Komunizam i represija : Sud narodne časti u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Vera Katz / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

On the day of Sarajevo’s liberation, the new government established a court to prosecute crimes and offenses committed against Serbs, Muslims, and Croats in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On May 26, 1945, a law was passed on the court’s organizational structure and proceedings. The court functioned until the middle of August 1945, at which point the President of the People’s Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina closed it. Although the court was short-lived, its revolutionary character had a significant effect on society by removing real and alleged “enemies of the people.” As a political ploy, the court publicly targeted certain bourgeoisie groups and Catholic clergy. The sentences it handed down reflected its political mission. It punished political rivals by removing their civil rights, thus eliminating competition at elections. It used sentences of forced labor to isolate and remove individuals from the community and strategically confiscated property and disinherited people to increase the state’s assets. This theme is just now being addressed, sixty years after the court’s existence.

Osobný príbeh „agenta-chodca“ Živodara Tvarožka

Author(s): Slavomír Michálek / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The presented study looks into the personal story of Živodar Tvarožek, a son of Minister of Finance of the Slovak National Committee, Tomáš Tvarožek. Živodar Tvarožek was among the passengers on the Dakota aircraft, whose escape was prepared by former RAF members. After a short stay in Munich and Frankfurt, he returned to Slovakia as an “agent-walker” upon the suggestion of Michal Zibrín and was tasked to revive the old and open new intelligence contacts and to inform the western Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC) about the development in Czechoslovakia. After a short time, he was arrested and charged with anti-Czechoslovak espionage in a political trial. The original death sentence was changed to a life sentence and later to 20 years of imprisonment. He worked in uranium mines until the amnesty. After his return to civilian life, he worked as a workman. He lives in Bratislava.

Summaries

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Prameny a literatura

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Vjerski prijelazi s pravoslavne na rimokatoličku i grkokatoličku vjeroispovijest (prekrštavanja) na području Zagrebačke nadbiskupije između 1941. i 1945.

Author(s): Filip Škiljan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

U prvoj polovici 20. st., balkanski i svjetski ratovi su prekrajali geopolitičku kartu svijeta. Mnoge su države nestajale, a mnoge nastajale. Odnosi Svete Stolice s novonastalim državama tradicionalno su bili uređivani posebnim, sveobuhvatnim ugovorima, konkordatima. Prije Prvog svjetskog rata Sveta je Stolica imala sklopljene konkordate s Crnom Gorom (1886.) i Srbijom (1914.), ali s obzirom da ti ugovori nisu bili primjenjivi na novonastalu državu (Kraljevinu SHS, kasnije Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju), trebala je Sveta Stolica nakon priznanja nove države, Kraljevine SHS, 6. studenog 1919., s njom sklopiti sporazum kojim bi se pravno regulirao položaj Rimokatoličke crkve u državi: pitanja vjeronauka u školama i crkvama, prava vjerskih škola i ustanova, stjecanja crkvenih dobara, slobode komuniciranja sa Svetom Stolicom, slobode djelovanja katoličkih organizacija te niz drugih pitanja iz vjerskog života.3 U Kraljevini SHS živjelo je 1921. godine 48% pravoslavnih, 39% katolika i 13% pripadnika ostalih vjerskih zajednica. Pregovori oko konkordata otpočeli su ranih dvadesetih godina i potrajali više od desetljeća, da bi se 1935. postigla suglasnost oko svih detalja te se formirani ugovor (koji Stojadinovićeva vlada potpisuje 1937.) poslao u Skupštinu i Senat na usvajanje. Međutim, tada zbog ogorčenog protivljenja Srpske pravoslavne crkve konkordatu nastaje duboka politička kriza koja je, uz krizu nakon atentata na Stjepana Radića u Skupštini, bila možda i najopasnija kriza između dva rata. Proces ratifikacije konkordata tada se obustavlja. [...]

Public Advocacy

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

There is no country or society in which presentation of the shameful pages of own past could not be improved and support system to the traumatized enhanced. In order to create space for a quality discussion about the past, for additional research of facts about violence and for teaching of fact-based history, you will need to advocate for changes in deeply rooted practices of selective representations of suffering. With your suggestions, you will attempt to motivate as many people as possible, who were not interested so far, both in the public and government institutions or – in other words – you will need to advocate. The success of advocating for proposals in public discussions will depend on their quality and accountability of an advocate, on the manner in which a proposal is presented and on the ability to communicate about a condition, values, ideas and requests towards other people, media and government institutions. Even the best proposals, supported by arguments, data and analyses, will not have the desired effect, if they are not presented in an understandable and interesting way. You should not be discouraged by unpleasant silence which often accompanies public disclosure of facts about committed crimes. When initial shock is over, a storm could ensue. Regardless of whether a discussion about a violent past has already been open or is just starting, when preparing your public action, you should count on harsh reactions, because, in public, initiatives related to remembrance of violent heritage are usually met with divided reactions. Regardless of whether you are preparing an initiative in your own town or on the national level, you should probably count on years-long advocacy for your proposal and arm yourselves with patience. For some initiatives, such as the one described in the first example, you will need ten or even more years.

Javno zagovaranje

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nema zemlje ni društva u kojima se ne bi moglo bitno unaprijediti prezentiranje sramnih stranica vlastite povijesti i poboljšati sustav podrške traumatiziranima. Kako bi stvorili prostor za kvalitetniju raspravu o prošlosti, dodatno istraživanje faktografije nasilja i učenje povijesti utemeljeno na činjenicama zagovarat ćete promjene duboko ukorijenjenih praksi selektivnog prikazivanja stradanja. Vašim ćete prijedlozima nastojati motivirati što više sada nezainteresiranih ljudi, u javnosti i vladinim institucijama ili drugim riječima - zagovarati.

Case Study: Estonia. Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, World War II and Soviet Legacy

Author(s): Vladimir Sazonov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

History can be used as a tool of influence as was highlighted in Annual Review 2014 of Estonian Internal Security Service; “historical propaganda plays a key role in justifying the actions and conquests of Russia’s aggressive foreign policy”. Russia has its own historical policy, which the Kremlin uses for achieving its goals. Various methods of using and (re)-interpreting or manipulation(s) historical facts and narratives are not a new phenomenon in the modern world, but in the 21st century they have become more significant in influencing target audiences. Several modern pro-Kremlin oriented Russian historians and even politicians are manipulating historical facts.

Robert Konečný a jeho písemná pozůstalost v univerzitním archivu

Author(s): Jiří Pulec / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

In January 2018, Masaryk University archives obtained an extensive written estate of Robert Konečný (1906–1981), an associate professor of philosophy and professor of psychology at Masaryk University, the pioneer of health-care psychology in Czechoslovakia, a poet and author, and a major figure of resistance to Nazism. Robert Konečný’s personal files, which belong among the best preserved items in the university archives, were organized and made accessible during 2018. Extensive correspondence mainly includes collections of letters from key figures of Czech literature, philosophy and psychology. A remarkable part of the estate consists of texts of Konečný’s lectures and speeches as well as documents on his educational activity in radio and television broadcasting. The files also represent a valuable source for the study of resistance to Nazism in Moravia. An extensive set of manuscripts, typescripts and prints from the fields of psychology, philosophy and literature can serve as a basis for the preparation of Konečný’s bibliography.

L'ironie (presque) involontaire des « élites » intellectuelles légionnaires : entre soumission politique totale et mobilisation infinie d’étudiants absentéistes

Author(s): Traian Sandu / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

The subject of irony among legionaries may seem rather decontextualized, as the exclusive political faith, the total commitment, and the murderous consequences of the fascist ideology of the legionaries predispose their intelectuals to serious martial attitudes and rectilinear assertions rather than light approaches and multiple senses supposed by irony. Nevertheless, the situation of fascist intellectuals is ironic in itself, as they have to reconcile rational analyses and partisan obedience, which leads them to sacrifice their critical role and their intellectual superiority in front of mediocre fascist leaders. Fascist intellectuals as Mircea Eliade sometimes try to use ironical detachment in order to obtain some free space for critical mind, with no success; some of them do not try at all, as Emil Cioran, with huge spiritual collapse after the 1945 defeat and enormous success of their omni-ironic Weltanschauung afterwards.

THE GREAT SERBIAN THREAT, ZAVNOBIH AND MUSLIM BOSNIAK ENTRY INTO THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT

Author(s): Marko Attila Hoare / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

From the start of the uprising in summer 1941, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia conceived of the People’s Liberation Struggle in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a specifically Bosnian-Herzegovinian liberation struggle, waged under Bosnian-patriotic slogans. Nevertheless, the status of Bosnia-Herzegovina within the future Yugoslav state was not definitely resolved until November 1943. This period – autumn 1943 – witnessed the mass influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the People’s Liberation Movement, definitely transforming it from a movement that was overwhelmingly ethnic-Serb in composition into one that had a large Muslim Bosniak component as well. A decisive catalyst for the mass entry of Muslim Bosniaks in East Bosnia into the NOP was the fear among them that Hitler would cede East Bosnia to Nedić’s Serbia, thereby establishing a Great Serbia in which the Muslim Bosniaks would be subjected to genocide. The KPJ, by championing Bosnian-Herzegovinian self-determination, was able to win over a large part of the Muslim Bosniak population that feared the Great Serbian threat. This paper will look at the relationship between the Great Serbian threat and the influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the NOP during 1943.

ZAVNOBIH KAO HISTORIJSKI ODGOVOR NA VELIKODRŽAVNE POLITIKE PODJELE I UNIŠTENJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Denis Bećirović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Along with the formation of the Kingdom of SHS, the policy of denying the historical specialties and integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued in the new state legal framework and changed historical circumstances. By introducing the “Six days of January” dictatorship in 1929, the policy of decommissioning of the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina was formalized and the culmination of the denial of the historical, state-legal and political-territorial entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina occurred through the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement in 1939. The denial and destruction policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to carry out the Ustasa and Chetnik movements in the Second World War. The common position of the protagonists of the Greater Serbia and Croatian politics in the interwar and war period was a sharp opposition to any idea that envisioned a territorially integrated and autonomous Bosnia and Herzegovina. Criminal ideologies and the policies of destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina were opposed by anti-fascists from all the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the ZAVNOBiH sessions, they restored Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood and created joint federal units with joint forces, which became part of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia in the second session of the AVNOJ with the political will of the Bosnian delegates. The decisions of the ZAVNOBiH constituted a historical negation of the great state policies of the division and destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They made possible the resurgence of the former Bosnian state and provided it with the necessary state-legal and political elements for its renewed existence after the collapse of the medieval Bosnian state in 1463. In short, the anti-fascist forces restored the territorial integrity and statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the ZAVNOBiH sessions. By adopting the first Constitution after the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina defined its internal organization, the highest legal act, in accordance with the political and economic conditions at that time. It is defined as the nation’s republican state which had sovereign rights and statehood. By the adoption of the first post-war constitution of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the construction of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was completed.

NA PUTU OD AVNOJ-A DO ZAVNOBIH-a, HISTORIJSKA MJESTA I DINAMIKA SJEĆANJA

Author(s): Jasna Pašić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The historical decisions made at the assembly of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, regardless of the socio-political context of their interpretation, represent permanent values of anti-fascist voices from Bosnia and Herzegovina at the midst of World War II. These were the steps that preserved the inner being of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the connection of its all centuries old symbols. The dynamics of memories and public perception of significant dates have been altered due to changes in the value of the political framework in the socialist and post-socialist period. In the case of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, different treatment of events can be seen related to state holidays. The Yugoslav culture of memory included all segments of society, in order to shape the formative forces of the desired articulation of remembrance. The historical places are shaped in places of memory, in which deep symbolic connections. Such is an example can be followed Bihać, Mrkonjić-Grad and Jajce, as well as the events which have been organized for the purpouse of among anniversaries in these cities. State holidays and commemorative dates were in the crisis during the time dissolution of Yugoslavia and in clash of overall legacy of communism. In the period of democratic changes, the coarse selection, partial or complete rejection and denial has occurred. AVNOJ’s current socio-political context has become completely useless, while ZAVNOBIH has been perceived in three ways in the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The ethnic divisions after the Dayton Peace Agreement have resulted in the relativization and denial of anti-fascist legacy and the identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The public monuments and spaces related to this were abused in order to deepen the national divisions and disrupt the idea of equality of citizens and nations, which was achieved 75 years ago. In this case, it is not just about transforming memories, but about undermining universal civilizational values in order to strengthen nationalisms. Such a relationship to the AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH and their significance for Bosnia and Herzegovina points to a serious crisis of democratic values.

ZAVNOBIH JE OBNOVIO DRŽAVNOST BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Suad Kurtćehajić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Maintaining the First Session of ZAVNOBIH On November 25 represented one of the most significant events in BH history, because after 480 years, or after 1463 when Bosnia fell under the Ottomans, its citizens and peoples came for the first time in 1943 in a situation to decide freely with their will about their destiny. The historical circumstances that preceded this event, since the fall of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire in 1463 were: Bosnia was given to the administration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy by the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878 and then the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 by Austro-Hungary, the creation of the Kingdom of SHS 1918, in which the Cvetković – Maček Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1939 divided it between the Srbian and Croatian interest spheres which threatened the disappearance of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thanks to Tito’s anti-fascist movement in war-torn Europe, the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with their struggle and success in it, have created the assumption that they can decide with their will what Bosnia and Herzegovina wants. The formulation contained in paragraph 5. of the Resolution of ZAVNOBiH unanimously adopted by 173 Councilors of ZAVNOBiH, which then expressed the leadership of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina that their country, which is neither Serbian nor Croat, nor Muslim, but Serbian and Croatian and Muslim, is a free and banded Bosnia and Herzegovina in which full equality of Serbs, Muslims and Croats will be ensured, the foundations of the statehood and multiethnicity of Bosnia and Herzegovina are laid.

Proturječja u svezi s brojem žrtava fašističkog koncentracijskog logora na otoku Molatu

Author(s): Zlatko Begonja / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

At the time of the Second World War, Italian fascist military and civilian authorities carried out a thorough policy of Italianization in the occupied and annexed region of the eastern Adriatic. With the aim of a rapid realization of this goal, among other things, they created concentration camps for civilian internees in parts of Croatian Dalmatia. One of these camps was on the island of Molat in the Zadar Archipelago, through which by some accounts 10,000 individuals passed during the period of its existence from June 1942 to September 1943. But in this regard, what is uncertain and has been the subject of some controversy is the number of deaths that occurred at the camp. Namely, until now unsubstantiated claims of 1000 victims have been made, though recent research has only been able to establish less than 100 victims. Indeed the variance between real and fictitious death tolls at the camp in Molat is the reason why it was necessary to look at this issue in depth. The inflation of the number of victims, especially in postwar peacetime circumstances, until now as added to the difficulty in objectively assessing the real situation and directly functioned in creating an atmosphere of ideological-political commerce in victims due to so-called higher interests.

Wehrmacht, NDH, evakuacija, deportacija i prisilni rad stanovništva u Dalmaciji tijekom 1944. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In September of 1943 the Kingdom of Italy capitulated and German army entered Italian annexed parts of Dalmatia. The Independent State of Croatia (ISC) was able to return these areas under its control, after they were ceded to Italy in May of 1941. The German army still had to secure the coastal area from Tito’s partisans and possible landing of the Western Allies. In 1944 the Ger-mans prepared plans for the defense and fortification of the eastern Adriatic coast. One of the security measures of the German army was the evacuation of able bodied men from Dalmatian islands because they were considered to be possible hostile and prone to join the partisans and help the Western Allies in the case of their landing in that areas. The Germans evacuation of islands and some parts of the Dalmatian coast, as well as German use of local population for forced labor caused panic and scare among people. This put ISC authorities in a difficult situation - Germans were their allies and they depended on their support and presence of a German army. At the same time ISC representatives, especially those in Dalmatia understood that they need to win the hearts and minds of the population in that area, especially after the period of Italian presence and due to the fact that many Dalmatians joined Tito’s partisans. They realized that German repressive measures would disrupt such attempts and often protested against German evacuation and deportations of local population. But such protests were mostly disregarded by Germans who could impose their own decisions on the much weaker and sometimes powerless ISC authorities.

Prinudni rad u Srbiji u Drugom svetskom ratu

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

One of the most acute problems of the war economy in National Socialist Germany was a lack of labour in industry and agriculture. Though Nazi planners through a series of legal measures paid close attention to a solution to this matter even prior to the outbreak of the war, it was reopened following the failure of the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. Taking workers out of factories and fields opened the question of labour supply in these areas vital to the war economy. Shortages in labour supply could only be made up by forced recruitment from occupied countries. Serbia was not an exception to this rule in occupied Europe. To achieve a more effective exploitation of labour supply, the Nazis introduced their own labour laws into occupied territory to drive production. Since they lacked adequate numbers of personnel in their occupation apparatus, they engaged the domestic administration to achieve the desired objectives. The population of Serbia was subjected to all the forms of forced labour which the Nazis applied to other occupied territories, from new labour laws to outright slave labour. The largest portion of forced labourers worked for German needs on the territory of Serbia itself, while the number of workers in Germany never exceeded 30,000-35,000 at one time. This represented less than half the number of workers that the occupation authorities planned to send to work outside of Serbia.

Židé v českých zemích v moderní době. Židovské stereotypy a všední život Židů v badatelském přístupu výuky

Author(s): Zdeňka Stoklásková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Cílem je demonstrovat problematiku židovských dějin vysvětlením a v některých případech pokusem o vyvrácení určitých zažitých stereotypů. Problematika Židů v dějinách je velmi často spojena pouze s holocaustem a dějinami 20. století. Velmi často je upozaďován výklad židovského všedního života vzhledem k jejich kulturnímu a vědeckému přínosu pro společnost. Cílem je prostřednictvím pochopení určitých pojmů „nastartovat“ vidění minulosti ve světě kolem nás. Důležitou součástí je práce s digitalizovanými prameny, které mohou napomoci pochopení historie, a to zejména v regionálním kontextu.

II DIO: 1941-1945. Drugi svjetski rat i iskustva bosanskohercegovačkih žena

Author(s): Amila Ždralović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ovaj dio knjige bavi se položajem i djelovanjima žena u BiH za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Obilježje ovog perioda jeste uključivanje žena u različite oblike aktivnosti narodnooslobodilačke borbe za slobodu unutar koje se profiliraju drugačije društvene vrijednosti uključujući i ideju ravnopravnosti spolova u svim društvenim segmentima. Društvene promjene koje će uslijediti nisu bile samo deklarativne i formalno-pravne prirode, već su ozbiljno dovele u pitanje tradicionalne predrasude i stereotipe o mjestu i ulozi žene u društvu. Novi sociokulturalni kontekst omogućava i stvaranje organizacije Antifašističkog fronta žena (AFŽ). Iako ostaje otvoreno pitanje da li i u kojoj mjeri ovo organizovanje žena može nositi prefiks feminističkog, neupitna je uloga koju je odigralo u procesima emancipacije žene. Pored mnogobrojnih zadatka, žene okupljene oko jedinstvene organizacije AFŽ-a posebno su se isticale svojim kulturno-prosvjetnim radom.

Z našeho výzkumu týkajícího se Židů v městečku Bezdružice (Weseritz)

Author(s): Ingild Janda-Busl / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The research on Jews in the town of Bezdružice (Weseritz) highlights the historical presence and contributions of the Jewish community in the Czech-Bavarian border region. The study began with the discovery of Jewish cemeteries and memorials in the Tachov area, leading to a deeper exploration of Jewish life in Bezdružice. The Löwenstein-Wertheim family acquired the Bezdružice estate in the early 18th century, and Jewish families, such as the Sinay family, played significant roles in the local economy. The Jewish community faced numerous challenges, including property confiscation and persecution during the Nazi occupation. Despite these hardships, the community's legacy is preserved through historical records and ongoing research efforts. The synagogue and cemetery in Bezdružice, although damaged, remain important cultural and historical sites.