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NEFT VƏ QAZ ÇIXARMA SƏNAYESİNDƏ EKOLOJİ MENECMENTİN FORMALAŞDIRILMASI İLƏ ƏLAQƏDAR HƏYATA KEÇİRİLƏCƏK TƏDBİRLƏRİN TƏSNİFATI

Author(s): Kamilla Hüseynova Fikrət / Language(s): Azerbaijani Issue: 4/2009

Azərbaycan respublikasmda ətraf mühitin qorunması və ekoloji tarazlı-lığın təmin edilməsi ib əlaqədar Milli Məclisin qəbul etdiyi qanunlar və ölkə prezidentinin müvafıq fərmanlarma əsaslanaraq kompleks təbdirlər həyata keçirilməkdədir. İstehsalın ətraf mühitə ciddi təsiri danılmaz faktdır. Bununla yanaşı iqti-sadi quruculuq təbitətlə qarşılıqlı münasibətdə inkişaf edir. Ölkəmizdə ətraf mühitə ən çox neft-qaz və avtomobil nəqliyyatından istifadə təsir göstərir və bütün bu yaranışlar da karbohidrogen əsaslıenerjidaşıyıcıları hesabma təzahür edir.

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THE WIKILEAKS SECURITY DILEMMA: TO LEARN OR NOT TO LEARN STATE SECRETS

THE WIKILEAKS SECURITY DILEMMA: TO LEARN OR NOT TO LEARN STATE SECRETS

Author(s): Carmen Ardelean / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2012

The security dilemma today does not refer only to the threat of action from countries, but also the threat of unveiling information through biased media. Words can have equally negative effects as direct actions. The information disclosed by WikiLeaks in the last few years prove that certain protective measures must be developed, for a better control of websites.

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AZƏRBAYCAN RESPUBLİKASINDA DÖVLƏT VƏ YERLİ ÖZÜNÜİDARƏETMƏ ORQANLARININ QARŞILIQLI FƏALİYYƏTİ SİSTEMİNİN FORMALAŞDIRILMASININ BAŞLICA İSTİQAMƏTLƏRİ

Author(s): Elmira Şahmar Zeynalova / Language(s): Azerbaijani Issue: 6/2010

Son illərdə Azərbaycan Respublіkasının dövlət quruculuğu sahəsində yeni ictimai münasibətlərə, yeni dövlət idarəçiliyi sisteminə keçid prosesi baş verir ki, bu da özünü bilavasitə əsas idarəetmə subyektlərinin qarşılıqlı fəaliyyətinin yeni tipinin formalaşması, idarəetmə sisteminin qeyri-mərkəzləşdirilməsi, dövlət və yerli özünüidarəetmə orqanlarının səlahiyyət hədlərinin dəqiqləşdirilməsi kimi problemlərin həllində büruzə verir. Bu isə hər şeydən əvvəl, dövlət idarəetməsinin təkmilləşdirilməsini, dövlət-idarəetmə münasibətlərinin iştirakçılarının statusunun onların vəzifələrinə uyğunlaşdırılması məsələlərinin həll olunmasını nəzərdə tutur.

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TÜRKİYE İÇİN SAVAŞ VAKTİ

Author(s): Sait Yılmaz / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2009

Savaşlar tarihin kırılma noktalarını bazen de en önemli gelişme aşamalarını oluşturur. Türklere Orta Doğu’nun kapısını açan Dandanakan (1040), Orta Avrupa’da durmamızı temsil eden Viyana Kuşatması (1683) ya da Türk Devrimin askeri zaferi olan Başkomutanlık Meydan Muharebesi (1922) gibi savaşlar tarihin köşe taşları, yol kavşaklarıdır. Savaşlar tarihin en katı gerçekleridir ve tarih boyunca barışa ancak savaşlardan geçerek ulaşıldı. Savaş; barışın, özgürlüğün, bir şeylere sahip olabilmenin ödenen ağır bedelidir. Uğrunda savaşmaya değer şeylere sahip oldukça savaşı beklemek gerekir. Türk tarihi savaş, göç ve kültür tarihidir. Türkler coğrafyaya ve zamana meydan okuyan bir millettir; zamanın bilinen bütün coğrafyalarında savaştılar, devletler kurarak yaşadılar. Türk tarihinde siyasi olgular, kültürel gelişmeler, sosyal aşamalar savaşlar ile başlar ve savaşlarla sonlanırlar. Sık sık yaşanan savaşlar Türk tarihinin en belirleyici öğesi olagelmiştir.

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SONU GELMEYEN TEHCİR VE ERMENİLER

Author(s): Erdinç Aslan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2009

Her yıl nisan ayı geldiğinde Ermenileri bir telaş alır. 24 Nisan 1915’de uygulanan tehcir kanunuyla kendilerine soykırım yapıldığı iddialarına bütün dünyayı inandırmaya çalışan Ermeniler özellikle bu ayda propaganda faaliyetlerine yoğunluk kazandırırlar. Oysa dünya kamuoyunun görmek istemediği hatta ülkemizde bile birçok kimsenin farkında olmadığı bir gerçek var. Yaklaşık iki asırdan beri devam eden Türk tehciri... Ermenilerin propagandalarını yoğunlaştırdığı bu dönemde Türklere karşı giriştikleri katliamların, soykırımların ve tehcirlerin iki asırdan beri nasıl sistematik bir şekilde devam ettiğini bir kez daha hatırlamakta yarar var.

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OSMANLI TÜRKİYE’SİNİN GENCE – KARABAĞ EYALETİNDE VERGİ POLİTİKASI(1725 – 1735)

Author(s): Hatice Abbasli / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2009

18.yüzyılın başlarında Safeviler Devletinin çöküşünden yararlanan Osmanlı Türkiye’si ve Çar Rusya’sı önemli ekonomik ve strateji önem taşıyan Azerbaycan topraklarını paylaştırmak uğruna mücadele başladılar. Bu mücadele 1724 yılında İstanbul Barış Antlaşmasının bağlanmasıyla sonuçlandı. Barışın koşullarınca Osmanlı Türkiye’si Azerbaycan’ın ve İran’ın Hazar kıyısındaki vilayetlerinin Rusya tarafından işgalini tanıdı. Rusya’ysa Azerbaycan’ın geriye kalan topraklarının Osmanlı Türkiye’si tarafından işgalini engellemeyeceğiyle yükümlendi. Osmanlı Türkiye’si 1724-1725 yıllarında yaptığı askeri operasyonlar sonucu Azerbaycan’ın topraklarının büyük bir kısmını işgal etti. İşgal edilmiş topraklar sırasında Gence – Karabağ Beylerbeyliği de vardı .

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Interkulturalni dijalog u svetlu politike različitosti Laslo Blašković i Laslo Vegel

Interkulturalni dijalog u svetlu politike različitosti Laslo Blašković i Laslo Vegel

Author(s): Dragana V. Todoreskov,Aleksandra Đurić-Bosnić / Language(s): Bosnian,English Issue: 3/2016

This paper studies the cultural, in this case literary (prose),communication between writers-representatives of different nations. After the determination of the term interculturality and function of culture in slowing the stigma, ghettoisation, passes to the analysis of literary and social activities of two writers,members of the same minority in Serbia - Laslо Vegеl and Laslo Blašković. In the case of different strategies (writing in their native or second language, orientation towards his national community, the relationship to the majority, according to a former state – Yugoslavia – and present, Serbia, treatment of political issues, etc.) Establishes their relationship to their own entity stronghold and possibilities of overcoming its possible oppression (the term Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak) or oppressiveness (termed Susan Stanford Friedman).

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Adaptare și imitație în romanele "No Time Like the Present", de Nadine Gordimer și „Vremea Minunilor", de Cătălin Dorian Florescu

Adaptare și imitație în romanele "No Time Like the Present", de Nadine Gordimer și „Vremea Minunilor", de Cătălin Dorian Florescu

Author(s): Simina Timofte / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2018

In a series of lectures in 1994, Nadine Gordimer remarks the different status of Africa which is no longer at the edge of the empire, but on the contrary, in the center of it. In this respect, post-apartheid Africa has rebuilt its national identity on the background of global events that write universal history, offering citizens the chance to escape their country's constraints and bring important key elements in the globalization process.Thus, replacing apartheid themes in a new country is an extreme taskby the applicant. Some of the favourite subjects of the "old guard" are the following: the importance of multiculturalism in post-apartheid South Africa, the writer's status, vulgarisation of violence due to mass-media, reconciliation with a violent past and their economic and cultural implications, the fight against AIDS, sexual emancipation, globalization and loss of cultural and national identity, uprooting, migration and economic exile which replaced major pre-existing concerns about violence, racial and gender discrimination, the relationship between literature and politics, or the role of ethics in literature.The same situation can be applied to eastern countries. Even though they were not "postcolonial" in the classical sense of the term, applicable to the former British, French, Spanish, Portuguese or Dutch colonies, the "post-communist transition" through which they passed included the disarmament of a certain political and economic "occupation".People had to adapt to the new order, to the new reality, which was a complex process, a difficult one, that implied, many times, exile.Therefore, the purpose of my argument is to present what consequences can occur at the psychological level because of the attempt of adaptation of the characters to the new social and political order, by imitation, postcolonial and post-communist context. And here comes the question: does imitation facilitate adaptation? Although the logical answer would be yes, we will notice, by discussing the two texts, exactly the opposite.

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Odlomci iz izvještaja o parlamentarnom radu o Alžiru 1847.
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Odlomci iz izvještaja o parlamentarnom radu o Alžiru 1847.

Author(s): Alexis de Tocqueville / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 25/2020

Gospodo, suprotno svom običaju, Zastupnički dom je za izvanredne afričke kredite ove godine sastavio komisiju od osamnaest, umjesto od devet članova. Ka da je poduzeo tako izvanrednu mjeru, bez sumnje je htio očitovati neku misao čije je pravo značenje vaša komisija zacijelo žurno potražila.

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Belarus - Fighting for the future or the past?
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Belarus - Fighting for the future or the past?

Author(s): Wim van Meurs / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02 (45)/2021

In the 2004 Orange Revolution as well as during the EuroMaidan uprising a decade later, Ukraine’s future orientation was at stake. In both cases, pro-European citizens confronted pro-Russian state authorities on Kyiv’s main square, the Maidan Nezalezhnosti or Independence Square. Not only did the views of Ukraine’s future and the principles of democracy clash, but events and heroes from the nation’s past were fielded as arguments.

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Krótka historia niemieckiej chadecji
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Krótka historia niemieckiej chadecji

Author(s): Tomasz Kycia / Language(s): Polish Issue: 682/2020

Niemiecka CDU – niegdyś partia środka – musi dziś zabiegać o masowo odchodzących wyborców. Alternatywa dla Niemiec podbiera chadekom wyborców konserwatywnych i prawicowych. Dorosłe już dzieci typowych wyborców CDU odnajdują zaś swoją polityczną reprezentację w rosnących w siłę Zielonych.

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Pandemia a wschodnioeuropejskie przyspieszenie
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Pandemia a wschodnioeuropejskie przyspieszenie

Author(s): Natalia Bryżko‑Zapór / Language(s): Polish Issue: 683/2021

COVID-19 dotknął całego świata, ale geopolityczna szachownica Europy Wschodniej w tym czasie ożyła i rozpoczęła się na niej nowa partia. Nie można pominąć w tej rozgrywce udziału zachodnich graczy, a w szczególności nowego gambitu, który może wykonać nowa administracja USA.

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The power of internet as a game-changer for Belarusian protests
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The power of internet as a game-changer for Belarusian protests

Author(s): Veranika Laputska / Language(s): English Issue: 05 (48)/2021

When the 2020 presidential election campaign launched in Belarus, the government authorities did not pay much attention to the enormous popularity of the online media, especially social media. Being confident in his “elegant victory” (this was the term used by the long-term head of the Belarusian Central Election Commission, Lidziya Yarmoshyna), Alyaksandr Lukashenka did not invest much effort on any inventive campaign tools. His campaign team mainly relied on the monopolised television and radio channels, and state financed newspapers.

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25 godina Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma

25 godina Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma

Author(s): Josip Mlakić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 115/2020

Postoje prijelomni događaji u našim životima, ili su nam se takvima učinili u trenutku kad su se dogodili, i koje stoga pamtimo cijeloga života, i to s takvom živošću da nerijetko pamtimo i neke banalne detalje vezane za trenutak kad smo doznali za njih. Svatko onaj tko je odrastao u bivšoj državi, vjerujem, sjeća se trenutka kad je čuo vijest da je umro Josip Broz Tito, kao i toga gdje se nalazio u tom trenutku, što je radio, kao i osjećaja zbunjenosti i straha pred nečim novim, jer smo intuitivno bili svjesni da ništa više neće biti kao što je bilo. Ili nam se tako činilo u tom trenutku?

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Does Ukraine Have a History of Liberties? On Early Modern Ukrainian Studies

Does Ukraine Have a History of Liberties? On Early Modern Ukrainian Studies

Author(s): Ivo Cerman / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

The present review article explores the question of whether the post-Soviet Ukrainian historians have shown any interest in the history of liberties in their own country, and if so, what have they discovered on the subject. Firstly, I discuss the way in which Ukrainian historiography re-evaluates the country’s original ‘reunification’ with Russia during Khmelnitsky’s uprising (1648-1654). The uprising is today interpreted as the foundation of an independent hetman state. However, the main change has occurred in the evaluation of what is called Hetman Orlik’s constitution of 1710. It is considered today as the culmination of independent Ukrainian development. It has achieved cult status and is regarded as the first constitution, which introduced the separation of powers and safeguarded the Cossacks’ liberties. The critical interpretation of early modern history by Natalya Yakovenko is appreciated here; because she put early modern Ukraine back into the Polish context, she also developed a specific realistic method of history-writing and critically evaluated the impact of the Cossack wars. The Rzeczpospolita’s place in Ukrainian history has been further defended in the works of Mikola Krikun and Oleksandr Vynnichenko from the University of Lviv. However, it is in the realm of constitutional history that a fixed rights-centred historical narrative has been developed. In the last section, we recall some topics of the era after the loss of independence which are neglected in the Ukrainian research. These are the codification of 1728-1743 and the philosophical work of Yakiv Kozelskiy connected to the Legislative Commission of 1767.

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Letter to the Office of the High Representative

Letter to the Office of the High Representative

Author(s): David Pettigrew / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

We are writing to you about a matter of grave concern. Within the entity of Republika Srpska, convicted perpetrators and others who committed atrocities are routinely glorified while survivors are prohibited or strongly discouraged from installing memorials to the victims. It is crucial, as a matter of the rule of law, restorative justice, and reconciliation to defend the human right to the truth 1 and the human right to memorialization.

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PISMO DRŽAVNOM SEKRETARU BLINKENU, II

PISMO DRŽAVNOM SEKRETARU BLINKENU, II

Author(s): David Pettigrew / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 3/2022

Obraćamo Vam se kako bismo izrazili svoju zabrinutost zbog nedavnih izjava Gabriela Escobara, specijalnog izaslanika SAD-a za Zapadni Balkan, vezano za izbornu i ustavnu reformu u Bosni i Hercegovini. Svojim komentarima g. Escobar je u suštini osudio bosanskohercegovačke građane na budućnost etničkih podjela, diskriminacije, progona i nepoštivanja ljudskih prava.

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Tužiteljka za ljudska prava: izborni plan SAD-EU-a za Bosnu nagrađuje nacionalističke planove

Tužiteljka za ljudska prava: izborni plan SAD-EU-a za Bosnu nagrađuje nacionalističke planove

Author(s): Azra Zornić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 4/2022

Bajdenova administracija i zvaničnici Evropske unije u Bosni pokušavaju političkim sredstvom “popraviti” izbornu i političku disfunkciju zemlje. Ali rezultat ne samo da bi nepovratno oštetio moju zemlju i dodatno poremetio stabilnost na zapadnom Balkanu, nego bi proizveo i suprotno od jedne od navodno motivirajućih namjera. Znam — tužila sam ovaj nefunkcionalni sistem na Evropskom sudu za ljudska prava (ECtHR) i pobijedila. Ali Sjedinjene Države i EU, igrajući podmuklo da bi “postigli rezultate” kontraproduktivnim amandmanom na Ustav i izborni zakon Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) prije izbora koji će se održati nakon godinu dana, nagrađuju nacionalističke planove koji su srušili i podijelili moju zemlju i bivšu Jugoslaviju u ratu 1990-ih.

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Human Rights Plaintiff: US-EU Election Plan for Bosnia Rewards Nationalist Agendas

Human Rights Plaintiff: US-EU Election Plan for Bosnia Rewards Nationalist Agendas

Author(s): Azra Zornić / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2022

The Biden administration and European Union officials are barreling ahead in Bosnia with a politically expedient “fix” for the country’s electoral and political dysfunction. But the result would not only irrevocably damage my country and further undermine stability in the Western Balkans, it also would produce the opposite of one of the apparently motivating intentions. I know — I sued over this dysfunctional system in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and won. But the United States and the EU, by taking the low road to “get results” with a counterproductive amendment to the Constitution and election law of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) before elections a year from now, are rewarding the nationalist agendas that shattered and divided my country and the former Yugoslavia in the wars of the 1990s.

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Open Letter to Secretary of State Blinken

Open Letter to Secretary of State Blinken

Author(s): Bojan Šošić,Aida Ibričević,Azra Zornić,David Pettigrew / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2022

Due to the lack of international intervention, especially since 2006, Dayton’s structures have devolved into divisive ethnonationalist rhetoric and threats of secession that are destabilizing Bosnia and the region. Bosnian Serb member of the Presidency Milorad Dodik has threatened secession and consistently speaks of Bosnia as a failed State. He wields hate speech against Bosniaks and denies the Srebrenica genocide with impunity. Bosnian Croat party leader Dragan Čović, for his part, has threatened to boycott the election and form a third entity. Both separatist leaders have exploited the concept of “constituent peoples” so as to create further divisions and hatred. These separatist agendas have found their strongest support from the Russian Federation, whose Embassy in Sarajevo insisted in April 2021 that Bosnia fundamentally consists of two entities rather than a unified State.

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