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The article is devoted to the specificity of Ronald Reagan’s public discourse about the U.S. role toward local conflicts of the world 1980s. A special attention is paid to President’s activities for public opinion mobilization to support of military force to resolve international conflicts.
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The letters of the Pythagorean women, designed to support the Pythagorean ideal of education in the context of the revived interest to Pythagoreanism around the first cent. CE and considered until the 19th century as the authentic ones, are examined in this article in the context of the rhetorical schools of Early Roman period. Putting these letters in the context of pastoral ones, we can also suggest that the Pythagorean letters were written with an ideological aim, as a counterbalance to the strengthening Christianity. I discuss the testimonies about Theano in their chronological order and question one of the conventional dating of the letters, attributed to her name. The second part from the letter Theano to Eubule is published in my translation, for the first time in the Russian language. Overall, this article is conceived as an introduction to a forthcoming commented translation of the letters of the Pythagorean women.
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In this paper, I analyse the standpoint according to which alleged subsentential speech acts are in fact ellipses. I argue that extralinguistic context usually does not determine unique linguistic expression which could be regarded as the elided fragment. Next, I critically examine the view which regards subsentential utterances as unenriched situated illocutions and claim that it is not adequate, since it does not satisfactorily explain why such acts are successful. Finally, I propose a pragmatics-oriented view based on Recanati’s moderate relativism. Contrary to Recanati, I postulate unarticulated constituents in the content of subsentential utterances. I argue that this view can disarm the objection from case-matching which is one of the most powerful objections against all pragmatics-oriented views.
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This paper tries to analyze the “languages” of one of the most important speeches held by Sali Berisha, in “Bashkimi” newspaper, in 1990. The analysis will be divided in two main parts; 1- old language- referring to the language used by the leadership during communism and that is similar with the concept of newspeak, elaborated by Orwell, or “ the totalitarian Albania, elaborated by Ardian Vehbiu; 2- “new language” – or the western language that brought to use new words such as pluralism, democracy, human rights, private property etc.; 3- “ technical or scientific language”, words that have to do with the profession of the speaker, in this case, medicine and last but not least 4- “ the ideological/ political language, terms referring to the left or the right wing. The aim of the paper is to create a dictionary of words and after a quantitative analysis to define which language is more important than others in the discourse of Dr. Sali Berisha.
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The article involved views the problems of formation and functioning the system of values and behavioural stereotypes of modern Russian society. The author pays our attention to the fact that the social nature of advertising communication enables it to reflect all the nuances of society existence. The purpose of this article is to examine the dynamics of changes in the communicative space based on the analysis of mass media sources of a Russian advertising discourse.
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The article focuses on the analogical argumentation used by Mary Wollstonecraft in her Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Although Wollstonecraft clearly posits principles which may serve as points of departure for deductive reasoning, deduction does not suffice for her aims. Self-reflexive referencing to argument by analogy serves the purpose of restating the author’s neutrality, to which she strived to adhere. Analogies between women and flowers derive their argumentative power from natural history and convey the notion of the natural growth of a human being. Analogies between women and slaves need to be decoded by looking into their historical counterparts – i. e. emancipatory struggles of slaves in colonies. These analogies refer to the possibility of collective political action of women only implicitly, and at the same time they contradict the liberal understanding of analogy as means of argumentation providing a measured approach between traditionalism and utopianism.
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The premiere of Serva Padrona by Pergolese at the Paris Opera divided deeply the French society of the Age of Enlightenment. The famous Querelle des Bouff ons has become the nucleus of a lively debate, from which, what is to be emphasized, none of the sides was triumphant. In his treatise Guerre de l’Opéra, Jacques Cazotte, emphasizing his impartiality, stands in defense of French music. By proving the superiority of Mondonville’s works, Cazotte is aware that only strong arguments can convince the philosophers. Accused by many of being “scientific” and in consequence, being incapable of expressing all the nuances of human passions, the French music, thanks to the ability to perform rhetorical functions, reserved, as it may seemingly appear, for forewords and literature, can not only conform to the rules, but also can please and touch. The French Opera, as Cazotte poves, fills perfectly the rhetorical target of persuasio with an intelligent and effective rhetoric and expresses the spirit and sensitivity of France. The purpose of this article is to refl ect on how Cazotte defends French music from the fashion for Italian music, which had a strong infl uence on the French aesthetics of the Age of Enlightenment, as well as from the philosophers of the epoch who would discredit at all costs the work of French composers in the eyes of the audience.
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Migration flows, distrust in European institutions and transnational governmental ineffectiveness and low economic performance have become a favorable ground for the so-called populist governments that are widely using Eurosceptic and populist rhetoric today. Voters perceive traditional elite as powerless in front of contemporary socioeconomic problems. Consequently, populist leaders, at the regional level, have opposed the policies of European institutions. Populism has developed and become part of every European Union (EU) member state and today is gathering more and more Eurosceptic components too. This study is to investigate what message the Prime Minister of Hungary is conveying to his voters. In order to realize this primary objective, we will observe how the political discourse changed over time and how widely populist and eurosceptical rhetoric is present in today’s political discourse. In the first part of this study we briefly review the literature on populism and Euroscepticism to frame the articulations of different populist and various eurosceptical claims. Our goal is to identify, through thematic analysis, which concepts related to the European Union get more attention at the institutional level. We expect to find a significant occurrence of populist and Eurosceptical elements in the Prime Minister’s discourse.
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This paper presents an analysis of the Polish language version of the Paris Statement “The Europe We Can Believe In.” According to the authors of the Statement, the document is meant to be an expression of their concern about the current state of European politics, culture, society. They also articulated their attachment to and affirmation of the so-called true Europe. The analysis shows that what the Statement is expected to do is not only a declared affirmation of the true Europe but above all a confirmation of its own conservative character. The main part of this paper is devoted to the discussion on the later issue. In order to do so four formal aspects of the rhetorical organization of the Statement are discussed. The paper ends with several comments about a possible re-specification of traditions in the field of political culture as traditions of the forms of public discursive actions.
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The creation of the state and of the Romanian nation can be analysed not only by studying historical events but also by studying the language used by the relevant political actors of the moment. This study aims to analyse from a rhetorical pragmatic perspective, considering the context, argumentation, rhetorical figures, and key words, archaisms and neologisms, three speeches namely: C.A. Rosetti in 1848 at the opening of the "Peasant Commission", Mihail Kogalniceanu on the "Unification of the Principalities" in 1857 and Vasile Boerescu on "Union" in 1859. The analysis will highlight the evolution of political discourse in the 19-th century, focussing on these three instances because they are significant for the early moments of the creation of the state and of the Romanian nation.
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Cognitive linguistic studies of female politicians’ rhetorical language use are rare compared to those based on their male counterparts. This paper analyzes the creative figurative language related to the image of femininity in a broad sense used by former Croatian Prime Minister, Jadranka Kosor, and former US presidential candidate, Hillary Clinton in view of Conceptual metaphor and Conceptual integration theory. In particular, it is examined how they use language strategically to highlight aspects of stereotypical femininity or feminist struggles in order to tackle political issues, when set against the dominant “masculinized” metaphors (Koller 2004a), considered adversarial in nature. Contextual factors (Kövecses 2015) that have an impact on their creative metaphors and blends will also be considered in the analysis. In the body of the paper, on the example of a few statements by said politicians, the two cognitive linguistic theories will be proven adequate to illustrate the basic thought processes involved in meaning construction, and metaphorical expressions and blends will be shown as fruitful linguistic tools in promoting rhetorical goals.
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The paper discusses and clarifies the essence of the rhetorical approach to economics (economic rhetoric). The current trends in comparative studies of socio-economic development in different countries are described and some of those trends are analyzed using the rhetorical methodology. It is concluded that the economic rhetoric represents the most adequate and fruitful methodological framework for conducting cross-country comparative studies and interpreting their results.
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Počev od 2009. godine u Ivanjici se svake godine krajem avgusta održava Nušićijada. Reč je o kolaž festivalu satkanom od muzičkih koncerata, pozorišnih predstava, sportskih događaja, performanasa, izložbi i filmskih projekcija, začinjen ceremonijama i paradom kostimiranih građana kao svojim zaštitnim znakom. Ona predstavlja spoj kulture i zabave, tradicionalnog i modernog, mladosti i iskustva, individualnog i kolektivnog. Poznato je da je Branislav Nušić bio odličan besednik i da je napisao jedan od najboljih priručnika za retoriku na srpskom jeziku Retorika – nauku o besedništvu. Imajući to u vidu u okviru Nušićijade u Ivanjici počev od 2012. godine organizuje se Besedničko veče: „NUŠIĆ I REČ“. Ono se sastoji iz dva dela. U prvom delu ugledna ličnost iz javnog života po pozivu govori „Besedu o Nušiću“ na temu o Branislavu Nušiću kao besedniku i teoretičaru retorike. U drugom delu „U slavu reči“, nastupaju revijalno najuspešniji takmičari u besedništvu u Srbiji u tekućoj godini. U ovoj rubrici Hereticusa objavljujemo besede dr Slaviše Orlovića, redovnog profesora Fakulteta političkih nauka Univerziteta u Beogradu i studenata Olivere Ševo, Stefana Dragićevića i Bojane Petrović, koje su održane 27. avgusta 2016. u Ivanjici. Na kraju je beseda dr Đorđa Sibinovića notarima Srbije. [...]
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The present paper deals with advertisements (i.e. advertising texts which project different meanings through interactivity) as a preferred form of social discourses. The corpus was collected from 2011 to 2013 and found in various private and public print and electronic media in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Croatia. We try to give an objective and critical interpretation as well as a comparative analysis of the collected material because, in spite of great similarities, we deal with different cultures characterized by diverse linguistic and socio-political factors. Bosnia and Herzegovina is not, unlike Croatia, a member of the European Union, but an ethnically, politically and socially divided society with no hope for changes in the near future. However, what connects this part of Europe with the rest of the world is the life style of local people, their needs and desires that rest on ideologies of capitalism and consumerism, but which, as we demonstrate in the present paper, are greatly created in the advertising discourse. The aim of the paper is to discover linguistic manifestations and strategies which provide a successful foundation for collective delusion which hides inconspicuous processes.
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Kierkegaard’s understanding of truth as subjectivity has as its consequence that anyone who seeks to understand what Kierkegaard says must first understand the way he communicate. Following the way of how Kierkegaard communicates the category of the single individual, this paper aims to show three basic moments underlying the vast communication field that opens before those who come before Kierkegaard’s work: death of the author, Other as a starting point, reduplication. In light of these structural moments Kierkegaard’s method is shown as a specific reformulation of classically conceived rhetorical discourse, that is, as Christian rhetorics.
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The paper focuses on the current state of research in the field of eco-pragmatics as the interdisciplinary branch of ecolinguistics, which studies multifaceted pragmatic devices of eco-values‘ manifestation. Based on the epideictic discourse the study has reached two major groups of findings. First, eco-pragmatic devices are rested on two types of eco-centristic values. The first ones, represented by concepts of "solidarity" and "compassion", rely on the positive politeness strategies of showing concern, accepting conditions and desires of others as well as the maxims of generosity, modesty and approbation. The second type of values, embodied by the concepts of "non-imposition" and "deference", are manifested by the negative politeness strategies of keeping politically correct "face", creating positive and comforting atmosphere for interaction, showing respect to others‘ freedom of opinion as well as the maxim of tact and the conversational implicature to mitigate "dispreferred" information. Second, positive politeness pragmatics is based on linguistic markers of empathy, emotional involvement, in-group identity, ―encouraging‖ directives and other types of optimistically connoted speech acts. Negative politeness pragmatics relies on the means of mitigation, apologizing, passivation, nominalization, and other means of indirectness aimed at enhancing the audience‘s face at any cost even at the expense of the speaker‘s own "face".
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The article is dedicated to Lenin’s language. The interpretation of the language of Lenin by representatives of the Russian formal school is examined. The material of the article is the publications of the six best representatives of this school in 1924. The article raises the question of whether Lenin’s language is really close to the language of the Russian avant-garde, as the authors of the publications insist. Today, this question remains relevant in the light of the theory of two cultures within the Soviet one – revolutionary and protective – as well as in the light of the rapprochement of formalists with post-Marxist criticism. The provisions of the formalists are considered in the article from the perspective of rhetorical discourse analysis. Four theses about Lenin’s language put forward by the formalists are consistently questioned. The idea of the special clarity of Lenin’s language, which Soviet linguistics insisted on, is also challenged.
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Only relatively recently have researchers begun to speak more loudly about how studies on the Second Sophistic overlook Christian (and Jewish) literature. On the other hand, studies on early Christianity in turn view the Second Sophistic as an exclusively rhetorical movement. The aim of the article’s author is to look at Justin, a Christian philosopher, in the context of the Second Sophistic. The paper first discusses the Second Sophistic as a rhetorical, cultural, and sociopolitical movement. The article distinguishes between two groups of educated people of that time: philosophers and rhetoricians-sophists and discusses their distinguishing features. This study examines the influence of the Second Sophistic on philosophical discourse and the tension between rhetoric and philosophy. The author of the article also analyzes Justin Martyr’s self-representation techniques and participation in rhetorical and philosophical disputes, conflicts with contemporaries, and strategies for presenting Christian teachings. Finally, it is concluded that although Justin can be seen as one of the representatives of the Second Sophistic, his main goal was to proclaim the Christian message, which only further strengthens his role as an apologist.
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The aim of this article is to examine the interplay between gender and nationalism in the political discourse of right-wing populists in Lithuania. In recent years, the political landscape in Central and Eastern Europe has been increasingly characterized by the rise of right-wing populism and anti-gender campaigns. The founding of the Lithuanian political party the National Alliance is linked to this shift. This party is defined as nationalist, conservative, anti-system and populist political movement. Employing political discourse analysis, this study analyses the National Alliance’ public statements from 2020 to 2024. The analysis shows that the discourse of the National Alliance uses a hyperbolic and alarmist language to represent progressive gender policies, invokes gendered nationalist and familist notions to delegitimize them, and advocates a model of society based around the “natural family” in which identity is controlled and space for expressions of non-conformity is restricted.
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