Život pod opsadom – Sarajevo 1992 - 1996
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Postignuća se mogu pratiti na osnovu aktivnosti učenika/ca i njihovih odgovora na času, kao i kvalitetom urađenih eseja.
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На основу анализе 15 истраживања јавног мњења становника Руске Федерације о ратовима у бившој Југославији у периоду 1992–2004, а посебно о односу према агресији НАТО‐а против СР Југославије у марту – априлу 1999, у чланку је показано да је у првој половини деведесетих година руско друштво поново открило традиционалну симпатију према Србима (од 7,5% подршке почетком 1993, до 31% средином 1995%). Види се, такође, и да је пораст просрпских осећања (као пример наводи се и најранија пронађена изјава В. Путина о агресији НАТО‐а из априла 1999) био пропраћен нарастањем антиамериканизма и одбојности према НАТО‐у. Одлучујући утицај на формирање антиамеричких ставова у руском друштву и елити имала је агресија НАТО‐а на СР Југославију 1999. године, која је дугорочно постала фундамент тих осећања и створила општеприхваћену перцепцију те агресије као крајње неморалног чина. У смислу политичких емоција руско друштво и руска елита деле виђење догађаја у екс‐Југославији потпуно различито од западног мејнстрима, што је довело до једног ширег осећаја недовољне подршке Србији као једног од симбола кризе и слабости Русије деведесетих година.
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The article provides a brief description of the history of the Balkans in Modern and Recent times. At the beginning of this period, the Balkans became part of the pan-European international system. First as an object, and then more and more of its subject. After the Berlin Congress, many Balkan countries gained independence, and during the First Balkan War, for the first time in history, the Balkan states acted together and independently, and not to support certain actions of the great powers. The Balkan allies were even called the “seventh great power”. However, at the same time, almost all the Balkan states experienced national disasters. Their return to Europe turned out to be incomplete and the lag behind the advanced part of the continent did not decrease either then, or in the interwar or post-war periods. It remains today, despite the accession of most of the Balkan countries to the European Union.
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Чланак представља анализу дешавања у вези са бомбардовањем кинеске амбасаде у Београду 1999. године. Аутор указује на хронологију дешавања и анализира политичке потезе заинтересованих страна. Посебну пажњу аутор је посветио политичким односима Народне Републике Кине и Сједињених Америчких Државе у периоду од маја до децембра 1999. године. Рад је писан на основу литературе, објављених докумената и извештаја релевантних институција и владиних агенција, као и извештаја новинских агенција.
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У раду се анализира извештавање, у то време, најтиражнијег београдског дневног листа „Вечерњих новости” о ратном учинку Војске Југославије током НАТО агресије 1999. године, а које је било део информационог рата. Посебан акценат је стављен на анализу навода о обореним ваздухопловима Северноатлантске алијансе.
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In this article the author analyses the relation between war and national identity in the case of the Serbs in the Republic of Srpska and the role that the civil war in B&H, in the period from 1992-1995, have had in the shaping of their national consciousness.It is emphasized that the biggest part of the history of the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina had been marked by numerous wars against foreign occupiers and centuries spent under the governance of foreign powers, which, beyond doubt, have had a strong influence on the Serb national identity. However, the author believes that the role of the civil war in B&H in the affirmation of the national identity of the Serbs in this region is specific when compared to the wars that happened before it; this war has created ethnic and territorial divisions in B&H, which had never existed in this region, and which have had a huge impact on the national identities of all peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including Serbs who live in the Republic of Srpska; apart from that, the most powerful countries in the Western civilisation have had important media, political, and military role in the war, which had a profound impact on the Serb community.
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The data from the reports of the Partisan units that took part in the battles against the Četnik forces in May 1945 indicate about 6000 dead, wounded and captured members of the Četnik movement. In addition, some other data from lower military levels reveal actual numbers of those who perished, were captured or wounded. The reports are convincing evidence of ferocity of confrontation in the battles that were still going on in Yugoslavia. The question as to whether the victors could have been restrained may be raised. However, this Yugoslav case is not an exception since the similar events were taking place all over Europe in 1945. Still, it is striking that the Partisan reports often put together the total numbers of the dead and captured members of the Četnik movement, and that captives were shot dead, although this may have not been a general rule. It is also obvious that the role that a specific unit played in crushing the main force under Draža Mihailović’s command was highlighted in the reports, which indicates the motives prevailing among the Partisan units and the revolutionary zeal after the victory and international recognition. The data from the reports of the Partisan units that took part in destroying the Četnik movement in the area between the Drina and the Sutjeska rivers in May 1945 are presented in this paper. Although the presented facts confirm the destruction of the Četnik main forces, they cannot be taken as final figures of the dead and captured among the members of the movement of Draža Mihailović. The data we are presenting in order that the number of victims should not be minimized or exaggerated, are, of course, just another brick in the wall built in pursuit of historical judgment that will bring us closer to the truth about these and other events in the World War II.
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Dušan Kovačević, a contemporary Serbian playwright better known for his comedies, gained further notoriety in 2009, when one of his dramas, Saint George Shoots the Dragon, was adapted into a film. This play describes the rather bleak fate of veterans from the Balkan Wars, who were faced with the paradoxical status of not being treated as heroes despite surviving the war, then being sent to die in the early days of the First World War. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the title and provide a satisfying explanation for the author’s choice of words: on the one hand, it focuses on the one appearance of Saint George as a character in a flashback from the First Balkan War and, on the other hand, on the dynamic between Gavrilo Vuković, one of the maimed survivors of the previous war and Đorđe Džandar, the village gendarme, who repeatedly lock horns over Katarina, Đorđe‘s wife. This love triangle also provides insight into the larger theme of the play, namely the mythization and demythization of heroism in Serbia.
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This paper presents events and facts concerning the establishment of the Republic of Srpska which was legalised and internationally and legally recognised in the Dayton Peace Agreement and in the Constitution of BH as a state-building entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Facts and events related to the creation of this state entity are given by criteria and principles of chronology as a supporting historical science, that is, following the time sequence of its creation and manifestations. The material thus presented, which is necessarily selective, clearly shows which social, historical and political processes caused and affected the genesis of the creation of Republika Srpska, that is, when and where they happened and who were their participants.
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Uglješa Šajtinac zeigt im Drama Das Banat (2007) das proble- matische Zusammenleben von Donauschwaben (Joseph, Erwin und Magdalena Wolf) und Serben (Dobrivoje, Đuđa, Svetislav) im Banat während des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Im Kontext von historischen Umwälzungen und politischen Konflikten versuchen die Figuren im Drama entweder die alte kollektive Identität zu bewahren oder eine neue zu bilden, und ihre Kohäsion mithilfe verschiedener Kategorien festzulegen: Geschlechts (Geschlechtsidentität), Territoriums (territoriale Identität), Klasse (ge- sellschaftsökonomische Identität), Religion (religiöse Identität), Nation (nationale Identität), sowie Politik (politische Identität) und Kultur (kulturelle Identität). Aus- gehend von der Theorie des britischen Historikers der Soziologie Anthony D. Smith (1939–2016), eines der Begründer der Nationalismusforschung, werden in diesem Aufsatz im Kontext des Chronotopos des besetzten Banats (1941–1945) unter- schiedliche Manifestationen der kollektiven Identität untersucht, mit dem Ziel, die Kohäsionskraft dieser Kategorien aufzuklären. Ergebnisse der Analyse zeigen dass Geschlecht, Territorium, Klasse und Nation nicht einen genügend starken Grad der Kohäsion aufzeigen und die Figuren, die auf diesen Kategorien ihre Identität auf- gebaut haben, könnten sich in den neuen Zeiten nicht erhalten, im Unterschied zu denen, die sich für Politik und Kultur entschieden haben, die die Grenzen der Zeit und des Raums überschreiten und eine stärkere Verbindung unter den Figuren her- stellen. So können Dobrivoje und seine Schwester als Kommunisten im neuen Staat fortleben, während andere Figuren sterben oder das Banat verlassen müssen, um eine neue Heimat in der Weite auszusuchen, in der die kulturellen Elemente wie Kunst (Film und Musik) und Fremdsprachen die Verbindung unter den Menschen sichern, trotz den ethnischen und anderen Unterschieden.
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The paper presents the report of members of the Sanitary Commission of the American Red Cross about the situation in Serbia and Macedonia in December 1915, prepared on the request of Lewis Einstein, chargé d’affaires of the American Embassy in Sofia. The members of the American mission pointed to a potential humanitarian disaster following the Bulgarian occupation and the need to implement urgent humanitarian measures in the occupied areas. The report is kept in the National Archives in Washington, as an annex to the letter sent to State Secretary Robert Lansing. Its importance is reflected in the fact that it sheds light on the circumstances in which the civilian population found themselves in the territory occupied by the Bulgarian army. However, the American doctors’ reports are perhaps all the more important as they significantly influenced further activities of the American Red Cross in war-torn Europe, particularly in Serbia during the First World War.
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This article analyzes the cause of Yugoslavia’s breakup, with special aim to debunk some myths on this subject, which have been propagated in the Western press. Chief objective is to assess Yugoslavia’s relationship to the western powers and the international financial community prior to the breakup. Author made considerable effort to measure the responsibility of these parties for the disintegration of order in Yugoslavia and for the later dissolution of the state. The author concludes that the IMF’s insistence on imposing austerity measures during the 1980s must be considered as one of the major reasons for the descent into ethnic violence and war. In addition, the governments of the western powers, notably Germany bear additional responsibility for encouraging the secession of Croatia and Slovenia during the period 1990-91. Accordingly, the western powers must bear a large part of the blame for the wars of 1991-99 and the associated humanitarian disaster that resulted.
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The paper discusses the withdrawal of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 and the crime committed against its servicemen on May 2 and 3, 1992 in Sarajevo’s city center, especially in Dobrovoljačka Street. The emphasis is placed on the original material that became publicly available after it was included in the files of the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991. The documents are available at the public court records database of the Hague Tribunal.
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Kosta Nikolic, Yugoslavia, last days (1989–1992), book 1: All Serbs in one states, Belgrade, Službeni glasnik, 2018, 530 pages.
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The study provides an overview of the crisis in Kosovo in the 1980s, which is analyzed from an economic, political and international perspective. The period from Tito’s death until the mid-1980s was characterized by growing discontent among the Albanian population and a gradual escalation of tensions in Kosovo. On the other hand, after the death of the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha on April 11, 1985, Ramiz Alija became the head of the Albanian Labor Party and Albania entered a new stage of internationalization of the problem of the situation of the Albanians in Yugoslavia. The negative phenomena and trends in the development of Tito’s Yugoslavia in its last decades and especially after the death of the Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito brought the country to a serious crisis. The contradictions in the Yugoslav society, the economic and political problems and the inter-ethnic tensions were exacerbated significantly and questioned the unity of the Yugoslav federation, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the future of the “Yugoslav model of socialism”. The general crisis in Yugoslavia, which encompassed the different areas of life found expression in the extreme aggravation of the economic, social, political and interethnic relations in Kosovo. The political processes, the exacerbation of the inter-ethnic relations, the developments in Kosovo and especially the introduced emergency measures had a negative effect on the international reputation of Yugoslavia. In the late 1980s the multinational Yugoslav federation faced the problem of its further existence.
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The paper is a view of the social environment in which there is a long-lasting lack of consensus on the condemnation of war crimes during the 1990s in the former state, stemming from Serbia's nationalist plans. By the judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to the political and military leaders of the Serbian people in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, the ideological context of the wars in the region has been revealed, which is why the resistance of Serbian political and intellectual elites to accept the truth about the consequences of the nationalist project, is still strong today. The paper touches the role of social elites in promoting and nurturing the nationalist course of society, through the pervasive propaganda and the construction of "crime pendants" against the Serbian people. The author understands the absence of social catharsis after the collapse of Serbia's war goals, as a consequence of a deeply rooted ideological program that is not itself complete after the wars. In this sense, it points to the strength of nationalist ideology that has accumulated energy even for the physical elimination of the leaders of the construction of a new morality of Serbian society after 2000, which would rest on facing the consequences of nationalist actions of the Serbian people.
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The problem of ensuring employment for war invalids came as one of the social consequences of World War I. The Yugoslav state had over 50.000 invalids who formally enjoyed certain forms of social benefits, including priority in employment. The actual state of affairs was quite different, however, and many companies and institutions regularly ignored the rights of invalids in this respect. The roots of this attitude lay in the social prejudices towards invalids prevalent in the rural and more traditional areas, and largely reflected in the views of the urban population. The theoretically undefined but omnipresent aversion to employing invalids was an unlawful but generally accepted form of repression exercised against this social group. The unwillingness of most employers to comply with the state’s social plans left invalids with very few job offers, resulting in a rapid deterioration of living standards for them and their families.
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Axis Powers have been with drawing in front of the Red Army on the Eastern front. In order to provide for military background Germany played more attention to war operations in Yugoslavia. On the other hand, those operations on Yugoslav territory that were conducted by Italy were slowed down, either intentionally or for lack of armament. This, in a wax, represented Italy’s revenge for Germany’s economic superiority. Slowing down of war operations provoked distrust and even more energetic bearing of Germany in relations with Italy as well as in fighting the National Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia. Italy kept insisting on mutual respect of demarcation line in Yugoslavia, drawn in 1941. Germany hold on to this agreement until 1943. when its troops advanced in so called Fifth Enemy offensive in May and June. The study provides a schedule of both sides as well as the multitude of their forces (129 000 against 18 000 men) in favor of Germany whose undertaking -fumed out to be a failure. German troops were now retreating the same way they had come - without acknowledging in to Italy which was soon to be in danger of being occupied by the Allies embarking in southern Italy. Another problem also came between the Axis partners-the chetniks’ operations against N.L.M. supported by Italy. Germany was determinately against using their troops in confronting the Partisans and made all efforts to disarm them. Italy backed up chetniks’ enterprises and protected them from German army while it ostensibly stood up for their disarmament.
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Civil war broke out in Serbia as a result of ideological, political and military differences between the national liberation movement (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) and the četnik movement (Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland), the latter headed by D. Mihailović. The conflict came at a moment when a large portion of territory had been liberated and the German command was preparing to retaliate by quenching the resistance. The coexistence and military cooperation of partisans and četniks was clouded by many misunderstandings and incidents from the start, and the outbreak of open hostility came as a logical consequence. Their conflict quickened and facilitated the crushing of the uprising, irreconcilably divided the two movements and prevented any cooperation between them until the end of the war, quickly spreading to other Serbian regions and leaving harsh consequences in both the number of civil and military victims and in the consciousness of the Serbian people by creating lasting ideological differences.
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