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Knjigocid-Uništavanje kniiga u Hrvatskoj 1990ih
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Knjigocid-Uništavanje kniiga u Hrvatskoj 1990ih

Author(s): Ante Lešaja / Language(s): Croatian

Postoje tekstovi – zbirke dokumenata, prikazi nekog događanja i sl. – kojima je potrebno pridodati »riječ unaprijed«. Razlozi mogu biti razni, a autor ih je dužan navesti. Svrha je ovog Uvoda da olakša čitaocu razumijevanje pozicije s koje sam prišao koncipiranju teksta i obradi konkretnog predmeta. A predmet kojim se bavim je uništavanje knjižne građe u Hrvatskoj od 1990. do 2010. godine, dakle, u razdoblju od dvadeset godina.Dva su osnovna razloga zbog kojih sam se tim fenomenom počeo baviti. Jedan, inicijalni, moja je osobna povezanost sa slučajem koji je kroz brojne napise postao poznat kao »bacanje knjiga u kontejner za smeće u Korčuli«, a drugi je iznenađujući intenzitet netrpeljivosti prema Drugome i isključivost – politička, nacionalna, etnička i ideološka – u vrijeme »prevrata devedesetih«, s pripadajućim i već puno puta u povijesti viđenim tragičnim posljedicama – ubijanjima, razaranjima imovine i uništavanjem spomeničke baštine. Stoga je i uništavanje knjižne građe u Hrvatskoj, u mjeri u kojoj ga je bilo i kao samo jedno u nizu sličnih povijesnih iskustava, zadobilo svoju »povijesnu obilježenost«.

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Bolesna vremena
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Bolesna vremena

Author(s): Milan Gavrović / Language(s): Croatian

Moto za ovu knjigu preuzeo sam od »Duhovne republike Zicer«, osnovane u klubu Zicer u Novom Sadu još godine 1992. s ciljem da spriječi mobilizaciju za rat koji se vodio u Hrvatskoj. Jugoslavija je tada već bila raskomadana, bile su prekinute komunikacije između novih država, a sve informacije strogo kontrolirane i cenzurirane. Tako sam za tu »republiku«, koja je bila dio širokog antiratnog pokreta u Vojvodini, doznao tek u ljeto 2014. iz tjednika Novosti, koji je prenio dio teksta iz projeka »Living Together« (Živjeti zajedno), financiranog od Europske unije. Naravno, patetična optužba tog mota nije sasvim pravedna, točnije, ne odnosi se na sve ljude. Nasilje, zločini i laži proizveli su kolektivnu paranoju, a nacionalizam je jedan od njenih najstrašnijih oblika. Osim toga čini se kako je u prirodi čovjeka da kao normalna prihvaća pravila uspostavljena u sredini u kojoj živi, iako se ona ponekad mijenjaju nevjerojatnom brzinom. Dra-matičan primjer je njemačka zdravstvena služba koja je već na početku Hitlerove vladavine, /kao normalni dio brige o zdravlju nacije, prihvatila kastraciju svakog tko je bio proglašen psihičkim bolesnikom. Ponašanje mnogih ljudi kod nas, u proteklih četvrt stoljeća, slijedilo je isti obrazac. Ali za one koji se smatraju mislećim dijelom nacije i koji su imali prilike govoriti, gornji moto ima punu vrijednost. Nije zanemariv ni broj onih koji su toga bili svjesni, a nisu šutjeli, iako su bili izloženi raznim pritiscima i šikaniranjima. Istovremeno su vladari novih država počeli kontrolirati sve medije i javne tribine na kojima su postali dobrodošli samo zagovornici nacionalističke mržnje.

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Građanin Blagus
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Građanin Blagus

Author(s): Saša Blagus / Language(s): Croatian

Kontrarevolucionarni građanski rat iz devedesetih u Hrvatskoj još uvijek traje. Istina, vodi se drugim sredstvima, ali još uvijek traje. Znakova izlaska iz »olovnih vremena« ne da nema, nego je na djelu intenziviranje izuzetno regresivnih društvenih kretanja. Prije 14 godina sam počeo iskazivati neslaganje s rušenjem svih temelja društvenih odnosa i države koji su u sebi nosili klicu mogućnosti ozbiljavanja istinske ljudske zajednice, premda sami to još nisu bili. U njima je ipak bilo, kako je govorio Milan Kangrga, »nekaj ljudskog«. Svrha rata koji je Tuđman nazvao domovinskim bila je gušenje baš te mogućnosti. Imao sam potrebu protestirati ne samo protiv brutalne restauracije kapitalizma koja je eufemistički nazvana tranzicijom, nego i protiv naleta historijskog revizionizma kojemu je cilj rehabilitiranje i eventualno oživljavanje zločinačke NDH. I zaista, rat je imao sva obilježja nastavka »velikog čišćenja« koje u Drugom svjetskom ratu nije uspjelo. Radikalno zlo je ponovno eksplodiralo; ono prirodno, divlje, nagonsko, sirovo, surovo, još-ne ljudsko nadvladalo je slobodu, duh i um. Suočili smo se s materijaliziranim fantomom – ovdašnji, samonikli oblici nacizma i fašizma, ustaštvo i četništvo, ponovno su oživjeli kako bi zgazili duh evropskog moderniteta na ovim prostorima.

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Izbjeglička naselja u Srbiji: Narod koji je preživio
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Izbjeglička naselja u Srbiji: Narod koji je preživio

Author(s): Bojan Munjin / Language(s): English,Croatian

During the last war, in the beginning of the 90s, there were around 400 000 Serbs who escaped Croatian territory and most of them ended in Serbia where they, in smaller or bigger groups, live in metropolitan areas, cities and villages even today. Those smaller groups of mostly compatriots are united by the sad destiny of refugees, solidarity and memory of homeland. Almost a half of this half a million population lives in Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in villages mostly built on their own on empty fields, on the outskirts where initially there were no conditions to develop a civilized lifestyle. Those settlements live as a memory of self-sacrifice of population torn from their root, left with nothing and forced to undertake a precarious road to a new environment. It should be emphasized that most of the refugee settlements in Vojvodina and elsewhere aren't slums or ‘empires of poor’, but solid houses that children leave every day to go to school, their parents to go to work and earn their daily bread and the eldest do their best to help as much as they can. In the moment they were built, those houses witnessed blood, sweat and tears of their household members because suffer and trouble are in common to almost every one of the half a million of Serbs who came to Serbia from Croatia. Psychologically, we can never measure the amount of negative energy accumulated among the Serb refugees from Croatia during the mid-90's which resulted in many diseases, death and existential traumas, however, there was also a strong will to survive; the Serb refugees from Croatia managed to sustain and initiate a new life in Serbia.

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Priče iz izbjeglištva: Više od tragedije
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Priče iz izbjeglištva: Više od tragedije

Author(s): Bojan Munjin / Language(s): English,Croatian

For years it has been emphasised that after the Operation “Storm” at the start of August 1995, some 250 000 Croatian citizens of Serb nationality were expelled from Croatia, probably in order to highlight the sheer scale of the drama of that moment and of the people who fled. Unfortunately, the number is far greater: more than 400,000 Serbs left Croatia during the 1991-1995 war that raged on the territory of this former Yugoslav Socialist Republic. In the beginning, ever since the HDZ party came to power in 1990, they had been coming in Serbia quietly ”with two suitcases and a back¬pack“. They started coming after the first layoffs, after threats below their windows and nasty looks from their neighbors, from anonymous tele¬phone calls and graffiti on the walls containing the letter “U”. It was a time of nationalist triumphalism, a time of invoking ”Croatia within its historic and ethnic borders”, a time when (the first Croatian president) Franjo Tuđman cried out a sentence that is still quoted today, that the ”NDH was also an expression of the Croatian people’s historic will”.

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Slike povratka: Banija i Kordun
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Slike povratka: Banija i Kordun

Author(s): Vladimir Jurišić / Language(s): English,Croatian

A man can be deprived of his house and land, he can lose money and health and homeland, but something will always remain to provide strength and will for a new start. But take away a man’s dignity and there will appear an emptiness that nothing can assuage, and it will fill him with disappointment and anxiety. Thus he will lose the last foot¬hold from which he has drawn the strength needed to overcome all the trials and tribulations, to stay and survive.

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Prava civilnih žrtava rata
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Prava civilnih žrtava rata

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić,Milena Čalić-Jelić,Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): Croatian

1. Priznanje patnje i naknada štete. Put do iscjeljenja žrtava i društva; 2. Prava civilnih žrtava rata; 3. Kako ostvariti pravo na zaštitu kao civilna žrtva rata u Republici Hrvatskoj kroz upravni postupak?; 4. Kako pokrenuti postupak proglašenja nestale osobe?; 5. Kako ostvariti pravo na reparaciju kao civilna žrtva rata kroz sudski postupak u Republici Hrvatskoj?; 6. Sudski postupak za naknadu nematerijalne štete zbog usmrćenja bliskog srodnika tijekom Domovinskog rata; 7. Žrtve ratnih zločina; 8. Odgovornost Republike Hrvatske za usmrćenje civila tijekom Domovinskog rata; 9. Zastara pokretanja građanskog zahtjeva za naknadu nematerijalne štete (ZOO, NN 35/05, 41/08); 10. Pokretanje sudskog postupka; 11. Presude Europskog suda za ljudska prava protiv Republike Hrvatske kojima je utvrđena povreda prava na život; 12. Korisni kontakti u ostvarivanju prava civilnih žrtava rata

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Izvještaj - Pravo civilnih žrtava rata u Hrvatskoj na reparacije - 2013
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Izvještaj - Pravo civilnih žrtava rata u Hrvatskoj na reparacije - 2013

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić,Milena Čalić-Jelić,Eugen Jakovčić,Nives Jozić,Vesna Teršelič,Marina Petras,Božica Ciboci,Una Josipović,Miren Špek / Language(s): Croatian

1. Bez političkih i pravosudnih pomaka nakon više od 20 godina. • Civilna stradanja – neutvrđen broj • Odsustvo zakonodavnih rješenja • Postupci za naknadu štete pred hrvatskim sudovima i Europskom sudu za ljudska prava - tek poneki usvojen tužbeni zahtjev • Troškovi izgubljenih parnica – prvi slučaj otpisanog parničnog troška; 2. Potrebe i iskustva civilnih žrtava rata • Ciljevi i metodologija istraživanja; 3. Ostvarenje prava na obeštećenje • Ostvarena prava kroz upravni i sudske postupke; 4. Podrška civilnim žrtvama rata; 5. Iskustva specifičnih skupina civilnih žrtava rata • Žrtve terorističkih napada Studija slučaja • Osobe kojima je zbog ratnih djelovanja poginuo, umro ili nestalo član obitelji Studija slučaja • Civilni invalidi rata Studija slučaja • Žrtve seksualnog nasilja Studija slučaja; 6. Preporuke Korišteni izvori

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Elections in Bosnia & Herzegovina (ICG Bosnia Report No. 16)
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Elections in Bosnia & Herzegovina (ICG Bosnia Report No. 16)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Analysis of the preliminary results from the elections suggests that there was a serious discrepancy between the overall voter population and the number of ballots cast. It would seem that there was a turnout of over 100%. This calls in question the validity of the results. On the basis of this failure to achieve the required conditions for holding the elections, disenfranchisement, electoral engineering, and the preliminary vote count results, the 14 September elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be considered free and fair as required by the DPA. This report describes the recent historical context and analyses the campaign, the conduct and the outcome of the elections.

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Aid and Accountability: Dayton Implementation (ICG Bosnia Report No. 17)
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Aid and Accountability: Dayton Implementation (ICG Bosnia Report No. 17)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The states most involved in the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), the European Union and the states of the Contact Group (France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) must do all in their power to pressure the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Republika Srpska, Croatia and the authorities of Croat-controlled Federation territory to arrest immediately all indictees in their jurisdiction and surrender them to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (Tribunal). If these authorities fail to comply, and if key indictees remain at liberty by the time of the London Peace Implementation Conference, the North Atlantic Council must issue a directive instructing the Implementation Force (IFOR) to make the arrests. All states must make additional resources available to the Tribunal, including funds, equipment and seconded staff with appropriate qualifications, to ensure that justice prevails.

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Brčko Arbitration: Proposal for Peace (ICG Bosnia Report No. 18)
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Brčko Arbitration: Proposal for Peace (ICG Bosnia Report No. 18)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The Dayton Peace Agreement postponed a decision on the fate of the Brcko area, one of the peace talks’ most contentious and potentially explosive issues, until arbitration could take place. A decision is expected by 15 February. The arbitration award could have serious consequences. If Brcko were awarded to the Federation, Bosnian Serbs may lose faith in the DPA, strengthening hard-liners and potentially causing tens of thousands of refugees from western Republika Srpska to flee. If Brcko were awarded to Republika Srpska, heightened tension and brinkmanship would result in the short term, and renewed armed conflict in the long term. As a contribution to the arbitration process and in order to address the goals, needs and fears of all sides, thus preserving the precarious peace, the International Crisis Group offers some recommendations in this report.

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Grave Situation in Mostar: Robust Response required (ICG Bosnia Report No. 19)
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Grave Situation in Mostar: Robust Response required (ICG Bosnia Report No. 19)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The violent events in Mostar on 10 February -- and the failure of the International Police Task Force (IPTF) and the Stabilisation Force (SFOR) to either anticipate or control them -- constitute a mortal threat to the peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and to the continued existence of the Bosniac-Croat Federation.

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State Succession to the immovable Assets of Former Yugoslavia. Prepared for ICG by Public International Law & Policy Group
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State Succession to the immovable Assets of Former Yugoslavia. Prepared for ICG by Public International Law & Policy Group

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

With the ongoing reconstruction efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and plans for the imminent privatisation of a number of industrial enterprises, the question has arisen as to whether the Bosnia and Herzegovina central government or the sub-state entities -- Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina -- properly succeed to the immovable assets of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia located on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This memorandum seeks to answer this question.

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BRCKO: A comprehensive Solution (ICG Balkans Report N°55)
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BRCKO: A comprehensive Solution (ICG Balkans Report N°55)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Brcko will remain under international administration for some time to come: this paper examines reforms which could be carried out in a future District of Brcko, in a way that would make a real difference and provide a testing-ground for possible models for Bosnia as a whole. Different parts of Brcko are controlled by each of Bosnia’s three main ethnic groups. Integrating their three sets of parallel institutions has failed so far because the primary levers of power and money are still in the hands of political forces whose influence is divisive rather than conciliatory. These levers include the financial infrastructure (control of money flows via Payments Bureaux), the economic infrastructure and public administration (police, local government, judiciary, media etc). Assuming the Tribunal does settle the final status of Brcko, as a District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ICG recommends that the Brcko Supervisor implements a series of simultaneous radical reforms over a 60-day period in the fields of finance, business and civil administration

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SIDELINING SLOBODAN: Getting rid of Europe's last dictator (ICG Balkans Report N°57)
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SIDELINING SLOBODAN: Getting rid of Europe's last dictator (ICG Balkans Report N°57)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Milosevic is giving every indication that he intends to stay in power well beyond 2001 as an elder statesman, and to govern by controlling the instruments of force. His intention appears to be that he will preside over a military dictatorship bereft of all opposition; he may even be willing to sacrifice territory, content to rule over the Pasalik (from Ottoman or Turkish administration, meaning a small administrative district or region) of Belgrade1. Any comprehensive analysis of opposition to the Milosevic regime must address his dealings not just with political parties but also with institutions and key individuals.

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WHY WILL NO ONE INVEST IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA? An Overview of Impediments to Investment and Self Sustaining Economic Growth in the Post Dayton Era (ICG Balkans Report N° 64)
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WHY WILL NO ONE INVEST IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA? An Overview of Impediments to Investment and Self Sustaining Economic Growth in the Post Dayton Era (ICG Balkans Report N° 64)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The donor countries hoped the governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina would use the promised $ 5.1 Billion post-war reconstruction aid to undertake the structural changes necessary to transition from communism to capitalism. As donor-aid diminished, private investment would replace it, stimulated by structural reforms. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. Indeed, interviews with Bosnian and foreign businessmen show a common reluctance to invest in BiH. The current economic and political structures in all three ethnic sections of BiH maintain the failed communist-era policies that contributed to former Yugoslavia’s economic downturn and eventual break-up. These policies discourage business activity and investment. The continued existence and implementation of these failed economic policies and structures means that donor aid, no matter how wisely targeted or spent, will prove ineffective in creating long-term, sustainable economic development.

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KOSOVO'S LINCHPIN: Overcoming Division in Mitrovica (ICG Balkans Report N° 96)
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KOSOVO'S LINCHPIN: Overcoming Division in Mitrovica (ICG Balkans Report N° 96)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Mitrovica has become the linchpin of Kosovo's future united status. The stakes are high. If the international community cannot re-establish Mitrovica as a single city, efforts to preserve a united Kosovo will also fail. // Trouble has plagued Mitrovica - the city in northern Kosovo effectively divided between a northern Serb portion and a southern Albanian one - since NATO's Kosovo Force (KFOR) arrived in June 1999. Tensions in the city over the past few months have periodically erupted into violence. The situation has crystallised many of the weak points of the international approach in Kosovo: lack of vision for the future; inability to protect the security of minority groups or to promote real reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs; insufficient human and financial resources among international administrators; and poor co-ordination, as well as finger pointing, among both international military and civilian officials in Mitrovica.

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Revija Slobodne Misli - 1995-01
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Revija Slobodne Misli - 1995-01

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

for more information about the contribtued texts please refer to the Table of Content PDF /// AUTHORS: Sead Fetahagić, Neđo Milićević, Francis Jeanson, Predrag Matvejević, Enver Redžić, Ćazim Sadiković, Hanifa Kapidžić-Osmanagić, Krstan Malešević, Ljubomir Berberović, Tvrtko Kulenović, Vinko Puljić, Izet Sarajlić, Mirko Kovač, Sulejman Grozdanić, Mirko Pejanović, Ivan Cvitković, Razija Lagumdžija, Slavko Šantić

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Revija Slobodne Misli 2002-36 (Izet Sarajlić / Emir Dragulj)
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Revija Slobodne Misli 2002-36 (Izet Sarajlić / Emir Dragulj)

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

AUTHORS: Slavko Šantić, Predrag Matvejević, Sinan Gudžević, Marko Vešović, Zdenko Lešić, Juraj Martinović, Gradimir Gojer, Muhidin Hamadžić, Radomir Konstantinović, Filip David, Mirjana Miočinović, Hatidža Dizdarević-Krnjević, Mirka Zogović, Tone Pavček, Branko Mijić, Mišo Marić, Marija Janković, Lazar Manojlović, Krasin Himirski, Aleksandar Danilovič Romanjenko, Izet Sarajlić, Ibrahim Krzović, Meliba Husedžinović, Šonja Ćirić, Emir Dragulj, Vefik Hadžismajlović. Sadudin Musabegović, Anđelka Bojović, Slavko Šantić, Šonja Biserko, Latlnka Perović, Ibrahim Hadžić, Žarko Smiljanić, Slobodanka Ast, Mile Stojić

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Revija Slobodne Misli 2003-41+42 – RADOMIR KONSTANTINOVIC. GLAS SAVJESTI U NEVREMENU
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Revija Slobodne Misli 2003-41+42 – RADOMIR KONSTANTINOVIC. GLAS SAVJESTI U NEVREMENU

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

This is both a book and a magazine. At least that's how we wanted it to be. In any case, we believe that this (unusual) publishing form should and can preserve the authenticity of the event, but also to show, which is particularly important to us, the inseparable affiliation of Radomir Konstantinovic's thoughts and works to the ideas of Circle 99 and our magazine. The round table »Thoughts and Works of Radomir Konstantinovic« was jointly organized by the Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99, the PEN Center BiH and the Belgrade Circle. However, this project would not have been possible without the strong support of our partner — the Heinrich Böll Foundation - Regional Office in Sarajevo. AUTHORS: Azra Džajić, Vlatko Doleček, Obrad Savić, Zdenko Lešić, Čedo Kisić, Latinka Perović, Muhamed Filipović, Milan Đurčinov, Sead Fetahagić, Borka Pavićević, Vladimir Premec, Filip David, Mile Stojić, Laslo Vegel, Sadudin Musabegović, Stipe Šuvar, Esad Bajtal, Predrag Matvejević, Nikola Kovač, Željko Škuljević, Nenad Daković, Željko Ivanković, Milorad Belančić, Stevan Tontić, Hanifa Kapidžić-Osmanagić, Gradimir Gojer, Zdenko Lešić, Gajo Sekulić, Slavko Šantić

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