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Comparative Analysis of Regional Practices for Parliamentary Financial Oversight of Intelligence Services

Comparative Analysis of Regional Practices for Parliamentary Financial Oversight of Intelligence Services

Author(s): Magdalena Lembovska / Language(s): English

This paper will give an account of the mechanisms available to the Macedonian Parliament to conduct parliamentary oversight of the intelligence services, particularly those within the jurisdiction of the specialized parliamentary committees. It will then examine cases from other states in the region and look for practices and legal solutions that they have established in order to encourage financial accountability of their intelligence services. As former Yugoslav republics, during the last two decades these states were facing the challenges of transition and building democratic, transparent and accountable institutions. However, not all of them have progressed at the same pace. The best practices are elaborated in two case-studies – Slovenia and Croatia, both members of the European Union. Furthermore, their oversight systems differ at many levels, having been created and developed according to each country’s specific processes and needs. They should serve as examples to better understand the role of parliaments in ensuring the accountability of intelligence services in the implementation of programs and projects financed with state money. Thereby, the case-study sections provide a brief overview of the formal intelligence services and authorized bodies for their oversight. The focus is put on the role of the parliament (directly or indirectly through parliamentary committees) throughout the four phases of the budgetary cycle: planning, adoption, implementation and audit.

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Inside Ukraine, № 2014 - 22
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Inside Ukraine, № 2014 - 22

Author(s): Vira Nanivska,Iaroslav Kovalchuk,Vasyl Filipchuk,Olena Zakharova,Volodymyr Prytula,Vasyl Povoroznyk,Kateryna Dedelyuk,Angela Bochi,Anatoliy Oktysiuk,Svitlana Sudak / Language(s): English

1. The Government Policy // 1.1. Wins and semi-wins of the government // 1.2. Lack of reforms is a major government defeat // 1.3. Flourishing corruption in times of war // 2. Economic Situation // 2.1. Outcomes of the government program implementation: economy // 2.2. Outcomes of government program implementation: energy sector // 3. Political Competition // 3.1. The coalition breakup as a result of agreements // 3.2. First ratings reveal current front-runners of elections // 3.3. The influence of public activists on electoral process

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Rezultati istraživanja: Dostupnost informacija na službenim web-prezentacijama javnih organa Bosne i Hercegovine
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Rezultati istraživanja: Dostupnost informacija na službenim web-prezentacijama javnih organa Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Javni organi Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) ne slijede međunarodne prakse i standarde kada je riječ o objavljivanju informacija od javnog značaja na vlastitim službenim web-prezentacijama. Iako se trenutna praksa objavljivanja informacija ne može u cijelosti ocijeniti kao netransparentna, zabrinjavajući nedostatak transparentnosti javlja se u segmentu koji se tiče informacija o budžetu, operativnih informacija i dijelom informacija o organizacijskoj strukturi institucije. Drugim riječima, ključne informacije o radu institucija BiH još uvijek nisu dostupne javnosti, što upućuje na njihovu “zatvorenost” i nespremnost preuzimanja proaktivne uloge u osiguravanju pristupa informacijama koje se nalaze u njihovom posjedu.

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Data as Potential: Towards Open Data Policies in BiH
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Data as Potential: Towards Open Data Policies in BiH

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The state and its institutions are the biggest producers, collectors and users of various types of data. Besides personal data, contained in public registers and health records, data of importance to the wider public is also collected, such as data on the state of the environment, economic trends, meteorological and other data. In the past, data of importance to the public was mostly unavailable. In cases where it was available, it was extremely difficult to find and use. Thanks to technological development and the relatively easy and inexpensive opening up of data on the Internet, but also more pronounced public requests for more transparent, accountable and efficient governance, governments worldwide committed to policies of opening data held by public institutions. Examples include websites such as US government’s Data.gov and Usa.gov, or the UK government’s Data.gov.uk and the European Union’s Open Data Portal, all of which provide educational, health, transport, environmental and other data. All of this has led to the rapid growth in use of open public data, in the private and non-government sectors alike. Software applications enable access to data on the Internet or on mobile devices and data is used to improve public services, initiate new commercial projects or enhance transparency of government. Some examples of websites specialized in processing, publishing and further use of open data are OpenSpending.org, which currently holds more than 700 datasets on public spending in 66 countries, or OpenCongress.org which enables monitoring of the work of the US Congress. Although the publication of open public data is a pronounced world trend and the potential of open data has been recognized in the region, such practice has not truly taken hold in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite NGO initiatives to open up public data, public institutions, with a few exceptions, mostly do not allow access to data on the Internet or via mobile technology. In order to prevent BiH seriously falling back in the area of proactive disclosure of such data, which would negatively impact all sectors of society, it is necessary to start a wider public discussion on opening up data held by public institutions. This policy memo aims to contribute to such a discussion.

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International Assistance and Media Democratization in the Western Balkans: A Cross-National Comparison
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International Assistance and Media Democratization in the Western Balkans: A Cross-National Comparison

Author(s): Tarik Jusić,Kristina Irion / Language(s): English

This is the concluding report of a project aiming to enhance the knowledge and understanding of conditions and factors that influence the creation of sustainable and functional media institutions in the democratizing countries of the Western Balkans, especially in contexts where there is a strong presence of international assistance programs and conditionality mechanisms. The project covers four countries that emerged from former federal Yugoslavia, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia, as well as a fifth country, Albania. This report summarizes and compares the country and subject-matter-specific contributions with the aim of exploring the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance as constrained by the local political conditions. Although the countries of the Western Balkans share significant social, political, historical and economic traits, the region’s recent trajectory has not been very coherent. Since the collapse of socialism in the 1990s, all five countries are undergoing a difficult transition to democracy and a free market economy. They have in common a post-authoritarian legacy, relatively small territories and weak economies. However, these similarities should not obstruct the recognition of important differences in political traditions, local cultures and ethnic composition of the population throughout the region. In the past, political traditions of statehood differed significantly, characterised by periods of bloom and decline as well as external influences, notably from the Ottomans and the Austrian empire. The region’s conflict-ridden history has inspired the term Balkanization, which is widely used to describe a process of geopolitical fragmentation. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia and war with the Serbian hegemon, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were founded as modern states. Macedonia was also affected by a limited conflict between its two majority peoples – Macedonians and Albanians. NATO undertook extensive military interventions against Serb forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, and in Kosovo and Serbia in 1999. Albania alone went through a peaceful transition albeit the country took in many war refugees, mainly from Kosovo. All of the countries in the focus of this project are multi-ethnic but their composition varies to a significant degree. In Albania and Kosovo, Albanians are by far the majority people but there is a significant Serb minority in the latter. Serbia’s dominant majority are Serbs (83 percent of the population). In contrast, Bosnia and Herzegovina is the home of three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats) and in Macedonia ethnic Macedonians and Albanians coexist, among others. Today, out of these five Western Balkan countries two are in the antechamber of the European Union (EU). For some time already Macedonia and, recently, Serbia have had candidate status but the pre-accession negotiations are open-ended. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Albania are still potential candidate countries, and thus further away from their ultimate aim to accede to the EU. Striving for EU membership requires from these Western Balkan countries to comply with its democratic and market economy standards (the so-called ‘Copenhagen Criteria’). Today EU conditionality is a major driver of reforms in the region.

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Public Access to Local Budgets: Making Local Government Budget Documents Easily Available to Citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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Public Access to Local Budgets: Making Local Government Budget Documents Easily Available to Citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Mirna Jusić / Language(s): English

Easy access to and the availability of budget documents is considered to be a key indicator of transparent budgeting practices. In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), important budget documents at the local government level are frequently not easily available to citizens. Some documents that would facilitate understanding of budgetary matters among citizens – such as citizens budgets – are not produced at all. Such practice can contribute to citizen distrust and lower political participation, reflected in a lower voter turnout. Moreover, a lack of transparency can weaken oversight of local government performance. Although local government budgeting in BiH certainly needs to undergo substantial reform in the long run to achieve greater transparency, there are a number of smaller-scale reforms that policymakers in BiH can focus on to yield more accessible, more transparent budgets as a first step towards such reform.

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Preporuke za unaprjeđenje pravne zaštite u postupcima javne nabave u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Preporuke za unaprjeđenje pravne zaštite u postupcima javne nabave u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Pravna zaštita u postupcima javne nabave podrazumijeva skup pravnih normi koje uređuju mehanizme koji stoje na raspolaganju sudionicima u postupcima javne nabave u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH), ako smatraju da su im odlukom ugovornoga tijela povrijeđena njihova prava i pravni interesi. Adekvatan normativni okvir osigurava i ostvarivanje temeljnih ciljeva pravne zaštite u postupcima javne nabave, kakvi su poticanje konkurencije, sprječavanje diskriminacije, nepotizma i korupcije. Na temelju takvog normativnog okvira, omogućava se i nabava roba i usluga bolje kvalitete za nižu cijenu (engl. best value for money), utječe se na racionalno trošenje javnopravnih sredstava i na brži gospodarski razvoj, te se osigurava i prilagodba temeljnim načelima i drugim standardima europskoga prava.

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Transparentne javne nabavke u Bosni i Hercegovini: Nova rješenja za stari problem
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Transparentne javne nabavke u Bosni i Hercegovini: Nova rješenja za stari problem

Author(s): Nermina Voloder / Language(s): Bosnian

Iako je usvajanjem Zakona o javnim nabavkama u Bosni i Hercegovini iz 2014. godine donesen i niz novih odredaba koje imaju za cilj unaprijediti transparentnost u procesu javnih nabavki, i dalje u tom domenu postoje ograničenja koja mogu imati značajne negativne implikacije na praksu. Zakonskim okvirom, između ostalog, nije osigurana adekvatna dostupnost informacija o planiranim javnim nabavkama, budući da se planovi javnih nabavki ne objavljuju na portalu javnih nabavki. Objavljeni planovi nabavki ne uključuju postupke za dodjelu ugovora male vrijednosti, niti se odluke o dodjeli ugovora putem ovih postupaka objavljuju javno. Uočljiv je nedostatak odredaba koje bi doprinijele objavljivanju ugovora koje javni sektor sklapa sa ponuđačima. Također, nisu razvijene smjernice za primjenu kriterija za ocjenjivanje ponuda, posebno kriterija ekonomski najpovoljnije ponude. Stoga je od ključne važnosti unaprijediti zakonsku regulativu kako bi se uklonile uočene manjkavosti, te osigurao znatno veći nivo transparentnosti u javnim nabavkama u Bosni i Hercegovini.

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Transparentnost javnih nabavki u Bosni i Hercegovini - Između teorije i prakse
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Transparentnost javnih nabavki u Bosni i Hercegovini - Između teorije i prakse

Author(s): Nermina Voloder / Language(s): Bosnian

Transparentnost se često izdvaja kao jedan od ključnih pokazatelja pravednog i funkcionalnog sistema javnih nabavki, a podrazumijeva dostupnost svih relevantnih informacija koje omogućavaju zainteresiranim subjektima da budu upoznati sa pravilima i procedurama koje se primjenjuju u procesu javnih nabavki. Ukoliko javni organ ne osigura adekvatan nivo transparentnosti, nije moguće provjeriti da li je postupak javne nabavke proveden nepristrasno i u skladu sa procedurama. U tom kontekstu, transparentno provođenje javnih nabavki doprinosi većoj odgovornosti javnih organa i efikasnijoj kontroli trošenja javnih sredstava. Ugovorni organi u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) dužni su transparentno provoditi postupke javne nabavke, osigurati jednak i fer tretman svih ponuđača, a sve sa ciljem postizanja najbolje vrijednosti za javni novac. Ovi principi propisani su Zakonom o javnim nabavkama u Bosni i Hercegovini (u daljnjem tekstu: ZJNBiH), koji je usvojen u aprilu 2014. godine, kao dio reforme sistema javnih nabavki i usklađivanja domaćeg zakonodavstva sa legislativom Evropske unije. Novi, modernizirani zakonski okvir u BiH uspostavljen je deset godina nakon usvajanja prvog Zakona o javnim nabavkama iz 2004. godine, koji je u praksi pokazao brojne manjkavosti, između ostalog, i u domenu transparentnosti. Iako je novim zakonom bolje normiran aspekt transparentnosti u javnim nabavkama, i dalje su uočljivi nedostaci koji bi mogli imati značajne implikacije na praksu. U ovoj analizi upravo je jedan od ciljeva procijeniti u kojoj mjeri zakonski okvir osigurava adekvatan nivo transparentnosti u javnim nabavkama u BiH, te na koji bi se način transparentnost mogla unaprijediti. Analiza nudi uvid u glavne prepreke transparentnosti u oblasti javnih nabavki, posebno u svjetlu međunarodnih standarda i komparativnih praksi, prvenstveno se fokusirajući na postojeća zakonska i institucionalna rješenja u ovoj oblasti. Potrebno je napomenuti da se novi Zakon o javnim nabavkama BiH primjenjuje tek od novembra 2014. godine te određeni podzakonski akti relevantni za transparentnost još nisu doneseni. Iz tog je razloga uvid u praksu javnih nabavki ograničen u ovoj fazi istraživanja. Ovaj izvještaj stavlja fokus na obaveze javnih institucija da, u skladu sa Zakonom o javnim nabavkama BiH, samoinicijativno objavljuju ključne informacije o javnim nabavkama, koje omogućavaju provođenje postupka javnih nabavki, ali i uvid javnosti u proces dodjele ugovora. Također, pristup svim javnim informacijama u posjedu bilo koje institucije u BiH, uključujući i specifične informacije o javnim nabavkama, moguće je zahtijevati u skladu sa zakonima o slobodnom pristupu informacijama, koji su usvojeni na državnom i entitetskom nivou, no taj aspekt transparentnosti nije predmet ove analize. Za potrebe ovog izvještaja u obzir su uzete glavne rasprave konceptualne prirode kada je u pitanju transparentnost u procesima javnih nabavki. Potom je urađen pregled međunarodnih standarda u ovoj oblasti, sa fokusom na Direktive Evropske unije o provođenju postupaka javne nabavke, kao i na presude Evropskog suda pravde. Također, predstavljene su komparativne prakse u domenu transparentnih javnih nabavki u zemljama Evropske unije, koje imaju inovativne pristupe unapređenju sistema javnih nabavki, poput Slovačke i Portugala. Posebno su analizirani zakonski okviri i prakse zemalja regije zapadnog Balkana, koje su u posljednjih nekoliko godina inovirale svoj zakonski i institucionalni okvir u ovom domenu, kao dio procesa približavanja članstvu u Evropskoj uniji. Ovdje se prije svega misli na iskustva Hrvatske, Srbije i Slovenije. Analizirani su i dosadašnji izvještaji u ovoj oblasti, te stari i novi zakonski i institucionalni okvir. Konačno, urađeni su intervjui sa predstavnicima ključnih institucija, uključujući Agenciju za javne nabavke (u daljnjem tekstu: AJN) i Ured za razmatranje žalbi (u daljnjem tekstu: URŽ), kao i sa predstavnicima poslovne zajednice u BiH.

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Javne institucije i internet: politike i prakse u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Javne institucije i internet: politike i prakse u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Amar Numanović,Tarik Jusić,Nevena Ršumović / Language(s): Bosnian

Zakoni o slobodi pristupa informacijama u Bosni i Hercegovini ne sadrže odredbe o objavljivanju javnih informacija na webu, što onemogućava razvoj proaktivne transparentnosti javnih institucija. Istovremeno, različiti sektorski zakoni i posebne politike, kao i uputstva i preporuke koje se odnose na održavanje web-stranica javnih institucija jednim dijelom obavezuju javne organe da objavljuju određene vrste informacija na webu. Tako fragmentiran pravni okvir za objavljivanje informacija na webu dovodi do neujednačenih i slabo razvijenih praksi web-prisustva i transparentnosti javnih institucija u BiH. Od ključne je važnosti unaprijediti postojeće zakone o slobodi pristupa informacijama dodavanjem odredaba o obaveznom proaktivnom objavljivanju širokog spektra informacija na web-stranicama javnih institucija, a podzakonskim aktima o izradi i održavanju službenih web-stranica objavljivanje detaljnije precizirati.

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Ka proaktivnoj transparentnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Ka proaktivnoj transparentnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Zakoni o slobodi pristupa informacijama (ZOSPI) u BiH trebaju se mijenjati. To potvrđuju brojne analize i rasprave, koje već godinama ukazuju na manjkavosti sadašnjeg državnog i entitetskih zakona. Između ostalog, žalbeni postupak u slučaju kada nadležno javno tijelo odbije pristup informaciji trenutno nije dovoljno definiran zakonima. Iako se ZOSPI-ji primjenjuju kao lex specialis, brojni zakoni koji su kasnije usvojeni u praksi ograničili su pristup informacijama. Test javnog interesa, koji predviđaju sva tri zakona, arbitrarno se primjenjuje u praksi, a pristup informacijama često se neosnovano odbija koristeći zakonom definirane izuzetke kao razlog. Istovremeno, pokrenuta procedura za izmjenu postojećeg državnog zakona početkom 2013. godine, aktualizirala je raspravu o neophodnosti utvrđivanja balansa u sadašnjem zakonodavstvu između prava na pristup informacijama i prava na privatnost, a u skladu s međunarodnim standardima. U debati o pravu na pristup informacijama u BiH manje je pažnje posvećeno proaktivnom objavljivanju informacija u posjedu javnih vlasti. Ovaj policy memorandum ističe razloge zbog kojih bi se ovaj princip trebao ozbiljnije razmotriti i primijeniti u BiH, posebno u svjetlu nove inicijative za usklađivanje ZOSPI-ja na državnom nivou sa Konvencijom o pristupu službenim dokumentima Vijeća Evrope.

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2022 Bosnia and Herzegovina: Christian Schmidt vs. High Representative (OHR)?
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2022 Bosnia and Herzegovina: Christian Schmidt vs. High Representative (OHR)?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

After the Russian invasion on Ukraine, which begun on 24 February 2022, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the Western Balkans region as a whole, once again became a focus of international attention. There is almost no relevant report or discussions at which Bosnia and Herzegovina is not identified as a location of possible conflict.After the Russian invasion on Ukraine, which begun on 24 February 2022, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the Western Balkans region as a whole, once again became a focus of international attention. There is almost no relevant report or discussions at which Bosnia and Herzegovina is not identified as a location of possible conflict. For more than a decade the US administration has left Bosnia and Herzegovina in the care of the European Union (EU), which has more than evidently missed the historic opportunity to make important steps forward towards a prosperous BiH. Not just that such steps have not been made but the EU has created in BiH a situation identical to that in Ukraine in the eve of the Russian invasion. The sequence of moves by EU officials towards BiH indicates a high risk of corruption, just as in the case of the possible imposition of the BiH Election Law.

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Perceiving corruption: Rethinking accountability, revolution and challenging the status quo in Lebanon
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Perceiving corruption: Rethinking accountability, revolution and challenging the status quo in Lebanon

Author(s): Marie-Christine Ghreichi / Language(s): English

Political corruption in Lebanon traces its roots to the re-assembling in the post-civil war era, which entrenched a realm of politics dominated by war lords and militia-like mentalities operating through a sectarian discourse. The waste resulting from “confessional governance” costs Lebanon 9% of GDP each year. 1 In the early 1990s, “Lebanese political bosses either coopted or gutted institutions such as unions, professional associations and opposition parties. Public schools and hospitals were defunded.” Today, many Lebanese do not send their children to public schools or hospitals. Sukleen, the company contracted by the government to collect waste in Beirut and Mount Lebanon charges 4x more per ton of waste disposed in landfills compared to providers in the UK. 2 Nearly 40% of electricity is produced by private generators established during the civil war and partially owned by various politicians today, profiting close to $1 billion a year. Electricite du Liban, the public electricity company collects payments for only half of the power it produces.

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Everything about Boards of Directors. How does political favoritism manifest itself in the management of state-owned companies?
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Everything about Boards of Directors. How does political favoritism manifest itself in the management of state-owned companies?

Author(s): Eugen Ghiletchi / Language(s): English

The proximity of state-owned companies to political factors and economic interest in public assets create a favourable environment for corruption, which justifies a rigorous and uniform approach to everything related to state-owned companies. The State may participate directly in the economic life by means of two legal forms of organisation – state-owned enterprise and joint stock company (hereinafter, the state-owned enterprises and majority state-owned or wholly state-owned joint stock companies will be referred to as state-owned companies, except when a particular legal form is referred to). Although the activity of state-owned enterprises and joint stock companies is governed by separated laws, the management bodies of these companies are largely structured similarly and share the following elements: board of directors, manager/executive body, audit committee.

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Cât de (in)accesibile sunt piețele autohtone pentru producătorii casnici?!
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Cât de (in)accesibile sunt piețele autohtone pentru producătorii casnici?!

Author(s): Vitalie Rapcea,Nicoleta Cojocaru / Language(s): Romanian

În mintea citadinilor moldoveni s-a cristalizat deja imaginea unei persoane în etate, care stă pe marginea drumului și își vinde presupusul surplus din gospodăria proprie. Acești pseudo-comercianți sunt definiți în legislația autohtonă drept producători casnici, care pot să-și comercializeze produsele din gospodăria proprie în anumite condiții. O analiză mai atentă a acestor condiții denotă că acestea sunt cu anevoie de îndeplinit, mai cu seamă pentru cei care nu practică activitatea de comerț decât ocazional. În contextul în care comerțul pe marginea străzilor este interzis, iar accesul în piață pentru producătorii casnici este quasi imposibil, acești comercianți amărâți, veniți de la sate să-și vândă rodul muncii proprii, sunt nevoiți să fugă de poliție, să plătească amenzi, să fie umiliți de către administratorii piețelor, sau chiar amenințați de comercianții profesioniști care fac exces de zel în încercarea de a-și proteja vadul comercial. Astfel, prezentul comentariu încearcă să ilustreze vulnerabilitățile cadrului legal existent, care nu permite accesul producătorilor casnici în piețe, perpetuând riscurile de corupție și abuz din partea actorilor implicați în implementarea prevederilor legale aferente.

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Assessment of Police Integrity in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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Assessment of Police Integrity in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Hamza Višća,Alma Kovačević / Language(s): English

A question of police integrity in BiH is quite difficult to consider due to the complexity of the police system. The police sector in BiH consists of 16 police agencies at all levels of government and 6 institutions which provide them support or carry out similar activities. This fact makes any research difficult because each police agency could be considered as an individual entity and particular research could be committed for each of them. Generally, findings of the report indicate that neither the legal framework, nor the practice is satisfying to ensure police integrity. In addition to that, the citizens assess police work as very weak and its efforts insufficient in fighting corruption. A very high influence of politicians on the police work still exists; police transparency is not satisfying when it comes to investigation of serious cases of corruption; human resources management and financing require serious reforms to be more functional in the fight against corruption; while both internal and external controls need serious changes to be more independent and functional. This report could help to consider police integrity from important points of view, including legal framework and citizens’ perspective. The report can help make a comprehensive study and a deeper analysis of each chapter.

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Procjena integriteta policije u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Procjena integriteta policije u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Hamza Višća,Alma Kovačević / Language(s): Bosnian

Pitanje integriteta policije u BiH je vrlo teško razmatrati usljed složenosti policijskog sistema. Sektor policije u BiH se sastoji od 16 policijskih agencija na svim nivoima vlasti i 6 institucija koje im pružaju podršku ili obavljaju slične aktivnosti. Ova činjenica otežava svako istraživanje, jer se svaka policijska agencija može smatrati kao pojedinačni subjekat, a istraživanje se može primjeniti posebno za svaku od njih. Općenito, rezultati ovog izveštaja ukazuju na to da niti pravni okvir, niti praksa ne obezbjeđuju osiguravanje integriteta policije. Osim toga, javnost ocjenjuje rad policije kao vrlo slab, a njihove napore u borbi protiv korupcije kao nedovoljne. Veliki uticaj političara na rad policije još uvijek postoji; transparentnost policije nije zadovoljavajuća kada je su pitanju istrage ozbiljnih slučajeva korupcije; upravljanje ljudskim resursima i finansiranje zahtijeva ozbiljne reforme kako bi bile funkcionalnije u borbi protiv korupcije; dok interne i eksterne kontrole zahtjevaju ozbiljne promjene kako bi bile nezavisne i funkcionalne. Ovaj izvještaj može da pomogne razmatranje integriteta policije sa važnih tački gledišta, uključujući pravni okvir i stavove građana. Takođe, izvještaj može da pomogne u sprovođenju sveobuhvatne studije i detaljnije analize svakog poglavlja.

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National PAR Monitor Serbia 2017/2018
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National PAR Monitor Serbia 2017/2018

Author(s): Miloš Đinđić,Dragana Bajić / Language(s): English

For over 15 years, the Western Balkan (WB) countries have undergone democratisation and transition processes, embarking onto deep structural, economic and social reforms to modernise their societies and improve the lives of their citizens. The reform processes are reinvigorated by the aspiration of these countries to become members of the European Union, and they are framed to a large extent by the EU integration process. Good governance lies at the heart of the European integration project, while a public administration that supports good governance needs to be professional, reliable and predictable, open and transparent, efficient and effective, and accountable to its citizens.

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THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENTARY OVERSIGHT IN BUILDING POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA
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THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENTARY OVERSIGHT IN BUILDING POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Parsimonious legal framework and parliamentarians’ reluctance to utilise their powers have impeded parliamentary oversight of police work. Hence, the parliament does not have a significant role in building police integrity in Serbia.

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Analiza pravnog i institucionalnog okvira u vezi sa zapošljavanjem u javnom sektoru
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Analiza pravnog i institucionalnog okvira u vezi sa zapošljavanjem u javnom sektoru

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian

This analysis was prepared within the framework of the project Towards Transparency in Staff Recruitment, which is jointly implemented by the Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID), the PALGO Center and the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) with the support of the European Union. The aim of the analysis is to provide insight into the legal and institutional framework for employment in the public sector, as well as to present the main characteristics of such systems in several selected European Union countries. In this sense, it is divided into two main parts - an analysis of the domestic framework (section 2) and a presentation of selected comparative legal solutions (section 3). Together with the results of the research on employment practices in selected public sector organizations, it should serve as a basis for formulating recommendations for improving regulations and employment practices in the public sector in Serbia.

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