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Once established, literary canons are often supposed to transcend history and set a timeless standard for genuine literature. They exercise a hegemonic, or some might even say petrifying and suppressive power over creative literary production and reception. However, the hegemonic canonicity that compartmentalizes the universe of literature as good and bad, high and low literature is conditioned by some blind spots. In the very definition of canonicity and the description of canons they occur as a number of paradoxes that constitute the very dynamics of canons, making them relevant for the study of literature in a dynamical, cultural perspective.[...]
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culture is its history’s falling entirely within the period of modernity. The fact seems obvious enough, but usually it is mentioned only in passing. At least it has not been elaborated into an interpretative frame of reference. Before trying to take a step in that direction it would be useful to see what other frames have actually been applied.
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One of the functioning mechanisms of theatre in general has been defined as the “doubling up” of the culture in which that theatre has existed; or in other words: theatrical art can be characterized as an act of self-presentation and self-reflection on the part of the culture in question (Fischer-Lichte 1992: 9, 10). Analyzing the change which has taken place in the role and functions of the Estonian national theatre in the cultural discourse of the 1990s, primarily from the aspect of theatrical interpretations (re-readings — M. Esslin; concretizations — P. Pavis) of Estonian national classics, drawing simultaneously parallels between productions based on original contemporary Estonian drama, and comparing the status of theatre during the above-mentioned period to that of the previous decades, we must admit that in the 1990s Estonian theatre has definitely lost its former role as a tribune and a place of consolidation (that was especially typical of it in the 1980s).
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At the century’s edge, we are less exercised by annihilation — the death of the author — or epiphany — the birth of the subject. Our existence today is marked by a tenebrous sense of survival, living on the borderlines of the present, for which there seems to be no proper name other than the current and controversial shiftiness of the prefix ‘post’: postmodernism, postcolonialism, postfeminism (...).
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Over the last two decades, the idea of nation has been down-graded to a mere cultural artefact — “a product of invention and social engineering” to quote a referential book on the matter. (Confino 1997: 186) The so-called cultural turn in the study of nationalism essentially comes down to two things: a strong emphasis on the nation seen as an imaginary community, as a product of collective memory, and a special attention to the narrative devices involved in the projection of national spaces.
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In the last two decades a considerable number of cultural and social theorists have suggested that we are now living on the threshold of a new historical era. In this new or “post-national” era, as they sometimes call it, we shall be obliged to bid a tender farewell to the old nation states and national cultures. The motivation for this would appear to be located in the process known as globalization or, more precisely, within in its present stage of development. As globalization continues, states will increasingly lose their economic, political and cultural sovereignty. The result of such changes will be that states will also gradually lose interest in maintaining their particular national cultures. As the functionalists might say, in a post-national world a strictly nationalist policy would be a “dysfunctional” matter which states could no longer allow to play a central role in their actions and institutions. In a post-national world, nationalist policies would, nevertheless, still exist, but their significance would be diminishing and they would no longer constitute progressive forces.
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With the work of the Konstanz School of Rezeptionsästhetik and with other developments in Hermeneutics, it has become possible to distinguish between at least two different possibilities brought into play during the interpretation of any single text. 1) The text may be read in relationship to its immediate readership — contemporary with its first appearance. 2) The text may be read in relationship to its later readership — e.g. readers of our own present. At least, we are admonished not to leave out the one horizon of expectations when describing the other.
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Generalising different discussions of nationalism, (e.g. Deutsch 1966, Gellner 1983, Smith 1995, Eley and Suby 1996) we can state that a nation is, foremost, a certain social-political representation of human groups or associations where national culture fulfils a connective or cognitive role. The notion of “nation” unites culture and politics into a symbiotic relationship. In the preliminary stage of the development of a nation the arguments of identity are drawn from culture. Culture itself seeks political protection from the state. During the development of a state, national culture is used to legitimate politics or to integrate society (nationalism as imperative) (Gellner 1994: 2208–2222).
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Like most academic work, this essay has a rather complicated genealogical history. Most crucial, perhaps, to its present form is a short paper by the historian Carlo Ginzburg entitled “Killing a Chinese Mandarin.” In this essay, Ginzburg investigates the topic of compassion as an illustration of the tension between natural law and history. His typically wide-ranging commentary brings together examples from Antigone and examinations of a variety of eighteenth-century philosophers, it concludes with a brief, and grim, confrontation between “our feeble moral imagination” and contemporary advances in martial technology. The present essay will not be quite so eclectic, although it will, to some extent, repeat the historical juxtaposition made in the second and third parts of Ginzburg’s essay. In essence, what I propose to do here is examine a particular social and cultural formation, that of compassion, which has remained remarkably stable throughout the modern period.1 How this international formation relates to contemporary cultural nationalism, or even to nationalism during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I’m afraid, is too large an issue to address in a short essay, although I do hope at least to offer a perspective suggestive of the direction in which such a discussion might lead.
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Litwo! Ojczyzno moja!, «Lituanie! ô ma patrie!». C’est par cette invocation que commence le poème épique Pan Tadeusz, oeuvre majeure du plus illustre poète polonais, Adam Mickiewicz. Poème écrit et publié à Paris, en 1834, ce que rappelle, en français et en polonais, une plaque sur la façade du n° 63, rue de Seine.
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This article is a review of three biographies of Zygmunt Bauman published between 2019 and 2021. Its aim is to juxtapose the concepts of three different perspectives on the life of Poland’s most famous sociologist, and to place them in the context of the Polish debate on his legacy. The article makes also an attempt to interpret Zygmunt Bauman in the light of the so-called „Leap into Modernity”, a concept created by Adam Leszczyński. As an attempt to interpret the reality of peripheral countries, which between 1943 and 1980 made efforts to catch up with the developed West, it becomes a framework for interpreting Zygmunt Bauman’s biography. This is due to his involvement in the creation of the structures of the Polish People’s Republic in the post-war era, which is the subject of Leszczyński’s book. This review also attempts to analyze the Polish discourse around the subject of the real-socialist past.
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Vojna cenzura, koja je u Bosni i Hercegovini uvedena 24. januara 1919. godine, Naredbom Zemaljske vlade za Bosnu i Hercegovinu od 22. januara 1919. najoštrija je bila prema socijalističkom listu Glas Slobode. Ovaj list, koji je izlazio od 1909— 1929. godine, sa prekidom od 1914— 1917, izvjesno vrijeme kao jedini revolucionarno orijentisani list na Balkanu, cenzurisan je i do stvaranja Kraljevine Srba Hrvata i Slovenaca, dok je u Bosni i Hercegovini bio na snazi Zakon o štampi okupacione austrougarske uprave iz 1907. godine. Taj Zakon znatno je pooštren Naredbom iz 1914. godine.
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Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu preuzeo je, uglavnom, kompletan fond Zemaljskog izvršnog (Glavnog) odbora Narodnog fronta (ZI(G)ONF) 1954—1953. godine od Instituta za istoriju u Sarajevu. Raniji vlasnik fonda bila je Republička Konferencija socijalističkog saveza radnog naroda BiH. Od početka 1949. godine (tačnije sa brojem 30001 Zemaljski izvršni odbor mijenja naziv u Glavni odbor NF (GONF) BiH, pa se i sam fond vodi pod tim nazivom.
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Хтио бих нешто да кажем у вези са веома добрим и садржајним рефератом који je поднио друг Илијас Хаџибеговић. Реферат je пружио прилично заокружену слику етничких промјена у аустроугарском периоду, али мислим да je штета што у њему недостаје осврт на аустроугарску политику у односу на миграциона кретања.
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Дозволите ми, као прво, да допуним своје претходно излагање у којем ми je промакло, na нисам споменуо да у процесима миграција, односно досељавања странаца у Босну и Херцеговину након окупације, значајно мјесто припада Јеверјима. Они се појављују као важан економски фактор у босанскохерцеговачким градовима, гдје се готово искључиво и насељљвају.
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Проблем етничких промјена и миграција, што je предмет ове наше расправе, присутан je био на одређен начин и у покрету босанско-херцеговачких Муслимана за вјерску и вакуфско-меарифску аутономију. У нашој историографији придаван je, све донедавно, већи значај оном дијелу програма муслиманског аутономног покрета под аустроугарском окупацијом, који се односио на захтјеве за аутономијом вјерских и вакуфско-меарифских институција, као и питању мешихата, односно проблему односа исламске вјерске заједнице у Босни и Херцеговини према шејх-ул-исламу у Цариграду.
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