. I did not know what the society was, what a political party was, what a President was. I was unaware of existence of those things, and of the fact that some people, other than my parents, influenced my life. But I knew that the following year I would start going to school
More...
Međnarodni položaj Srbije i SR Jugoslavije i dalje je izuzetno složen i nepovoljan. Karakteriše ga: – Ukupno i veliko zaostajanje za promenama do kojih je došlo u svetu i posebno u Evropi, pa čak i pružanje otpora oficijalne i srpske politike (ali ne samo nje) tim promenama. Propuštene su godine i vreme, u kojima je trebalo da se izvrši usklađivanje kako spoljne politike i međunarodnih odnosa Srbije i SRJ, tako i njihovog unutrašnjeg razvoja sa dalekosežnim i temeljnim promenama u Evropi i svetu. – Produženo odsustvo stvarne i pune normalizacije odnosa sa glavnim centrima moći u međunarodnim odnosima. Postojeći kontakti se svode i dalje na razgovore i pregovore u funkciji primene mirovnog paketa sporazuma iz Dejtona. Uz to, ovi kontakti su po pravilu inicirani od strane međunarodne zajednice, odnosno nosioca njenih obaveza proizašlih u Dejtonu, a ne na inicijativu Srbije i SRJ, pa i ne idu dalje od iznuđene "kooperativnosti" srpskojugoslovenske strane.
More...
Cilj ove studije je analiza uloge Operativne grupe Jug Oružanih snaga SFRJ (Gardijske motorizovane brigade i dodatne jedinice) tokom dejstava u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu u cilju zauzimanja Vukovara, i nakon tih operacija (od septembra do 24. novembra 1991). - Dva su bitna aspekta ove analize. Prvo, u izveštaju se istražuje struktura oružanih snaga SFRJ, doktrina komande i kontrole (nad oružanim snagama i unutar njih), disciplina i ostali važni aspekti. Drugo, u izveštaju se analizira na koji način je Operativna grupa Jug oružanih snaga SFRJ u jesen 1991. izvodila operacije u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu (i Vukovaru), uključujući odnose između Gardijske motorizovane brigade i drugih oružanih grupa koje su dejstvovale na vukovarskom području pre, za vreme i posle evakuacije vukovarske bolnice. - Da bi postigla svoj cilj na najefikasniji način, studija je podeljena na dve velike celine. Svaka ceklina se sastoji od više delova. Da bi se olakašalo čitanje, svaki deo počinje sažetim prikazom. Skraćenice su navedene i objašnjene posebno u Glosaru.
More...
The publication is a novel study in the field of Polish political science regarding collective representations – a category associated mainly with sociology – from the point of view of a political sphere researcher. The theoretical model adopted by the author has been used to outline and analyze the shapes of collective representations of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia in the difficult period of protracted economic crisis and the accumulation of further political problems. The in-depth diagnosis of ordinary people's feelings about the reality that surrounds them has led to the ascertainment that, over the recent years, rising problems and negative emotions have begun to predominate over optimistic premises, while maintaining stability in the region requires some more determined and well-thought-out actions by the international community. The monograph, written from the perspective of political science and based on qualitative data, combines the elements of other social sciences and humanities, which appeared necessary to explain the interdisciplinary category of collective representations in an integral manner. This broader view of the complicated Balkan region can contribute to improving the knowledge and understanding of it.
More...
The events that struck Bosnia at the turn of the millennium - its people slaughtered and expelled, assaulted and humiliated, its towns and villages ravaged - did not concern only Bosnia. No individual, nation, region or state was protected from it, although their role took different forms. It is the whole human person who has suffered. It would be a never-ending task to list and describe these various experiences, and anyway, no matter how deep we go, their essence may well remain elusive. This is why this book attempts, on a more general level, to differentiate the modern world view from the traditional one, allowing a "Bosnian response" to take shape as they meet. // PUBLISHED IN 2005 BY DURIEUX PUBLISHING HOUSE BASED IN ZAGREB
More...
The significance of the celebration on November 25, 1969, is that the date of that year was officially recognized on the state holiday of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The marking of this important date from the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in the context of important political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in the Yugoslav state wich have been gradually taking place since the mid-60s, when they gave major political powers to the republic goverments. As this process has proceeded in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it can be analyzed as an example of marking the 26th anniversary of ZAVNOBiH. On this festive days in Sarajevo on November 29th, on the Day of the Republic, Josip Broz Tito attended the premiere of the film Battle of Neretva in the newly opened modern center of Skenderija. A day after, at the solemn session of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he was awarded the first honorary member of these most scientific institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, this was the time of strog sensivity of the Yugoslav public towards Bosnia and Herzegovina after the devastating earthquake in Banja Luka and Bosanska krajina, which occured only a month earlier (October 27, 1969). The postponed population Tito visited the day later and promised them the assistance of the entire Yugoslav community. The significance of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the constitution of the Yugoslav state Tito also emphasized on November 29 for the premiere of the film with a well-known theme from the Second World War and a reminder of the heroic battles that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territory. Otherwise, the association with the events of the National Liberation War was an integral part of all introductory speeches on the occasion of marking socialist holidays. The joint celebration on 25 and 29 November 1969 in Sarajevo was also the last with great hopes and expections in the coming 70s.
More...
In the period from 1991 to 2000, Serbia was marked by significant processes, the effects of which are felt to this day: first of all, we are talking about the aggressive military campaigns of the then Serbian regime (from 1991 to 1995 on Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, which continued after the Dayton Agreement with a low-intensity war against the Albanian population in Kosovo, which in 1999 resulted in a military intervention force of the NATO pact on Serbia and Kosovo). The Serbian regime is the most responsible for the breakup of Yugoslavia, primarily because the armed forces of the former Yugoslavia - the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) - sided with it, and with various paramilitary formations, which without exception were under the control of the regime's security services, committed numerous crimes in various parts of the former Yugoslavia. The Serbian regime waged a war against the civilian population, but also wars of plunder whose purpose was to redistribute the national wealth...
More...
Violators of moral, political, cultural consensus, jumpers of ethnic barriers and walls, “deserters” from the national / patriotic and patriarchal honor have been exposed to various forms of repression for 30 years, relentlessly.
More...
Since 2012, when the Serbian Progressive Party came to power, the wars of the 1990s became the focal point of the official memory politics and crucial for the political legitimacy of the SNS government. The populist discourse of the return of the national pride is central to state-sponsored memory work, arguing that the previous governments and international community coerced the Serbian nation to feel ashamed about its heroes and victims of the 1990s wars. The current regime uses the fact that the previous governments did not focus on the 1990s in their memory politics as a demarcation line and source of legitimacy. Because of the SNS and their political allies, the Serbian people are finally allowed and able, as the dominant narrative claims, to remember their heroes and victims with pride. The government builds its political legitimacy on its commitment to the industry of memory, which involves large-scale commemorations, usage of media technologies, cultural production and new ways of disseminating the dominant narratives...
More...