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LUFTA E USHTRISË ÇLIRIMTARE TË KOSOVËS NË ZONËN OPERATIVE TË SHALËS DHE HUMBJET E FORCAVE SERBE

Author(s): Sabit Syla / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 01-02/2021

The beginning of 1999 marked a turning point in the history of the Liberation War in Kosovo. The capture of a Yugoslav Army squadron by members of the Shala Operational Zone in the village of Bare influenced the internationalization of the Kosovo Liberation Army, as it entered into an international agreement to exchange eight Yugoslav soldiers with nine KLA soldiers, who were arrested in December 1998 by Serbian military forces on the Kosovo-Albania border. Undoubtedly, this represented a diplomatic, political and military victory for the KLA and Kosovo. Certainly, such an event put the Shala Operational Zone on the Yugoslav revenge agenda, while on the other hand it had given will and confidence to the KLA units of this area in the fight for freedom. Thus, during the end of February until the middle of March 1999, in the territories of the Operational Zone of Shala, fierce fighting took place with the Serbian military / police forces, which resulted in the martyrdom of a number of KLA soldiers in this area. The success of the KLA in the Shala Operational Zone and the NATO military intervention, led the Yugoslav military circles to design large-scale military projects. The Yugoslav military projects "Grom-3" and the "Bajgora" had a special purpose in Shala area, so, starting from the end of March 1999, a combined Yugoslav military-police reserve force attacked this area, and bomber aviation was used in addition to artillery. Fighting in the Shala Operational Zone during March-May 1999 was extremely fierce. During this period alone, more than 28 martyrs fell from the ranks of the KLA. One of the main goals of Yugoslav politics was the extermination and expulsion of Albanians from their territories, therefore following this goal a number of massacres of various sizes were carried out in Kosovo. Only in the Shala Operational Zone, during the first half of 1999, several massacres against civilians took place: Studime Massacre - 99 civilians killed; Vushtrri Massacre - 68 killed; Massacre against the Gerxhaliu family, etc. In addition to the above arguments, as a conclusion we can say that the Operational Zone of Shala of the Kosovo Liberation Army played an important role in the liberation war, a role which was imposed not only by geographical circumstances, but also the tradition of patriotism cultivated through generations, which was manifested with the involvement in the Liberation Army and its unconditional support from all the inhabitants of this area.

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NDËRHYRJA USHTARAKE E NATO-S NË KOSOVË: RAST PRECEDENT APO PËRJASHTIM?

Author(s): Sylë Ukshini / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 03-04/2021

In the aftermath of the Cold War, human rights violations and international humanitarian law were considered an international issue rather than simply as a domestic issue. This gave the international community and international organizations a basis to take action and intervene in cases where a state or an entity is either incapable or unwilling to protect its own people, or is actively persecuting them. However, in the case of Kosovo, NATO intervention against Serbian on March 1999 targets took place with the prior authorization of the Security Council, due to the Russian threat to use its veto power. A year before, the Security Council had Adopted three Resolutions 1160 (March 1998), 1199 (September 1998) and 1203 (October 1998) through which it condemned the repressive campaign and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo by Serbian security forces. Witnessing the Serb regime’s grave violation of human rights and genocide in Bosnia in 1995, the international community had a strong reason to believe that the same would happen in Kosovo if a humanitarian intervention would not take place. This happened due to two main reasons: first, because the International Community had already gathered evidence that Milosevic’s government started implementing the “horseshoe” operation, through which all ethnic Albanians from Kosovo would be displaced and moved out of their homes to neighboring countries and elsewhere, to create a “lebensraum” for the Serb minority in Kosovo and second, due to the fact that NATO’s credibility and South Eastern Europe’s security were at stake. NATO’s intervention in Kosovo is legitimate also because of these factors: Belgrade’s direct violation of previous Security Council resolutions which referred to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter; warnings from the International Community on the dangers of a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo; threatening of peace and security in the region and also because it was impossible to pass another resolution on the matter due to continuous veto and resistance from Russia and China at UNSC. Another lesson drawn from the intervention in Kosovo is that where there is violation of human rights and such state is either incapable or unwilling to protect its own people, or is actually actively persecuting them, the domain of “domestic affairs” and “sovereignty” of one state over its domestic issues becomes irrelevant. On this matter, Kosovo’s case opened the path for a new concept for humanitarian intervention in international law. Kosovo’s case pushed forward the development of the strategies in international law that would allow for future humanitarian interventions. Consequently, in 2000, the Canadian government and several other actors announced the establishment of the International commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) to address the challenge of the international community’s responsibility to act in the face of the gravest of human rights violations while respecting the sovereignty of states. This doctrine aims at addressing four types of crimes; genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Therefore, in cases where there is threat for genocide, the justification that other parties can not interfere in domestic affairs of another country does not stand and should not be implemented

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Intrigantno historiografsko djelo

Author(s): Damir Radić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01+06/2024

Review of: Kosta Nikolić: Krajina 1991. — 1995., Fraktura, Zaprešić / Srpsko narodno vijeće, Zagreb, 2023

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Sarajevo as a Modern Surviving Myth

Author(s): Katarzyna Wasiak / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

In this article, I would like to show that the “Siege of Sarajevo” is one such fragment of the past that has grown into a national myth. It will not be an abuse to say that today this city, by the fact that it constantly bears the marks of war, has become a kind of sanctuary for the Bosnian ethnos

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Srebrenica: Transitional (In)Justice

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Issue: 034/2009

This year the world marked the anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide with more consideration than before. This only logically follows the messages sent to the region, and particularly to Serbia over past months. US Ambassador to Bosnia-Herzegovina Charles English said, “The world failed to act, failed to protect the innocent of Srebrenica…The massacre was a stain on our collective consciousness.” Having hesitated for 20 years the EU – and US in the first place – finally realized that there could be not stability in the Balkans without a stable Bosnia-Herzegovina. In a few months only, the new US administration’s engagement in the Balkans produced visible results – and they are mostly visible in the new dynamics in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

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Srbija i Bosna i Hercegovina: ključ regionalne bezbednosti

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 045/2009

Regional stabilization depends on consolidation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. As the basis for Bosnia’s political arrangement the Dayton Accords have proved insufficient since and need to be upgraded so that the country can function normally. The international community has been aware of that for some time now and treating the Dayton Accords as an unfinished process.

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Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: A Key to Regional Security

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Issue: 045/2009

Regional stabilization depends on consolidation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. As the basis for Bosnia’s political arrangement the Dayton Accords have proved insufficient since and need to be upgraded so that the country can function normally. The international community has been aware of that for some time now and treating the Dayton Accords as an unfinished process.

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Antun Ivanković, Milica Lukić, Svjedočim – Obrana i stradanje općine Tovarnik u Domovinskom ratu

Author(s): Luka Marinković / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 20/2024

Review of: Antun Ivanković, Milica Lukić, (2020) Svjedočim – Obrana i stradanje općine Tovarnik u Domovinskom ratu. Tovarnik: Grafički zavod Hrvatske d.o.o.

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Teror nad Hrvatima katolicima u banjolučkom i prijedorskom kraju 1992–1995

Author(s): Jurica Šalić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian Issue: 61/2024

Fra Juro (Jurica) Šalić je bio žup nik u župi sv. Vida u Barlovcima od 1985. do 1998. godine, i u toj župi, sa žup nim vikarom fra Antom Ivanovićem, proveo čitavo vrijeme rata u Bosni i Hercegovini (1992–1995). Tjeskobno je pratio i proživljavao sva zbivanja na području svoje župe, i o njima ostavio zapisane potresne podatke. Svoja zapažanja i saznanja iz tog vremena o nasrtajima na tuđu imovinu i o pljačkama, prijetnjama, teroriziranju i ubojstvima bilježio je u dva omanja rokovnika. Osnovne podatke o ubojstvima, njih čak 29, zabilježio je i u Knjizi spomenici župe Barlovci, a o njima je redovito izvješ ćivao Biskupski Ordinarijat u Banjoj Luci. O zločinima je pisao ubrzo nakon što su se dogodili, ili nešto kasnije, kad bi za njih doznavao. Osim prikaza stradanja pojedinih osoba, za neke od njih je navedena i po koja zanimljivost iz njihova života. I sam fra Juro je, ne jednom, bio izložen prijetnjama i fi zičkom maltretiranju, ali o tome ne piše. Pljačkaši i ubojice su uglavnom ostajali nepoznati, pa i nekažnjeni. Fra Juro ne navodi imena ni onih za koje je mogao doznati, ili koje je poznavao i u izravnom susretu s njima mogao prepoznati. To kao da mu nije uopće bilo važno! Očito, želio je jedino zabilježiti, često veoma kratko i tek s nekom natuknicom, koje su sve nevolje i torture od 1992. do 1995. godine pretrpjeli i proživljavali njegovi župljani u barlovačkoj župi. Naveo je ponešto i iz drugih župa i mjesta. Sasvim sigurno, nisu to bili jedini zločini koji su počinjeni na području župe Barlovci, ali ih je naveden i prikazan dovoljno velik broj, da se može dobiti jasna i turobna slika o kontinuiranim maltretiranjima i strahotama kroz koje su Hrvati katolici barlovačke župe prolazili na području entiteta Republike Srpske od 1992. do 1996. godine.

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POST-CONFLICT BELGRADE: COLD WAR HERITAGE AND THE GLOBAL CHALLENGE

Author(s): Nikola Samardžić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2012

Of all European capitals, Belgrade has suffered the most repeated destructions, migrations, economic crises and identity crises. The history of modern Belgrade is a comparative chronicle of general, "big", official history, and "small", usually anonymous individual destinies. The urban and cultural development of Belgrade in the last two centuries was left to the elements, arbitrariness or incompetence of institutions. Sometimes the difference in essence was lost, in the attitude of the conquerors or "liberators" towards the city and its current state. The chronic weakness of the citizenry became a factor in the specificity of the transition, democratization, emancipation of the rule of law and market liberalization even in the transition period, after the fall of communism in Eastern Europe. Precisely because of all the aforementioned historical disturbances and fractures, Belgrade is the only former satellite of the Soviet Union that was not able to define the relationship between its contemporary culture and institutions that would distance itself from the legacy of totalitarianism. That is why Belgrade's role in the process of European disintegration belonged precisely to the Cold War paradigm, although the other Yugoslavia in Cold War relations was basically neutral, or non-aligned.

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THE OPPOSITION OF THE USA ADMINISTRATION TO THE INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION OF SLOVENIA AND CROATIA

Author(s): Ana N. Petković / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2013

The period of the rapid changes began upon the fall of the Berlin Wall and after more and more obvious decrease in the confrontation between the East and the West. Th e disintegration of Yugoslavia coincided with the birth of American unilateralism and the fundamental alterations on the international scene. The earlier strategic signifi cance of Yugoslavia, the communist multinational federation which maintained good relations with the West from the beginning of the 1950s, diminished. As the Cold War was getting close to its end, diminishing the danger of the Soviet threat, the attitude that prevailed was that Yugoslavia was less and less important to American national interests. The maintenance of the status quo and the opposition to “retrograde nationalism” and “separatism” were expected to provide the protection from the uncertain alternative. While being focused on the Gulf War and the guidance of the process of transformation of the Soviet empire, America had less and less time and fewer resources to deal with Yugoslav conflict. At the beginning of the crisis the USA objected, in a principled manner, the disintegration of the multinational and multicultural Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. American administration regarded the crisis in Yugoslavia, in the first place, as a local, European conflict which, at its very beginning, did not represent any kind of serious threat to American national interests, to the European stability and the credibility of the international organisations – the most important being the UN and NATO. It was estimated that nothing could be done to prevent the disintegration of the country and that there were not enough well justified reasons to approve of military intervention. The upcoming year of the election represented the period during which no foreign policy risks were taken. Yugoslav protagonists interpreted the messages of the American offi cials individually, each in their own way, which was particularly noticeable after the visit of Secretary of State, James Baker, to Belgrade. As the crisis in Yugoslavia grew, the Bush administration withdrew more and more, with the conclusion to leave the problematic question of Yugoslavia to the European Community. This policy reached its turning point already at the beginning of 1992. Th e decision of the USA to recognise Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina at the same time marked its return to the Balkan scene and its greater involvement in crisis resolution, which was by and large announced in his presidential campaign by Bill Clinton, a Democratic Party candidate.

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SEĆANJE PROTIV ISTORIJE. UDŽBENICI ISTORIJE KAO GLOBALNI PROBLEM

Author(s): Dubravka Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2013

Most nations based themselves on common culture, language and, specially, history. Those were the factors for building a unique imaginary foundation as a basis for new type of solidarity, which was at the nation’s core. Social, cultural, and political elites created and strengthened awareness of the common bases that were supposed to create a new type of community, through a specific social engineering. That is why “controlling memory and oblivion has been one of the major concerns of classes, groups and individuals who dominated and dominate societies in the historical era”. One of the keys for creating the sentiment of belonging to a whole was the invention of a tradition, construction of an image about the shared past, which was supposed to form a new feeling – a feeling of belonging – among the previously unconnected individuals and diverse social groups. History found itself at the core of this “invention of a tradition” – more specifi cally, a desired image of the past, created by the construction of the shared memory. This is specially truth for history teaching and history textbook. History textbooks might not be the most important element in the learning process, but is the decisive medium that transmits government’s messages to the widest possible school audience. That is why history textbooks could also be analyzed as historical sources that witness the intellectual, spiritual, ideological, and political state of the society. They provide states and societies with the desired identity norms, which is why they are always politicized and always refl ect the political context in which they have been created. Since the process of fortifying the national collective memory is an integral part of the process of building a nation, textbooks have become an important hand of the government, agents of the official memory, with the goal of ensuring that the “approved knowledge” is transmitted. This is why Michael Apple’s definition is very useful – that textbooks promote a certain belief system, legitimize and establish political and social order. Legitimate knowledge is the result of complex power relations and struggles among identifiable class race gender and religious groups.

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Реорганизација Војске Републике Српске (1995–1996)

Author(s): Goran Latinović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 25/2023

Reorganisation of the Army of the Republic of Srpska (VRS) was caused by strategic and operational situation in the Republic of Srpska in October 1995. A proposal of reorganisation was based on an evaluation of the military situation and possible continuation of the war. The aim of reorganisation was to improve combative capacities of the VRS by its rationalisation and by enhancement of its effectiveness. There were four options of reorganisation of the VRS, and the one which advocated for creation of a large and strong brigade consisting of several light brigades instead of creation of several divisions within each corpus seemed to be the most acceptable. The Republic of Srpska did not have a demographic and economic potential for radical reorganisation of its army. However, the Dayton Peace Agreement of 21 November 1995 and its implementation created a new reality, which inevitably influenced the process of reorganisation of the VRS. By June 1996, a great majority of soldiers were demobilised and a new form of the VRS was achieved, with some additional changes taking place in December of the same year. The next reorganisation, which took place in 2002, as well as the one in 2004–2005, both under the strong pressure of the Western powers, led gradually to an annulment of the VRS and its integration in the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Zemaljski muzej Bosne i Hercegovine u ratu 1992/93. godine

Author(s): Rizo Sijarić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 47/1992

Zemaljski muzej Bosne i Hercegovine osnovan je za vrijeme Austro-Ugarske 1. februara 1888. godine. Austro-Ugarska Monarhija je osnivanjem Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu imala dugoročan cilj u Bosni i Hercegovini da ovu zemlju naučno i kulturno usmjeri u interesu svoje politike. To je bio razlog da se stvore uvjeti da Zemaljski muzej počne rad od prvih dana svog postojanja sa izvanredno visoko tručnim kadrom dovedenim iz Austrije i Mađarske. Posebno težište rada bilo je na prirodnim naukama i arheološkim istraživanjima.

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Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine: organizacijsko-formacijske promjene i neke naznake razvoja 1992‒1995.

Author(s): Mesud Šadinlija / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2024

In the persistent attempts to strengthen the various interpretative constructions of the post-Yugoslav armed conflicts, which are occasionally and on different sides presented not only through attempted scientific legitimation, but also with the pretentious character of national strategies, we often encounter theses about the discontinuity regarding the functioning and legitimacy of the state organs of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as of the constitutional structures intended for its defence from 1992 to 1995. This paper attempts to present the facts and indicators of the continuity of the development of the Territorial defence of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, demonstrating its most important phases, which were substantially and dynamically determined by the specific needs of pursuing armed conflict, the general military and political circumstances and the situation on the battlefield of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have tried to emphasize the most important characteristics and some indicators of the substance of certain periods and phases of this development.

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Operacija NATO-a u Bosni i Hercegovini “Deny Flight”

Author(s): Mustafa Dedović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2024

The operation “Deny Flight” represented NATO’s response to the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, starting on April 12, 1993, with the aim of enforcing the UN’s no-fly zone. Over the course of more than two years, the operation evolved, expanding its mission to provide close air support to UN troops and conduct coercive air strikes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With 12 NATO member states involved and 100,420 flights completed by its conclusion on December 20, 1995, “Deny Flight” played a crucial role in shaping the Bosnian War and the NATO alliance itself. This operation marked NATO’s first combat engagement in history, demonstrating the alliance’s adaptability in the post-Cold War era. While the cooperation between the UN and NATO, though laying the groundwork for future joint operations, also caused tensions, especially after the taking of UN peacekeeping forces as hostages in response to NATO bombing. “Deny Flight” successfully prevented significant use of air power in the Bosnian war, paving the way for the subsequent key NATO operation, “Deliberate Force,” which played a role in ending the conflict.

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Privreda Sarajeva ratne 1992. godine, sa posebnim osvrtom na tradicionalne oblike privređivanja

Author(s): Mersida Bakovljev / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 47/1992

Cilj rada je da se u kratkim crtama prikaže funkcionisanje privrede kao osnovne Ijudske djelatnosti u jednom modernom, ali razorenom i već mjesecima opkoljenom gradu. Kao direktan učesnik i posmatrač užasa koji je zadesio ovaj grad, bila sam ponukana zabilježiti sve promjene koje su se za vrlo kratko vrijeme desile u privrednom životu grada. S obzirom na lo da su stručnjaci za narodnu privredu pratili njene promjene i razvoj na selu, ukazala se potreba upravo u ovom ratu da se te promjene prate i u jednoj urbanoj sredini kakva je grad Sarajevo. Metodološki pristup raduje empirijski i u ovim uslovima jedini primjenjiv. Za sve koji prežive poratni period će biti posebno interesantan, jer če se stvoriti uslovi da se uz bogato ratno iskustvo i ozbiljne naučne analize učine vrlo značajni koraci u obnovi zemlje.

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Бојан Б. Димитријевић, ,,Војска брза као вјетар”: Војска Републике Српске у рату 1992–1995

Author(s): Milan Bogosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2024

Bojan B. Dimitrijević, “The Army is as Fast as the Wind”: The Army of the Republika Srpska in the War 1992–1995, Archives of Vojvodina, Institute for Contemporary History, Archives of the Republika Srpska, Novi Sad, Belgrade, Banja Luka, 2023, 433 pp.

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42. granični bataljun JNA i srpski pobunjenici u općini Podravska Slatina do rujna 1991.

Author(s): Janja Sekula,Domagoj Štefančić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 24/2024

This paper discusses the collaboration of rebel Serbs and YPA forces at the local level in practice, using the example of the Podravska Slatina Municipality, first in the period of the Serbian rebellion and then of open war. The paper addresses a series of specific examples and draws attention to the complexity of these relations, which at times depended on the officers of the YPA, i.e. their more or less deep implication in Greater Serbian plans. However, in the end the mutual goal prevailed, which in the meantime had evolved in the plans of the YPA from the “struggle to sustain Yugoslavia” to the “struggle to expand Serbia”. The squads of the 42nd border battalion from Virovitica supported the Serbian rebellion and later the aggression, which escalated in this area at the beginning of August 1991. Eventually, in spite of the support of the YPA, the rebellious Serbs from Slatina did not succeed in taking control over the Podravina Highway, which was of strategic importance for the Republic of Croatia. Instead, the Croatian local forces took over the military facilities of the area which then changed the balance of power in the north-eastern part of the western Slavonian front. The rebellious Serbs from Podravska Slatina, dependent on the overall support of the 42nd Border Battalion and on the forces of the 12th Proletarian Mechanized Brigade from the Našice Garrison in the period before the beginning of the open war, organized and equipped their armed formations on Papuk mountain. From the beginning of August 1991, the rebels took the initiative in hostile activities and control over a great part of the Slatina Municipality on September 5. The Croatian local forces responded to the aggression of Serbian units by taking control of military facilities and in doing so prevented the execution of the attack planned by the YPA in this part of Podravlje and significantly increased their combat capability, whereas the units of the Serbian rebels lost direct military support. Event though the Serbian forces had occupied a significant part of the municipality, they were not able to take over the municipal centre or cut off the Podravina Highway, which was undoubtedly the result of the fast collapse of the YPA border units.

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JEWS OF FORMER YUGOSLAVIA AND THEIR DECLINE AFTER WARS IN YUGOSLAVIA: LEGAL AND MATERIAL POSITIONS IN SERBIA, CROATIA AND BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA 1991–2016

Author(s): Haris Dajč / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2017

Once one of the most numerous and prosperous minorities in Yugoslavia, the number of Jews declined from over 80,000 to 15,000 in the years aft er WW2. Th is number further decreased due to migration to Israel in the first post-war years, and further impoverishment took place because of confi scation and restitution of the majority of private and communal Jewish property, and enforced renouncing of Yugoslav citizenship. The first multi-party elections in Yugoslavia brought to power nationalist elements in all republics, which was followed by civil war, and the breaking of socialist Yugoslavia. Jews of Yugoslavia found themselves on different warring sides. Fragmentation on all confronted sides made the Jewish community even more vulnerable. A huge majority of former Warsaw Pact members after the Berlin wall fell passed laws for restitution of property taken by the state in post WW2 period. Jews of Yugoslavia, in several new states, had promises from state offi cials that their property would be restituted and errors made half a century ago would be rectifi ed. Th e only case where such a promise came true was Serbia. In 2011 Serbia passed General Restitution Law concerning individuals, therefore also Jews. In 2006 Serbia passed Law on property of the religious communities that also included Jewish community and that helped restitution of the Jewish communal property. The state of Serbia is the only state in the region that passed the Jewish Lex Specialis that concerns on Jewish property with no successor but also unclaimed Jewish property in February 2016. Croatia passed a General Restitution Law in 1996, and amended it in 2002, but it only aff ects property nationalized aft er May 1945. That Law is limited to direct successors who are Croatian citizens or citizens of countries which have bilateral agreements with Croatia. Due to very high taxes, in some cases reaching 25% of property value, a lot of Jewish requests remained unsolved. Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the rare European countries that did not pass such a law. Moreover, the BIH constitution declares three constituent nations: Serbs, Croats and Bosnians, while others as minorities cannot be nominated for state positions, according to chapters IV and V of the BIH constitution (Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). Th is paper aims to give insight into the economic power of Jews just before the breakdown of Yugoslavia, and the current economic situation of Jewish communities in Serbia, Croatia and BIH, with a special emphasis on their economic, legal and social position in the last two decades. Th is restitution issue is very important for it shows how much goodwill states have for helping their local Jewish communities. The research material is obtained from local Jewish communities, periodicals, reports, interviews, conferences, scientifi c journals and statistical data of all three states and various Jewish organization. Facing the past, admitting and rectifying remain open issues in those countries, and they are excellent indicators of the progress achieved in the last 25 years.

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