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Podijeljena prošlost za podijeljenu budućnost!? Rat 1992-1995. u aktuelnim bosanskohercegovačkim udžbenicima historije

Author(s): Melisa Forić Plasto / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2019

The article is questioning the content of the contemporary history textbooks in Bosnia and Herzegovina about the war 1992-1995 as the topic which became part of the curricula in Bosnia and Herzegovina again after the 18 years long break. Diversity of approach in interpretation of the character of the war as well as the representations of the war crimes and mass atrocities are continuing to deepen the divisions between the children of school age.

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Uloga medija u satanizaciji srpskog naroda tokom građanskog rata u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Milovan Milutinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 5/2013

Politics and the media will never have a relationship which would be equally suited to both. The phenomena of negative symbiosis, which have occurred quite often in recent years, encourage the dysfunction of the political and media systems. Massive abuse of the media by political powers is present by means of blurring, hindering and even blocking of the processes of objective reporting and qualified decision-making about events. During the civil war in BH, media reports were limited; information and facts were censored; the truth of events was produced, blurred or hidden through manipulation and disinformation; which prevented and/or completely limited the freedom of information and expression of truthful information. Powerful circles blocked the channels for the flow of information which came from the Serbian side, while many journalists employed by the western agencies were acting contrary to the journalistic code of practice, partially reporting on events and thus choosing a side in the BH conflict, while the Serbian side was slurred and constantly and uniformly satanised in the international public.

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Грађански рат у БиХ и српски национални идентитет

Author(s): Jelena Vukoičić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2012

In this article the author analyses the relation between war and national identity in the case of the Serbs in the Republic of Srpska and the role that the civil war in B&H, in the period from 1992-1995, have had in the shaping of their national consciousness.It is emphasized that the biggest part of the history of the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina had been marked by numerous wars against foreign occupiers and centuries spent under the governance of foreign powers, which, beyond doubt, have had a strong influence on the Serb national identity. However, the author believes that the role of the civil war in B&H in the affirmation of the national identity of the Serbs in this region is specific when compared to the wars that happened before it; this war has created ethnic and territorial divisions in B&H, which had never existed in this region, and which have had a huge impact on the national identities of all peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including Serbs who live in the Republic of Srpska; apart from that, the most powerful countries in the Western civilisation have had important media, political, and military role in the war, which had a profound impact on the Serb community.

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KONCEPTI UJEDINJENJA I SARADNJE AUTONOMNE REGIJE KRAJINA I SRPSKE AUTONOMNE OBLASTI KRAJINA 1991. I 1992. GODINE

Author(s): Mujo Begić,Jasmin Medić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 11/2024

The authors of this paper analyze the relationship between the two regions from their unilateral declarations until the second half of 1992. The Serbian Autonomous Region of Krajina (later the Republic of Serbian Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first, as formal-legal successors of municipal communities, to be unilaterally formed autonomous regions based on ethnic principles in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Both were proclaimed by unilateral decisions of the republican organizations of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) both in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina before Slovenia and Croatia declared independence. Immediately after these declarations, politicians from both Krajinas analyzedand publicly presented their views on the future status of the newly formed regions. One of the options was the unification of these two regions into one administrative unit or state, with the most prominent advocates being the leading politicians from both regions. In order to justify the formation of such an administrative unit, reports were published on the necessity of its formation as a separate entity within the “fragmented Yugoslavia” or Greater Serbian state. However, the question arose of how much such unification would diminish the influence of SDS political leaders from Bosnia and Herzegovina and who would actually be the new national leader among the Serbs west of the Drina River? This question, as it turned out, burdened the entire relationship between the political and military leadership in both the Republic of Srpska (RS) and the Republic of Serbian Krajina (RSK) in various phases of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Despite disagreements and different positions on the unification of the two Krajinas and the question of their status, political and military cooperation was unquestionable in the first two years of aggression against the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Cooperation was particularly intense in the second half of 1992 when the 1st and 2nd Krajina Corps of the Army of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/Army of the Republic of Srpska, in cooperation with the police structures of the RSK and the Serbian Army of Krajina (SAK), were jointly tasked with implementing the Six Strategic Goals of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/Republic of Srpska. This cooperation was particularly evident in the “battle for establishing the corridor” between Krajina and Semberija as the Second Strategic Goal, or joint action in Operation “Corridor '92”. In this paper, we will analyze the period from the end of 1990 and the first half of 1991 when the unilateral declarations of the Serbian Autonomous Region of Krajina and the Community of Municipalities of Bosnian Krajina (ZOBK), later ARK, occurred, until September 1992 when the decision was made to cease the existence of autonomous regions in the RS. This is the period when mass atrocities were committed against Bosniak and Croatian civilian populations in the RSK and RS. In the second half of 1991, the Bosnian Krajina was a direct war zone from which units of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) carried out aggressive operations against Croatia, and in 1992, it became a symbol of crimes against civilians in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Areas under Serbian control became “ethnically cleansed”, and Bihaü, as a city under continuous military action from the RS and RSK military forces, became one of the symbols of the siege. The question arises as to whether the strategic goals of the RS could have been realized if the two Krajinas had not closely cooperated? This is precisely one of the questions we will answer. In order to answer such and similar questions, an analysis of the role of military and police structures of both regions is necessary, both in crimes and in military operations in the Bihaü region.

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ULOGA VRHOVNOG SAVETA ODBRANE SAVEZNE REPUBLIKE JUGOSLAVIJE U AGRESIJI NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 11/2024

In this paper, we analyze the role and activities of the Supreme Defense Council (SDC) of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) according to the Constitution of FRY from 1992. The decision to establish the FRY, encompassing Serbia and Montenegro, as well as the provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, represented a continuation of the political and territorial restructuring of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), as well as a basis for further military and political actions aimed at realizing expansionist project. Through the establishment of the SDC and its role in managing the military, especially during the period of aggression, it is evident how political decisions directly influenced military operations, as well as the international position and sanctions that followed in response to the aggressive policy of the FRY. SDC sessions were important for making decisions on military issues, including the appointment, promotion, and dismissal of officers, as well as decisions on military activities. Analysis of SDC session transcripts reveals details about FRY's military involvement in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the formation of the so-called Army of Republika Srpska (VRS). SDC members, the President of FRY, and the Presidents of Serbia and Montenegro, along with other attendees including the Minister of Defense and the Chief of the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army (VJ), actively participated in military matters and decision-making. This paper also explores the role of FRY in the wars in the former Yugoslavia during the early 1990s, with a particular focus on its relationship with the self-proclaimed Republika Srpska (RS) and participation in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through the lens oflogistical, military, and comprehensive support provided by FRY, including attempts to conceal the involvement of military personnel through the 30th Personnel Center, we shed light on its direct involvement in military operations that had a decisive impact on the course of the war. Despite efforts to conceal the role of FRY and its structures in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, documents and SDC transcripts reveal enough evidence confirming FRY's crucial role in the preparation, support, and execution of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina through RS. The SDC organized and supported activities aimed at supporting the VRS and other military formations, often with a conspiratorial approach. Discussions at SDC sessions covered funding for the VRS, logistics, organization of soldier training, and defense strategy. Military operations, as well as political and military relations within Bosnia and Herzegovina, were particularly analyzed. ,, Controversial topics “ such as arming the population in Serbia and crimes committed against Bosniaks in Sandžak and Bosnia and Herzegovina were also discussed at the sessions. Relations with the political leaderships of RS and the Republic of Serbian Krajina (RSK), as well as reactions to losses and defeats, were also important topics at SDC sessions. The sessions also included analysis of political and military events and presentations of the views of FRY President Slobodan Milošević on peace negotiations, military operations, and territorial goals achieved. SDC transcripts provide insight into Slobodan Milosevics acknowledgment of the involvement of the State Security Service (SDB) in the formation, arming, and support of „paramilitary units “ sent to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to the direct involvement of VJ in the aggression, plans for joint military operations were extensively documented, aiming to create a ,, united state of the Serbian people “. Key figures, such as Ratko Mladić, who were in VRS, remained members of VJ even after the aggression. The SDC continued to exist until 2001 but lost its significance compared to the period from its establishment to the end of 1995.

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Krivnja, odgovornost, Jaspers i Moltmann: Etičko-teološka refleksija o rezoluciji i genocidu u Srebrenici

Author(s): Franjo Ninić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 20/2024

Politička i medijska scena u BiH i regiji je u prvoj polovici 2024. bila preplavljena prijeporima oko najavljene rezolucije Opće skupštine UN-a o genocidu u Srebrenici, a i s time povezanim etičkim temama krivnje i odgovornosti. Glasovanje o predloženoj rezoluciji na Općoj skupštini Ujedinjenih nacija provedeno je 20. svibnja 2024. s 84 glasa za, 19 glasova protiv i 68 uzdržanih, od ukup no 193 članice Ujedinjenih naroda. Osnovna intencija Rezolucije sadržana je u točci jedan: Opća skupština odlučuje proglasiti 11. srp nja Međunarodnim danom sjećanja i komemoracije genocida u Srebrenici 1995. godine, koji će se obilježavati svake godine. Reakcije na Rezoluciju mogu se podijeliti u dva suprotstavljena tabora: Prvi je onaj tabor koji je rezoluciju i predložio, dakle BiH i 21 zemlja kao kosponzori predloženoga teksta, koji u bitnome poziva svjetsku javnost i države da se obvežu na institucionalno obilježavanje ili memoriranje 11. srp nja kao dana sjećanja na genocid u Srebrenici i da se UN, kao i sve njezine članice, barem deklarativno – što je u svojoj biti i sama rezolucija – obvežu na to da se genocid, presuđen na međunarodnom sudu i sudu UN-a, ne smije negirati. U smislu izgradnje pozitivne kulture sjećanja i naglašavanja poučavanja o genocidu, rezolucija bi trebala pridonijeti onomu što se naziva čiš ćenjem pamćenja, liječenjem rana i konačnom pomirenju na postkonfl iktnom prostoru Zapadnoga Balkana.

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ULOGA MEĐUNARODNIH PRESUDA O BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI U GEOPOLITIČKIM PROMJENAMA

Author(s): Dženana Karup Druško / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 12/2024

The verdicts of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Courts and the International Court of Justice determined the role and goals of Serbia and Croatia in the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but did not lead to (expected) political and security implications on the international level, which made it possible for Serbia and Croatia to implement policies and goals towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in various ways until today, which were judged as criminal in The Hague. This was a message to others that it is permissible to disobey the judgments of the United Nations Court in The Hague, and therefore the Charter of the United Nations, UN resolutions, international conventions and international humanitarian law, i.e. that it is permissible to collapse the values learned as lessons after the Second World War on which the United Nations and later the European Union were built. The mistakes of the international community made during and after the conflict in the former Yugoslavia - firstly due to the West's lenient attitude towards the policies of Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tuđman, when the West showed its impotence (and inability) to stop mass crimes on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and then to harmonize its policies with international judgments and build policies towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in accordance with them - they were not used to learn lessons from the conflict in the Balkans. Non-compliance with international judgments, in which the criminal policies of Zagreb and Belgrade towards Bosnia and Herzegovina were decisively determined and judged due to large-state projects (greater Croatia and greater Serbia), which were realized with massive violations of human rights, led to the fact that they are being repeated today in the Balkans in new security crises (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo), but also in Vladimir Putin's policy and Russian aggression against Ukraine. In the annexation of Crimea, Vladimir Putin used a modus operandi identical to one used by Slobodan Milošević in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo (which also caused two NATO interventions, and which was confirmed in the judgments of the ICTY and the Mechanism). The West perceived the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina through victims and crimes, completely ignoring the causes as well as the political and security aspects of that conflict, which were established in the judgments of the ICTY, and which will also play a role in geopolitical changes. Everything that will later be recognized in research and official documents of Western (security) institutions and organizations as Russia's new ways of warfare that threaten international security (and order), began to be investigated more seriously only after the Russian occupation of Crimea in 2014 - the covert participation of one state in conflicts in the second, warfare with the aim of hiding real political goals, the operation of the so-called paramilitary formations, the role of the media (propaganda and information operations), diplomacy, the Church, myths and propaganda today recognized as disinformation and fake news - it is factually established in the judgments of the ICTY and the Mechanism in the policies of Serbia and Croatia towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, that is, through their participation in the international conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Disrespecting the judgments of the highest international courts - the courts of the United Nations, but also subordinating justice to (any) peace and security, the policy of stabilocracy (regardless of the fact that, according to many, this is a “recipe for an unstable Balkans”), support for ethnic policies that in the 1990s led to conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and politicians whose attitudes are fa r from democratic but dangerously close to post-fascist, along with other changes that have taken place in the world since the end of the Cold War, lead to new divisions of the world and the collapse of liberal democracy, which confirms the strengthening of right-wing organizations and political parties, populism, the danger of extreme radicalism, terrorism and militarization of the whole world in which the ”production of death” becomes the most profitable industry.

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Šutnja u kamenu Memorijalizacija nasilja među zajednicama u zemlji bratstva i jedinstva

Author(s): Max Bergholz / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 53/2024

Why do silences about intercommunal violence emerge and does their subsequent breaking lead to reconciliation in divided communities? By telling two stories of monuments built in northwest Bosnia after World War II, and the radical changes made to them since the war of 1992-1995, this local history poses a question of global significance: Can memorials to the violent past ever create a “just memory,” whereby they recall both our humanity and inhumanity, as well as both the humanity and inhumanity of “others” whom we may still see as enemies?

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Prilog istraživanju ratne škole u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995.

Author(s): Melisa Forić Plasto / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 53/2024

The paper presents a picture of the transformation of the school system during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 on the basis of available sources and literature, as well as personal experiences of the teaching staff processed through the method of oral history. During the war, the education system of Bosnia and Herzegovina underwent a transformation from a unified and centralized system to a form of decentralized systems based on the ethno-national principles promoting divisions. The process of creating educational systems that are fundamentally uninational in character and in which, through new legal regulations, values are particularized to one dominant nation, during the war years created the basis of education policies that will remain in the post-war Bosnian society as well. In the conditions of war and complete destruction, schooling was organized as a way of survival and contributing to the socialization of children, and the bearers of these processes were teachers. Thanks to their experiences, it is possible to get to know the human dimension of schooling, the one that happened every day in local environments, school buildings or improvised facilities, which is the focus of this paper.

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Stara muslimanska mezarja u Lužnici i Podvincima kod Visokog: stanje mezarja i mjere zaštite

Author(s): Mubera Pulo / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2024

In the urban part of the town of Visoko, as well as in the wider area of Visoko, very few cultural and historical monuments from the Ottoman period have been preserved in their original form. These primarily consist of sacred architecture, mosques and turbets, that lack the authentic appearance from the time of their creation. Only the old Muslim cemeteries with their old nišans have preserved their original appearance. The three old cemeteries that are the subject of this paper: “Tekija” / “Na tekiji” and “Šehidova / Šetova luka” in the settlement of Lužnica and “Piromansko” / “Radovan” cemeteries in Podvinci, are on the list of petitions to be declared national monuments of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The decision regarding the implementation of the spatial plan of the municipality of Visoko for the period from 2014 to 2034 includes, in the category of Significant Localities and Architectural Units from the Ottoman Period, another 28 old Muslim cemeteries that should be protected (Official Gazette of the Municipality of Visoko, No. 5/2015). Due to their antiquity, monumental, cultural-historical and artistic values, five cemeteries in the territory of the municipality of Visoko are registered in Category I of protected cultural-historical monuments, eight cemeteries are in Category II, and sixteen cemeteries are in Category III. Two cemeteries – the ones next to the Tabhan Mosque, together with the mosque itself, and the harem with nišans next to the old mosque in Goduša, have been selected national monuments of Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2003 and 2016, respectively. In the light of the above, it is necessary to conduct a study on the possibility and justification of nominating five more cemeteries from Category I in the territory of the municipality of Visoko for inclusion on the list of national monuments of BiH. This is supported by the fact that one of the Category I cemeteries has already been declared a national monument (the old cemetery next to the mosque in Goduša), while another is on the Provisional List of National Monuments of BiH (the cemetery next to the Alaudin Kebir / Šadrvanska mosque). This nomination would help protect the cemetery with the old nišans from devastation and deterioration, as well as from the unscrupulous attitudes of individuals toward this valuable cultural heritage.

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Strani utjecaji na islam u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1995. godine

Author(s): Juan Carlos Antunez Moreno / Language(s): Bosnian,English Issue: 2/2024

This paper describes the historical role of Islam as the majority religion in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the predominantly Christian religion in Europe. A special focus was placed on the activities of the Islamic Community in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the recent war and peace in the struggle to preserve the Islamic tradition of Bosniaks against the foreign influence of some radical elements of "Salefism" and "Wahhabism". Not ignoring the external criticism of some international and local media, as well as the criticism of some voices from within the Islamic community itself, of the leaders of the Islamic community because they were not alert enough about foreign influence, the author recognizes that they nevertheless faced the challenge of foreign influence on the Islamic tradition of Bosniaks wisely and responsibly in a way to ensure the unity and stability of the Islamic community as well as the Bosnian society as a whole. Therefore, the author concludes that the example of supreme Islamic leadership could play a constructive role as a bridge builder between the Islamic world and Christianity in Europe. For Bosnian Muslims belong to Europe geographically, historically and culturally. It is the sense of the author of this paper that Bosnia has been practicing Islam in its own way for centuries. Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina have a long history of multicultural society. They are proof that Islam, as it is understood and practiced in Bosnia, has its legitimate place in Europe, against those who claim that Islam is not compatible with European civilization.

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Destrukcija kao stimulans za nove oblike kreativnosti: Umjetnost i kultura u vrijeme opsade Sarajeva

Author(s): Asja Mandić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2023

Through insight into the cultural events that marked the period of the siege of Sarajevo (1992-1995), which were a phenomenon not only because of the number of events held and the unprecedented attendance, but also due to their improvised creativity and innovation, the question arises as to how the city continued to live, not only in the face of the negation of everything that made it urban, but also in maintaining civilizational values. The art events enabled its citizens an escape from the everyday life of the siege, but also created places where social space was produced, places that revived the notion of the city as a place of meeting, social interaction and communication. Their emancipatory character in social, even political aspect, is being observed through the Foucault’s concept of “other places” or heterotopias, as well as through the creation of micro communities that played a significant part in revitalization of social body as well as humanizing the reality of war.

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BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AS A COMMUNITY OF THREE CONSTITUTIVE PEOPLES ON A CONFEDERATE BASIS (ON CROATIAN POLICIES TOWARD BIH DURING THE CROATIAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE)

Author(s): Ante Nazor / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

This work presents the issue of the Croatian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from 1990 to 1996. In regard to the sources required to form an understanding of and being able to contextualize the Croatian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is important to single out the contents of the meeting held in the Office of the President of Croatia on May 11, 1993. On that occasion, President Tuđman spoke about “the problems relating to the Croatian-Muslim conflicts in Bosnia”, about continued existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and about Bosnia and Herzegovina’s internal system of governance. The meeting was closed to the public and was held immediately after the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) had launched an attack on the Croatian Defense Council (HVO) in Mostar. In the concluding segment of this work key facts about the role of the Republic of Croatia and Croats in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina are laid out in chronological order. These facts should not be ignored in scholarly analyses about the Croatian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period under discussion.

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THE SENTIMENTS OF CROATIAN HOMELAND WAR VETERANS TOWARDS WARTIME COMRADES, FAMILIES, AND SOCIETY IN GENERAL, 30 YEARS AFTER THE WAR

Author(s): Igor Mikloušić,Sandra Šućurović / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

The reintegration of veterans into civil society after military experience presents a challenge for individuals and governments alike, with social ties and institutional support being key factors in facilitating this transition. To gain insight into how the Croatian Homeland War veterans coped with these challenges 30 years after the war, we conducted semistructured focus groups (N = 17). We explored how connected they feel to the different segments of society, such as their families, comrades, other Homeland War participants, and other citizens of Croatia and Europe, and the quality of communication with relevant institutions and decision-makers. The findings attest to lasting feelings of cohesion among veterans who have shared their warpath and experiences, the importance of veteran organisations, and the supportive effect of their families. Corrupt policies, resulting in a hyperinflated number of declared veterans who haven't been subject to wartime experiences, hinder a broader connection between veterans. The institutions mainly provide adequate support.

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Bespovijesno vrijeme Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Semir Halilović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 3/2024

With the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina entered its ahistorical, critical existential phase of its own historical arc. The possibility for the country to fully integrate within the walls of the European Union within a decade or two melted over time in front of the realpolitik of the West, which left Bosnia and Herzegovina in the form of a fragile state so that in the future it could serve as a currency of regional adjustment. To date, global political leaders have not provided a credible argument that would confirm, without calculation, that they really want to introduce Bosnia and Herzegovina into the community of European states in the same framework as it was accepted into the United Nations. The reasons for this positioning oscillate between global support for the idea of forming three large states of Southeastern Europe, on the one hand, and the need to contain the Muslim political factor, on the other. Both policies have their strong ethnic advocates within Bosnia and Herzegovina itself, which, as a territorially divided and socially xenophobic state, is deprived of its own capacities to participate in its own destiny. Therefore, today's Bosnia and Herzegovina is at an existential minimum, surviving as a country in which the only political blueprint of the advocates of its survival is hope, which, as in all places without an organized future, represents the refuge of the weak. From 1995 to today, hope in the Dayton peace has been waning for decades. while at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, at the time of the beginning of the restructuring of the global political order, there was no complete sobering up regarding its perniciousness. For those familiar with arguments and realpolitik, there was no doubt since 1993 and at the latest by 1995 that the project in which the state unitarism changes serve for peace, instead of regeneration of Bosnian state and society, cementing the results of the war. But they represented a persecuted or marginalized minority. The majority intellectual and general Bosnian opinion appropriately contextualized and rather late realized that within the Dayton context, which they advocated and defended so wholeheartedly, Bosnia and Herzegovina and they together with it are, in fact, its possible future victims.

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DEVASTACIJA ARHIVA HERCEGOVINE – MOSTAR (1992-1995)

Author(s): Irma Šabanović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 23/2024

This paper follows and shows the development of Archive of Herzegovina Mostar, with special focus on the period of war. Archive has faced many challenges and problems since the establishment itself in 1954., but the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina questioned the existence of this exceptionally important heritage institution, as well as archive material that it preserves. During the war years, Archive suffered a massive damage, the building was shelled, and archive material was saved in all ways. Archive library has suffered special damage also. Despite the war circumstances, the Archive employees, often risking their own lives, were saving the material, carring it in the basement area, and they even organized exhibitions. The paper also treats early post-war years, as well as the problems that the Archive meets in its work today.

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Genocid: od definiranja do presude za Srebrenicu

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 17/2024

The paper provides a brief analysis of the crime of genocide through historical and legal contexts, emphasizing that the twentieth century is often referred to as the “century of genocide” due to the numerous mass atrocities committed. The paper relies on the legal definition of genocide and the efforts of Raphael Lemkin that led to the adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Among other things, we explore the complexity of proving genocidal intent, examine the role of ideology in the execution of genocide, and highlight the challenges in classifying crimes as genocide. Despite international efforts to prevent and punish perpetrators of genocide, crimes with elements of genocide continued throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, as illustrated by the example of the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper pays special attention to the chronology of the genocide in and around Srebrenica in July 1995 as an example of genocidal intent and execution. It also points out the ongoing denial of the adjudicated genocide in Srebrenica and its consequences for Bosnian society and the state.

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Protiv “izjednačavanja žrtve i agresora”: stavovi udruga hrvatskih veterana prema Srbima

Author(s): Sven Milekić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2024

During the 1990s war in Croatia, veterans founded numerous associations which advocated an improvement of welfare and quickly grew into powerful para-political organisations tied to the dominant political party, the centre-right Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). Associations held conservative worldviews and promoted a specific narrative about the war brought to life by Croatian President Franjo Tuđman. This dominant narrative, upheld by political elites across the spectrum, promotes a simplified and sanitised account of the war as a “Greater-Serbian aggression”, set upon a strict dichotomy between the victim (Croats) and aggressor (Serbs). Veteran associations promoted this dichotomy as one of the major stratifications of contemporary Croatian society, which demotes the native Serb minority as second-class citizens, blaming them for starting the war. With their rhetoric and activities, associations and their leaders mobilised against everything they saw as a concession to the losing sides – Serbs – keeping the status quo and the victim-aggressor dichotomy intact. Aside of nationalistic reasons, associations looked at the potential concessions at each side – veterans and Serbian minority – through the zero-sum game lenses. Thus, whatever concessions are given to Serbs, it inevitably brings losses to veteran. This is why veteran associations used extreme anti-Serb rhetoric to battle the national minority, framing the concessions, based on law, as attempts to “equalise the victim and aggressor”. Associations focused a lot on three key issues arising from the post-war period: a) return of the refugees, reconstruction and reconciliation; b) prosecution of war crimes; c) minority rights and culture. The paper will analyse veteran rhetoric and contentious activities, using media sources and archival documentation from associations and different state institutions to show how veterans effectively blocked the Serbian minority from freely using their rights and freedoms in the post-war period.

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Postizanje regionalne bezbjednosti Zapadnog Balkana kao tačke oslonca regionalne saradnje

Author(s): Nikola Banićević / Language(s): Montenegrine Issue: 10/2021

The Western Balkans region is an area with cyclical security crises and constant security challenges. Evidence for this claim can be found by observing the historical context of this region. The twentieth century was full of conflicts of greater or lesser proportions. Therefore, it is necessary to determine the causes of instability, as well as possible answers to them. The causes are twofold. They are contained in intra-regional and international security challenges. The security of the Western Balkans is complicated by political turmoil in the countries of the region and complex interstate relations. The challenges of regional cooperation observed in this way represent an element for mutual understanding and cooperation between the countries of the Western Balkans, especially in the field of security, as well as a condition for easier mastering of tasks from the negotiating chapters in the EU enlargement policy.

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Ob tridesetletnici osamosvojitve

Author(s): Lojze Peterle / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2021

Leta 1968 smo bruci – študentje zgodovine v sproščenem ozračju brucovanja vprašali svoje profesorje, kaj menijo o ideji samostojne slovenske države. »Nemogoče. Ne sanjajte,« so odgovorili. Dvajset let pozneje se je začela rojevati slovenska politična pomlad, ki se je povezala v koalicijo Demos in si postavila kot glavni cilj postavitev samostojne in demokratične slovenske države. Stare politične sile pa so želele Slovenijo v Jugoslaviji.

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