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Rok 1989 jako zažátek konce Jugoslávie – slovinská perspektiva

Author(s): Jure Gašparič / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/2021

The author examines the attitude of Slovenians to the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia since the late 1960s until the declaration of the independent Republic of Slovenia in 1991. He asks himself a question whether socialist Yugoslavia was indeed a state which Slovenians perceived as theirs, just like they had done in the case of the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and he observes how their identification with that state was changing over time, the reasons of the changes, and whether the loss of their loyalty caused the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation. He is looking for answers in public opinion polls which had been continually taking place in Slovenia since 1968 and conducted in a relatively fair manner, without political interventions, which is indeed a rarity in the context of socialist countries. Using their results, the author concludes that Slovenians viewed themselves as a natural part of the Yugoslav community until the late 1980s. This opinion was shared by a majority of Slovenia’s population, although many of them were not satisfied with Slovenia’s position in Yugoslavia, or their living standard at times of economic crises. It was only in 1989 that the opinion that Yugoslavia as a “country of many advantages” had run out of its potential and no longer offered good prospects for future prevailed among Slovenians. However, their attitudes reacting to accelerating changes both at home and abroad did not cause the disintegration of the common state. After 1991, Slovenians completely (and sometimes uncritically) identified themselves with independent Slovenia, and mostly (although rather declaratively) also with values of parliamentary democracy. The author’s exposition is preceded by an analysis of published sources on the disintegration of Yugoslavia and based on an extensive set of empirical data from public opinion polls in the form of tables.

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Etička dimenzija antiratnog pisma i poetike svjedočenja u romanu Istorija bolesti (1994) Tvrtka Kulenovića

Author(s): Elmir Spahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2022

Tvrtko Kulenović’s History of Illness (1994) belongs to the anti-war letter and poetics of testimony genres from late 20th-century Bosniak and Bosnian-Herzegovian literature. Although a novel, History of Illness depicts the evils of the 1992–1995 war, in which Sarajevo was besieged by the Yugoslav People’s Army and the Army of Republika Srpska. Kulenović writes from the position of victim, and advocates the idea of ethical engagement during the writing process, in which the narrative and existential selves merge. This paper uses the methodological bases of ethical literary criticism to prove the ethical dimension of the literary text.

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BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA NA RAZMEĐU - NOVA POLITIČKA PARADIGMA ILI AGONIJA ETNO-NACIONALNOG EKSKLUZIVITETA

Author(s): ISMET FATIH ČANČAR / Language(s): Bosnian,English Issue: 1/2022

European collective security has been fundamentally shaken by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In this context, Bosnia and Herzegovina is recognized as one of the most vulnerable points of the European security framework. This paper analyses the position of BiH in the wider context of regional Balkan security. Referring to the history of BiH in the 20th century and its relations with its neighbours, the analysis dives into the most important issues of security and stability of BiH in the struggle with two “Greater-state” projects: "Greater Serbia", today known as Srpski svet, and "Greater Croatia", indirectly, through the formation of the third Croat entity on the territory of BiH. The paper also analyses the geopolitical context of current events in Europe to explain how Russia's role fits into the background of BiH's Euro-Atlantic integration. This role is demonstrated through constant support to various Serb and Croat actors who are working to destabilize the political and territorial integrity of BiH. As such, the paper offers a new political paradigm as an alternative to the ethno-national exclusivity on which the Dayton Peace Agreement is based. The new political paradigm in BiH entails the formation of expanded capacities of the state that would make it self-sustainable and capable of independently fulfilling all its international obligations.

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Politike zaraćenih strana u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995: Prilog komparativnoj analizi počinjenih zločina

Author(s): Ermin Kuka / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 20/2022

Review of: Fikret Muslimović, Selmo Cikotić, Zločini u oružanoj agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1992-1995. godine, Udruženje za zaštitu tekovina borbe za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Sarajevo, 2021.

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РЕПУБЛИКА СРПСКА

Author(s): Rajko Kasagić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 4/2006

The constitution of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) from 1974 created the legal basis for transferring power from the federal to republic level, and even to the regional one. The elections at the federal level were not in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted at the session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1948. The constitutional amendments from 1988 gave the republics the complete authority over foreign policy. It was the last element necessary to create the ground for the republics to secede from SFRY. In addition, the republics were neither politically nor military willing to defend Yugoslavia despite the constitutional norms according to which whoever that did not respect the inalienable right and obligation to defend the integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia was considered and treated as a traitor. The final outcome of this unconstitutional disintegration of Yugoslavia were war conflicts and establishment of several ethnic countries, and after that, provoking further conflicts in those newly established countries which, as the Yugoslavian republics, were multinational (Serbia and Montenegro, Macedonia). Gordian knot has not been untied yet; the same stands for BosniaHerzegovina, the country consisting of two entities and three constitutional nations, although Bosnia-Herzegovina is being gradually directed towards the division into cantons, which was the part of Cutillero’s plan accepted by the Serbian representatives in 1992, a few months before the civil war broke out. It should be added that newly established multinational countries exist under the political protectorate of the United Nations, which is slightly more liberal in Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina, where one person is appointed as a protector by the Security Council.

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Tiltovo doba u aktuelnim bh. čitankam

Author(s): Nenad Veličković / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 2/2012

On the basis of three teaching units dealing with texts written by authors who participated in the World War II (on the Yugoslav Partisan side) I am trying to answer the following questions: in what way does the current education system, as compared to the previous one, treat the facts connected with their opus? Are these facts being used in the process of indoctrination? What TILTs are used in the above-mentioned process?

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Tabuji padajo - učimo se dialoga : LTI - Lingua Tertii Imperii in LIT - Lingua Imperii Titi

Author(s): Jože Dežman / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/2017

LIT—Lingua Imperii Titi is the deformed language of Titoism. With it, the communist minority tried to control the majority. In this article, it is emphasized on the examples of mass killing sites and graves that the Titoist elite is trying to conceal the crimes of Titoism, which is why most casualties of the Second World War and the revolution became taboo. LIT has falsely presented communists to be national heroes as the only heroes from the Partisan movement. LIT claims and emphasizes that a majority of the population followed Titoism. However, more than half of the casualties of the Second World War and the revolution became taboo, and Titoism repressed more than half of the population. Those who contributed to the fall of Titoism with non-violent resistance remained forgotten. The resistance of the threatened farmers in the village of Srednja vas in Bohinj is described as an example of the resistance of farmers.

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PROCESUIRANJE RATNIH ZLOČINA PRED NACIONALNIM SUDOVIMA U REGIONU - IZMEĐU MEĐUNARODNIH OBAVEZA I REAL POLITIKE

Author(s): Sabina Subašić-Galijatović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

The fight against impunity for war crimes is one of the basic principles of international law. The criminal prosecution of the perpetrators of these crimes stems from international obligations that states have for the purpose of establishing facts and truth as the basis for establishing the rule of law. The right to the truth as a basic guarantee against repetition, the obligation to prosecute serious crimes under international law and the right to a fair trial, the right to effective legal remedies and reparations, and the obligation to remember and memorialize, are obligations prescribed to states by numerous international legal instruments. A fundamental contribution to the fight against impunity for crimes committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the armed conflicts of the nineties of the twentieth century was made by the International Ad Hoc Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. His legal legacy is significant both in the field of determining responsibility for crimes and in the development of international law. With the strategy for ending the work of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the obligation to process war crimes was placed under the jurisdiction of the national courts of the countries in the region. The judicial authorities in the region, with the support of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Courts, the successor of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, took on the responsibility of prosecuting war crimes committed during the armed conflicts of the 1990s in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and for this purpose specialized departments were established courts and prosecutor's offices for processing war crimes. However, numerous suspects of high or middle military and civilian chain of command who participated in crimes, most of which were committed on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and for which their superiors were convicted before the Hague Tribunal, have not yet been prosecuted, that is, the sentences have been carried out. The national courts in the region, which have the obligation to ensure the implementation of the international principle of the fight against impunity and to continue the work of the international judiciary, have proven to be ineffective in that area, if not in the service of realpolitik. Numerous high-ranking war crime suspects avoid criminal responsibility by fleeing to neighboring countries where they have or have acquired dual citizenship. By abusing the institution of extradition, impunity has been granted to those suspected of serious violations of international law. In addition, by unfoundedly applying the institute of universal jurisdiction in the prosecution of war crimes, national courts not only ignore the jurisprudence of international courts, but also contribute to the revisionism of established facts. The lack of regional cooperation in the prosecution of war crimes, despite numerous agreements signed for this purpose, the non-recognition of judgments of the courts of neighboring states in the region, are problems that continue to prevent the acceptance of facts and truth as the basis of a guarantee of non-repetition. Moreover, the facts established in the judgments before the international judiciary are the subject of institutional denial and revisionism in the territories of the states of the former Yugoslavia that participated in armed conflicts in the 90s. Negationism and revisionism, deeply institutionally rooted in the post-war societies of the former Yugoslavia, their toleration and approval, as well as the ineffective work of the national judiciary, led to the phenomenon of glorification of crimes and war criminals in the region. Through the reports of relevant international and national institutions and examples from court practice, this work aims to point out the obligations and key shortcomings in the work of national courts in the region of the former Yugoslavia and the problems of regional cooperation in the prosecution of war crimes.

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PËRTEJ DISKURSIT MEDIKAL: NJË QASJE ANTROPOLOGJIKE NDAJ PËRJETIMIT TË HUMBJES SË FËMIJËVE TË ZHDUKUR NË KOSOVËN E PASLUFTËS

Author(s): Rozafa BERISHA / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 52/2022

The Kosovo war of 1998-1999, has had an enduring impact particularly for those whose loved ones are still missing. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article focuses on how the parents of the missing experience and cope with their loss fifteen years after the war. What is at the center of my argument is how medical models often emphasize bodily symptoms and experiences of loss rather than how this is socially constructed. Therefore, the article pays attention to the context, local practices and patterns of experiencing and coping with loss as well and the manner in which this appear to us not through some distinct action, but from the everyday life of people. The article aims to bring a more complex and diverse reality by discussing three individual stories and efforts: striving for recognition and compensation, memorization, and silence. These three stories are analyzed within the context of post-war Kosovo as well as through the axes of socioeconomic and gender, which together give direction to the narratives and practices undertaken to cope with the loss.

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Dayton Peace Agreement and Political Reforms in the Context of the Transition of Bosnian-Herzegovinian Society

Author(s): Hoda Dedić / Language(s): English Issue: 2 (20)/2020

In the post-Dayton political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, some important reforms have been implemented. They have contributed to stability and supported the institution-building process. In the process of implementing reforms over the past 25 years, significant influence has been exercised through the actions of the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU Special Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Decisions and laws imposed by the High Representatives on the basis of the so-called Bonn powers, in the first years since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, established essential elements of Bosnian statehood. Since the announcement of the closure of the Office of the High Representative in 2006, the exercise of the Bonn powers has been radically reduced. This resulted in a slowdown in the process of implementing internal reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Political and technical assistance of the institutions of the international community remains to be necessary.

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Responsibility of the United Nations for peacekeeping operations: recent developments in dual attribution

Author(s): Petra Kocen / Language(s): English Issue: 1 (19)/2020

This article critically examines the existing practice on the topic of responsibility for the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. Peacekeeping is a tool that has encountered many changes during the past few decades. It has developed into an instrument that can be authorized to use force beyond self-defense in a high-risk environment with limited consent by the Host State. This increased authorization to use force has also brought about an increased risk for potential wrongdoings by peacekeepers and has highlighted the issue of UN responsibility. It has long been the practice of the Organization to assume exclusive responsibility for peacekeeping operations. Yet, due to its broad immunities and other jurisdictional issues, this largely remains a theoretical concept. As a way around this stand-still, cases have been filed at national courts of troop-contributing States. In the recent judgment of Mothers of Srebrenica, the Supreme Court of The Netherlands had issued a ruling in which The Netherlands was found partially responsible for their actions. This brings to question the fairness of the current situation in which only one actor out of the two involved on a peacekeeping mission accepts its share of responsibility.

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25 Years After the Dayton Peace Agreement – Way Ahead

Author(s): Zijad Bećirović / Language(s): English Issue: 1 (19)/2020

2020 marks the 25th anniversary of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, known as the Dayton Peace Agreement. While over the period of 25 years the agreement has preserved its basic elements, through the arbitration award on Brčko, interventions (decisions) of the High Representative of the international community (OHR) and decisions of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina it has also underwent significant changes. Although the general observation is that the Dayton Peace Agreement stopped the war and brought peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina, its insufficiencies became apparent through the establishment of an unfunctional state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which aspires to become an EU and NATO member. Development of a rationally organized and functional rule-of-law state is one of the key requirements of its admission into EU. Therefore, the reform of the political organization of BiH is possible only within the framework of fulfillment of conditions for integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into EU membership. The constitutional changes represent the foundation and solution for progress of BiH in all segments of society from which changes in other segments of the BiH society could continue.

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The International Community and the European Union in the Western Balkans: from ‘Disinterest’ to ‘Active Participation’

Author(s): Jana Arbeiter,Boštjan Udovič / Language(s): English Issue: 2 (15)/2016

This article’s intention is to frame the debate on the role of the international community and the European Union in the Western Balkans. The article deals mostly with the historical facts in concepts that were developed in the Balkans; starting with the role of the Ottoman empire, which traces can be found in the Balkans still today and going through the bloody 20th century wars – from WWI and WWII to the Balkan wars, which deeply penetrated the modern structure and thinking in, on and about the Western Balkans. The article finishes with a short analysis of the international community’s activities in the Western Balkans that presents the pillars for the following debate in the following articles.

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ENHANCING COMMUNITY SECURITY IN POST-DAYTON BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA. THE IMPACT OF IDENTITY POLITICS ON EUROPEAN STATE-BUILDING STRATEGIES

Author(s): George Horațiu Bontea / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Bosnia and Herzegovina have progressed extremely well in the last few years on its path towards the European Union. The latest success was represented by the opening of the accession negotiations after they successfully improved their compliance with the political criteria. But their EU membership is still far away, and they need to confront major challenges. The goal of this paper is to analyze the level of community security by looking at the influence of identity politics in both the internal political life of Bosnia and the European Union's state-building strategy during Ursula von der Leyen’s Commission. This paper answers the question of a new Dayton Agreement to be worked upon by the political leadership from BiH and together with the European incentives. By looking at the rhetoric of several levels of leadership in both national and European dimensions, this paper outlines the impact of ethnic discrimination as the key factor that affects the European integration process. As a result, it could be argued that if BiH wants to achieve membership, it clearly needs to create a new constitutional framework that goes beyond ethnic narratives, reduces the interests of political elites, and needs the support of actors such as the High Representative.

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The Rambouillet Conference and NATO Intervention in Kosovo

Author(s): Driton Tiku / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2024

Kosovo was separated from Albania after the London Conference of 1913 and fell under Serbian rule, so the plight of the Kosovo Albanians was unparalleled, especially during the relentless uprisings because the Serbian violence and brutality towards Albanians in Kosovo was immense. The Kosovo War and the intervention of NATO on March 24, 1999 is a historic date for Kosovo and the entire Albanian people. March 24th is known for the decision of NATO and the Alliance, led by the sole superpower in the world, the United States of America, to bomb and destroy Serbian positions. This was a historic bombing decision that changed the history of the Balkans after 78 days, towards a Balkans of peace, freedom, and security, without dictatorial leaders.

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Uvod u Jugoslaviju, Dejan Jović

Author(s): Dragan Đukanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2024

Iako je nestala pre duže od tri decenije,socijalistička Jugoslavija i dalje na brojne načine zaokuplja pažnju brojnih istraživača. Pored različitih pogleda na razdoblje njene disolucije od početka 90-ih godina prošlog veka,sve se, zapravo, intenzivnije razmatraju i brojni segmenti i okviri njenog postojanja, premda neretko u društvima koja, i pored toga što svoje pravne, ustavnopravne i legitimacijske temelje crpe iz perioda njenog postojanja, počivaju via facti na dubinskoj negaciji svih krucijalnih dostignuća druge jugoslovenske države (1945‒1991). Zapravo u tom smislu i na tom predominantnom diskursu odrastaju i edukuju se brojne postjugoslovenske generacije mladih u svim državama nastalim na njenom tlu. Takođe, u brojnim državama koje su upravo nastale na području nekadašnje Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije osporava se i bilo kakvo posmatranje ovog prostora u smislu konstituisanja zasebnih regionalnih studija i komparativnog promatranja njihovih unutrašnjih sistema, međusobnih odnosa i brojnih zajedničkih karakteristika.

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Schools and Cultural Centers as De- tention Sites in the Territory of the Self-Proclaimed Republic of Srpska During the Aggression Against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995)

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

During the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992- 1995), the authorities of the self-proclaimed Republic of Srpska (RS) committed numerous crimes, including genocide against Bosniaks. In pursuit of their territorial goals, the RS political leadership established numerous camps and detention facilities, often using schools and cultural centers for this purpose. These facilities, once centers of education and culture, were transformed into sites of mass atrocities, torture, and killings of civilians. This paper explores the systematic nature, scope, and mass scale of crimes committed in these facilities, with a particular focus on the Srebrenica genocide in July 1995, as well as the crimes in Prijedor and Zvornik during 1992. The paper provides an overview of schools and cultural centers as detention sites for Bosniaks and Croats in around 25 other municipalities that came under RS control in the spring and summer of 1992. Additionally, the paper highlights how the RS treats this past inadequately and how these schools and the now mostly destroyed cultural centers, often glorify the perpetrators of these crimes, rather than commemorating the victims. The aim of this research is to contribute to the proper memorialization of these crimes and to raise awareness among present and future generations about the importance of confronting legally adjudicated and historically established facts.

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Kob Monaha Save

Author(s): Rusmir Mahmutćehajić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 95-96/2024

Miloš Vučević, izabrani predsjednik Vlade Republike Srbije, posjetio je 4. maja 2024. godine patrijarha Porfirija sa željom da mu izloži namjere u svom političkom djelovanju. O tome susretu objavio je na društvenim mrežama: Radujem se što sam svoj prvi zvanični sastanak u funkciji predsednika Vlade Srbije, dan uoči najvećeg i najradosnijeg hrišćanskog praznika, obavio upravo sa Njegovom Svetosti, Patrijarhom srpskim G. G. Porfirijem. Nakon sadržajnog razgovora, zatražio sam od NJ. S. blagoslov za obavljanje jedne od najodgovornijih funkcija u državi. Patrijarh Porfirije mi je, uz očinski blagoslov, darovao ikonu Svetog Save, oca Srpske duhovnosti, prvog i najvećeg srpskog prosvetitelja, osnivača naše Crkve, simbola sabornosti Crkve, države i naroda; uz poruku da koračamo njegovim stazama i da gradimo nasušno i svima potrebno jedinstvo. Srpska pravoslavna crkva je jedna od najvažnijih institucija srpskog naroda. Ona je očuvala nacionalnu svest tokom viševekovnog ropstva, u velikoj meri je gradila identitet, ostajala i u onim krajevima gde prerogativa državne vlasti nije bilo, očuvala narod i sa njim zajedno stradala.

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BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: THE PERILS AND PITFALLS OF MEMORIALIZATION IN DIVIDED POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES

Author(s): Goran Šimić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Transitional justice has viewed memorialization primarily through its capacity to support societies in their efforts cope with a difficult past. Memorials can be sites of public mourning, outlets for grief and terrain where memories of the past can be confronted. Yet, memorialization is a contested and divisive social and political process in societies that are recovering from identity-based intrastate conflicts. The immense symbolism of memorials is deployed to construct exclusive identities, underline ethnic differences, mark territory and to provoke in a manner that can impede inter-group reconciliation. This paper examines the perils of memorialization in Bosnia and Herzegovina and analyzes the causes and manifestations of competitive memorialization among the country’s three largest ethnic communities. It argues that legally binding regulation on the construction of memorials can be a feasible strategy to encounter the problems they pose on divided post-conflict societies.

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LA CONSTITUTION ET LE SYSTÈME ÉLECTORAL DISCRIMINATOIRE EN BOSNIE-HERZÉGOVINE

Author(s): Merima Mustafić / Language(s): French Issue: 37/2024

This contribution addresses the weaknesses of the electoral system and the constitutional text of Bosnia and Herzegovina, inherited from the 1995 Dayton Agreement. Although the Agreement helped to secure peace after the 1992-1995 conflict, it reinforced ethnic divisions within state institutions, leading to systemic human rights violations. Several judgments of the European Court of Human Rights have condemned these violations, but the necessary reforms have not yet been carried out, leaving essential human rights and democracy issues unresolved.

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