Udział 16. Batalionu Powietrznodesantowego w operacji stabilizacyjnej w Bośni i Hercegowinie. Część II: Szczegóły użycia 16.bpd w operacji IFOR oraz wnioski z analizy czynników operacyjnych: sił, obszaru i czasu

Author(s): Maciej Klisz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2019

The aim of the article was to analyze political, and strategical-operational limitations of 16th Airborne Battalion in executing mandatory missions during IFOR operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Part I contains abbreviated timeline of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, peace negotiations process as well as development of IFOR Forces. Part II describes operational employment of 16th Airborne Battalion in IFOR operation. In conclusion, author analyzed the operational factors: space, forces, and time affecting the employment of 16th Airborne Battalion in IFOF operations. Moreover, the author describes the political importance of IFOR mission for entire Polish Armed Forces.

Marek Waldenberg, Rozbicie Jugosławii. Od separacji Słowenii do wojny kosowskiej [Warszawa 2003, ss. 463]

Author(s): Ewa J. Bujwid-Kurek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2004

State Sovereignty in the Light of Spheres of Influence – a Case Study of Two States: the Republic of Serbia, and Montenegro

Author(s): Ewa J. Bujwid-Kurek / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The paper makes an attempt to determine whether in a situation where a given statefinds itself in a sphere of influence – which is understood here as, inter alia, establishingcontacts with other states – it is still possible to maintain its full sovereignty, or whetherany form of external influence, despite the voluntarily established contacts, even on thebasis of working out a consensus, actually limits the weaker states in particular. Two countrieshave been taken into consideration: the Republic of Serbia, and Montenegro, withmajor emphasis on the bilateral cooperation they have established with countries suchas Russia, the US, Germany, Turkey, and China. The analysis that has been conducted confirmsthe assumption that both Serbia and Montenegro are of great interest to the abovelisted countries: this is true not only because they are conomically weak countries thatcan be easily subordinated, but also, and perhaps above all, because their location is extremelyprofitable and of strategic significance. What is particularly worth emphasising isthe fact that both in Serbia and in Montenegro, the interests of the most important countriesof the world clash. This means that Serbia and Montenegro are not only not fully independentstates, despite the acts of independence they have announced, but also thatthey are in fact “object of interests” for a number of “foreign” players, a situation that mayultimately lead to a threat to security in the Balkan region.

The book of love

Author(s): Emin Z. Emini / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2021

Flora Brovina, with this collection, builds her poetic homeland, which cannot but become our homeland in its national dimensions. It is not only geographic, but it is also the boundless space of love. Even enslaved (as it was in the earliest stages of the author’s poetic creativity), this homeland is a sacred hearth. It is an Albanian land created by the gods, a house that strives with all its strength, energies, and knowledge, tries with effort and sacrifice, tries, therefore, with all its being, not asking for any price to put a roof over his head.

The Effectiveness of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Building the Capacity of Local Police Forces: Case of Kosovo

Author(s): Alptekin Aslantaş,Barış ÖZDAL / Language(s): English Issue: 45/2023

Kosovo has historically been the scene of ethnic-driven regional conflicts among the communities. After the disengagement of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1992, the conflicts that had begun with the independence declarations of the Republics of SFRY eventually evolved into ethnic disputes between Serbs and Albanians. As the United Nations (UN) failed to resolve the conflict by diplomatic means, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated an air campaign to stop armed attacks by Serbian Military Forces on the Albanian civil communities. The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was established in 1999 to restore peace and stability in Kosovo. One of the mandated tasks of the UNMIK was to establish the local police known as Kosovo Police Service (KPS) and to build its capacity. The objectives of this research are to determine whether the UNMIK was effective and successful in building the KPS’s capacity. A set of new success criteria is developed and applied to evaluate the success of UNMIK in this mandated task. Data for this study were collected using official reports of the UN and the crime statistics of the KPS. As a result of the analysis, it was determined that UNMIK was successful in establishing a local police force.

„Krajobraz po bitwie” – wybrane negatywne (kryminologiczne) następstwa ostatniego konfliktu na Bałkanach Zachodnich. Raport z badań terenowych

Author(s): Magdalena Ickiewicz‑Sawicka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2021

The article deals with the selected antagonistic consequences of the recent Yugoslav civil wars (the Serbo‑Croatian civil war, the civil war in Bosnia and the war for Kosovo). The text is the result of field studies carried out in 2014 (pilot studies) – 2019 (specific studies) in Serbia and Montenegro. The main topic showed the material and immaterial (psychological and psychological) effects of the civil war in the form of various negative experiences: traumatic experiences (occurrence of the PTSD syndrome) and material (economic) losses. The aim of the study illustrated the complex relations and phenomena from the perspective of Serbs and Montenegrins, who undoubtedly suffered during the last conflicts in the Western Balkan countries. Obviously, this is not a comprehensive analysis, but only a small fragment of this intricate, difficult and above all painful post‑war and post‑Yugoslav reality of the great powers, entangled in international, soulless international politics, and the Balkan inhabitants of southern Europe.

Borba za Bosnu i Hercegovinu u Washingtonu: Slučaj senatora Joea Bidena

Author(s): Hamza Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2022

The aim of this paper is to analyze the actions of US Senator Joe Biden towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995. During this period of aggression, Senator Biden eloquently defended Bosnia and Herzegovina and advocated for a stronger involvement of the USA in the Senate and in American public life. Given that the archive of the newly elected American president is not yet available to the public, the actions of Senator Biden during the 1990s can be analyzed using the publicly available archive of the American Congress, media reports, and personal archives of former legislators from that period.

Od klasifikacije do trijumfalizma (posljednje etape genocida nad Bošnjacima)

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2022

After the end of World War II, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention) was adopted. The promise was made “never again, first of all, because of the enormous scale of the crimes committed against the Jews. Despite the goal of freeing humanity from such crimes, genocides were subsequently committed in many other areas, including the “heart” of Europe, namely Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unfortunately, brutal crimes, such as those against the Rohingya or the Uighurs, which have the characteristics of genocide, have continued into the 21st century. The crime of genocide is not a crime that “randomly” occurs and is initiated by smaller groups of “paramilitary units”. It is a well-prepared state crime that has several stages, which we deal with in more detail in the paper. We focus on the stage of denial of the genocide against Bosniaks, especially expressed through the glorification and celebration of convicted war criminals.

O kulturi sjećanja u javnoj komunikaciji

Author(s): Mustafa Sefo,Dženan Porča / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2022

A culture of remembrance is an integral part of human existence and day-to-day life, as well as a natural human need that is rooted in psychological and social factors that make up the entire human experience. This phenomenon is interpreted and practiced in different ways in society, depending on the type of social system, current situation, and certain social and political goals, which is certainly not a good example of societal functioning. Numerous social sciences are interested in researching this phenomenon, primarily psychology, sociology, communicology, history, and anthropology. Communication, as a basic human need to share experiences and learn new things, is in fact the primary way of how we keep the culture of remembrance alive. The media play a crucial role in this process by being the agents of communication between people and presenting the news and human experiences from the social reality. The media therefore undoubtedly have a tremendous responsibility to properly interpret historical facts that are the basis of the culture of remembrance. The Athenian democracy, which is the best social system model, can contribute immensely to the development and preservation of the culture of remembrance by implementing its main postulate – keeping the public well-informed. The existence of well-informed public is defined by proper and high-quality media work, whose mission is to inform the public truthfully and objectively. Bosnia and Herzegovina, a society that suffered genocide and war of aggression, has two types of media: the ones whose work is based on truthfulness and objectivity, therefore, to some extent, enabling the preservation of the culture of remembrance in public communication; and the ones whose aim is to, unfortunately, keep alive the genocidal ideas and plans that go against the Bosniak people by using historical revisionism that prevents the existence of the culture of remembrance.

KNJIGA BRITANSKE SEKULARNE JEVREJKE JUGOSLAVENSKOG PORIJEKLA

Author(s): Božidar Stanišić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3-4/2023

Review of: Jasna LEVINGER-GOY: IZ OPSEDNUTOG SARAJEVA – MEMOARI BIVŠE JUGOSLAVENKE, Akademska knjiga, Novi Sad, 2022.

MAJKA HATIDŽA

Author(s): Amra Vehabović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 15/2023

Review of: MAJKA HATIDŽA, autor: Esnefa Smajlović – Muhić, Tuzla 2020. godina, 461, str.

Nastanak Republike Srpske od regionalizacije do strateških ciljeva

Author(s): Hamza Memišević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 14/2024

To da je Republika Srpska najveći trijumf srpskog naroda potkraj XX. stoljeća jest često korištena fraza unutar srpskog društva kojom se nedvojbeno (bez obzira na postojeću diferenciranost sukladnu raslojenosti društva raznovrsnih uzročnika) odražava širina nacionalnog suglasja u kontekstu (po)ratnih ciljeva. Pirova pobjeda može se razumijeti sa stanovišta činjenice da su Srbi početkom agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu kontrolirali 70% teritorija, a kraj rata dočekali s 49% teritorija. Republika Srpska je 1995. godine inkorporirana u državno – pravni poredak Bosne i Hercegovine, iako je po osnutku (9. januara 1992.), označena sastavnom federalnom jedinicom Savezne države Jugoslavije. Daytonskim mirovnim ugovorom Republika Srpska postala je dijelom Bosne i Hercegovine, odnosno jednim od dva bosanskohercegovačka entiteta.

Jugoslavija: poslednje poglavje 1980–1991. Okrogla miza. Središče za javno zgodovino in Oddelek za zgodovino Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Ljubljana, 29. november 2022.

Author(s): Tjaša Konovšek / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2023

Devetindvajsetega novembra 2022, na datum, ki (sicer naključno, a zanimivo) sovpada z zgodovino socialistične Jugoslavije, je v Ljubljani potekala okrogla miza z naslovom Jugoslavija: poslednje poglavje 1980–1991. Organizirala sta jo Središče za javno zgodovino in Oddelek za zgodovino Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. K dobremu obisku okrogle mize so poleg njene strokovne organizacije zagotovo prispevali tudi ugledni zgodovinarji, ki so zasedli govorniške položaje. Gostje, ki so vsak s svojim prispevkom obogatili razpravo o sicer zapleteni tematiki – zadnjem desetletju obstoja Jugoslavije –, so bili: Sonja Biserko (predsednica Helsinškega odbora za človekove pravice v Srbiji), Dubravka Stojanović (redna profesorica na Univerzi v Beogradu), Tvrtko Jakovina (redni profesor na Univerzi v Zagrebu), Husnija Kamberović (redni profesor na Univerzi v Sarajevu), Marko Zajc (znanstveni sodelavec na Inštitutu za novejšo zgodovino v Ljubljani) in Božo Repe (redni profesor na Univerzi v Ljubljani). Pogovor je povezoval izredni profesor Bojan Balkovec (Univerza v Ljubljani), ki je bil poleg prof. Boža Repeta in Kornelije Ajlec (izredne profesorice na Univerzi v Ljubljani) tudi član organizacijskega odbora.

A writer and war Karahasan, the rebel

Author(s): Krzysztof Czyżewski / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02 (59)/2024

Dževad Karahazan’s rebellion was the result of his refusal to live imprisoned in a world of absolute truths, which are fed on the fear of others. He was not an idealist. He experienced real evil. He chose the life of a writer who diligently collected the remains of the wisdom of bridge builders.

Serbian director finds way to confront dark past

Author(s): JP O’MALLEY / Language(s): English Issue: 03 (60)/2024

Serbian film director Vladimir Perišić seems perfectly content belonging to a tradition of cinema that operates outside of the mainstream. There are no big budgets or huge audiences. But he is okay with that and can still find a cult audience across Europe that appreciates his work. “I like to work with small crews and non-actors and being in this marginal position allows me to have this artistic freedom,” he admits.

Nakon objavljenih rezultata istraživanja počinjenih ratnih zločina po Gračanici – šutnja i ravnodušnost odzvanjaju na sve strane

Author(s): Omer Hamzić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 57/2024

Although we did not intend to dwell further on the difficult topic of our last issue in which we raised the question “Who killed civilians in Gračanica” - and generally the topic of prosecuting and impunity for war crimes (1992 - 1995), we cannot help but briefly reflect on the echoes of our research in the public and in certain institutions, primarily local ones, closest to us. We remind that immediately after the promotion of the issue on January 22, 2024, some of our initiatives and demands, as announced in the magazine and at its promotion, were sent in writing to the most important addresses in the local authorities in Gračanica and the Prosecutor’s Office of the Tuzla Canton with the aim of finally attempting to do something concrete regarding reporting and prosecuting war crimes at the local and wider level. At least what can realistically be done. As until the completion of this issue no response or positive reaction was received from those addresses, we decided to share that fact, whatever it may be, with the public, and we publish the facsimile of the sent letters in support of this review, hoping that something will still change for the better. Because it is difficult to accept the truth we have come to in our research - that no one has been held accountable for the war crimes committed in Gračanica so far, and it is even harder to reconcile with the fact (as it has started) that it will remain so. To prevent this from happening, we have done what we could here in this magazine. We researched and listed all war crimes committed in the area of Gračanica. We forwarded the research results, along with suggestions on what to do next, to our officials and institutions “for further action,” writing to them with optimism and conviction that we are knocking on the right doors. We also sent the same materials to the local leaderships of veterans’ associations. Unfortunately, we received silence echoing painfully from all those addresses. Instead of support, the undersigned of these lines is already suffering the consequences for taking it upon himself to investigate, propose, and write to “improper” addresses. The silence from those addresses is essentially a message that such writers can continue to be done in vain. After all, no one cares, which is at least regrettable - if not lamentable.

Former Yugoslav nations deserve peace

Author(s): Nikodem SZCZYGŁOWSKI / Language(s): English Issue: 05 (57)/2023

Interview with Gojko Božović, a Belgrade-based Serbian poet, literary critic and publisher, by Nikodem Szczygłowski

Bosnia and Herzegovina has been misunderstood for too long

Author(s): JP O’MALLEY / Language(s): English Issue: 04 (61)/2024

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ambition to join the European Union faces a complex reality despite optimistic declarations from Brussels. The author and political scientist Jasmin Mujanović believes that the deeply entrenched ethnic and political divisions within Bosnia and Herzegovina are too often overlooked by the West. His latest book The Bosniaks: Nationhood after Genocide, gives greater insight into this complex history.

Srebrenitsa Soykırımı ve Sırbistan’ın Uluslararası Sorumluluğu

Author(s): Haydar KARAMAN,Burak Güneş / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 22/2023

The aim of this study is to examine the crime of genocide that took place in Srebrenica, BosniaHerzegovina in 1995, from a juridico-political perspective. While making this analysis, an attempt was made to show the extent to which the decisions made by the courts were political. As critical legal studies reveal, law is inherently political. It is also subjective because it is political. This subjectivity causes the law to side with the political power in the slightest power imbalance between the parties. In this study, it is claimed that the International Court of Justice, in its decision regarding the "genocide" that took place in Srebrebitsa, observed the international balance of power very skillfully and, as a result, tried not to shake the balance of interests and power of sovereign states with its decision. Based on this, the study revisits a number of issues related to the history and memory of Srebrenica; In order to keep the memory fresh and to consider the crime from different perspectives, it will also examine the aspects that resonate with political history as a whole and affect the process leading to the crime. When evaluated in this context, the present study aims to critically re-evaluate the decision of the International Court of Justice in the context of the law of state responsibility, while trying to keep alive the atrocities that took place in Yugoslavia.

LUFTA E USHTRISË ÇLIRIMTARE TË KOSOVËS NË ZONËN OPERATIVE TË SHALËS DHE HUMBJET E FORCAVE SERBE

Author(s): Sabit Syla / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 03-04/2020

The Operational Zone of Shala (further: ZOSH) covered the northwest region of Kosova and was bordered with: the Operational Zone of Llap on the northeast, Serbia on the north and northwest and Operational Zone of Drenica on the south. The ZOSH headquarter was located at the village Ashlan. The ZOSH consisted of two brigades: Brigade 141 and Brigade 142. The first Kosovo Liberation Army (further: KLA) unit, consisting of eight soldiers, appeared publicly in Shala region, respectively in Zabergja village in the spring 1998. The commander of ZOSH was Rahman Rama. In addition to mentioned brigades the ZOSH had its Special Unit and a Unit of Military Police. The ZOSH Brigades, within its area of responsibility, as a tactical formation, was structured in following line: battalions-companies-platoon-teams, etc. There were several lines of weapon supply to this Zone. Weapons came mostly from Bosnia, later from Albania, but even from Serbian military stores during the fighting or raids. The KLA of ZOSH was financially supported by Albanian western diaspora, by local people, political subjects, associations, etc. The KLA in Shala of Bajgora was a structured formation, but was also restructured. The restructuring was made in compliance to the decision No. 442-7/662, issued by KLA General Headquarters on 19.11.1998 in Prishtina. The intensity of military actions against the Serbian occupying forces during the years 1998-1999 prevailed in several broad frontal lines in the ZOSH. The most distinguished actions to be mentioned were: fighting in the villages Pantina and Frasher, the Battle at Mazhiq village, the Battles at Majdan, Melenica, Ashlan and Vaganica village; the fighting along the frontal line: Rahove-Cenaj-Majdan-Melenice-Trepcali-Mazhiq-Rashan-Pasoma; fighting in Skroma-Ceceli-Dumnice-Samadrexha; fighting along Qiqavica village: Bukosh, Liqe, Balinc, Dolak, Pantina and Gurebardh village; fighting in Druar, Salq, Reznik, etc. The fierce fighting along the ZOSH lines resulted with over than 100 martyrs and 200 wounded KLA soldiers. According to Serbian sources, the Serbian forces suffered major losses combating directly with KLA. The ZOSH was also an important diplomatic site in addition to the military. On the 8 January 1999 seven soldiers and a Sergeant of Yugoslavian Army have been captured within the area of responsibility of this Zone. Those soldiers have been released in exchange to nine KLA soldiers, who had been captured on the night of 13-14 December 1998 at the borderline between Kosovo and Albania. This event transformed not only the ZOSH, but the entire KLA into a powerful political factor. The Serbian forces committed serious crimes in the ZOSH. The most known massacres were: in Studime - 2 May 1999; in city of Vushtrri - 22 May 1999; murder of eight females on 24 May.