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4.50 €

Problemi diskontinuiteta vlasti i Hrvatska 1945

Author(s): Marijan Maticka / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author explains that the government established in Croatia in 1945, under the domination of the KPJ/KPH (The Communist Party of Yugoslavia/The Communist Party of Croatia), was entirely discontinuous from the previous forms of govenment on Croatian territory. It was a direct negation of the government of the NDH (The Independent State of Croatia), but also of the government in the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, or the Banovina of Croatia. The negation of the government of the NDH was tied to the defeat of the Axis, while the negation of the government of the Banovina of Croatia was the result of the development of the government which the KPJ/KPH established during the war for National Liberation. From the beginning of the armed struggle against the occupiers and their collaborators, the question of holding and wielding power was important to the KPJ/KPH. The development of a political basis for the network of a new goverment occurred simultaneously with armed struggle. National Liberation councils initiated and controlled by the KPJ/KPH became the real organs of power. Gradually, it also developed the structures of the higher organs of government. It was characteristic for these to grow from politically representative bodies into the chief legislative and executive organs of government. First of all, they take shape at the all-Yugoslav level (AVNOJ), subsequently on the level of its individual lands, thus also in Croatia (ZAVNOH). The discontinuity in the shape and form of government was obvious in terms of ideas, politics, organization and personnel. The KPJ/KPH in the form of ≪popular democracy≫ rejected the principles of parliamentary democracy; federalism was proclaimed, but in reality a state and party centralism was put into place. A multiparty political system was replaced by national front unity under the leadership of the KPJ/KPH, and all key political and state functions were carried out by the members of the KPJ/KPH.

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Temelji ideologije i tehnologije preuzimanja vlasti u Jugoslaviji 1944.-1945. godine

Author(s): Jera Vodušek Starič / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author contends that it is necessary to have a good understanding of the ideological basis on which the construction of a socialist state was then taking place in order to understand all the complicated levels on which the takeover of government by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) occurred during the war and in the years 1945-1946. This basis in the widest sense was the theoretical work whose aim was to delineate a new proletarian state, and that was Lenin’s State and Revolution of 1917. Stalin, as Lenin’s «sole rightful» heir, praised and awarded that work with great authority in the 1930s. In this context, the author analyzes the phases by which Yugoslavia became a one-party state during 1945 in which all the levers of power and society was in the hands of the KPJ. Special attention is paid to developments in Slovenia and Croatia. In this sense the author draws attention to the fact the the communists did not only settle accounts with all those who did not belong to their political party, but that in an effort to create a centralized and unified Yugoslavia many leaders of the party from these two federal states suffered. Following the creation of AVNOJ as the apex of federalization, the attempt at centralization that followed led to conflict with the concepts that were winning over Slovenia and Croatia under the aegis of SNOS and ZAVNOH already in 1944. That is why the party leadership of Slovenia and Croatia was disciplined in the fall of 1944. At the end of this process, in December 1945, the Central Committee of the KPJ called the Central Committees of the Communist Parties of Slovenia and Croatia to talks in Belgrade. In settling accounts with poltical opponents the OZN (Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda – Department of National Defense) and the judiciary (especially the extraordinary courts and the military courts) played a key role. Indeed, the OZN was by decree of the party the main executor of the party in the process of taking power. The manner in which government was taken ensured a monopoly of power to the party, while the methods used were very similar to those used in the Soviet Union.

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Pamćenje i kultura povijesnog mišljenja – baština hrvatskog antifašizma 1945.-2005.

Author(s): Drago Roksandić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In recent decades, with the development of ≪new cultural history≫, issues around ≪memory≫, ≪remberance≫, but also ≪forgetting≫, have become central to understanding the human experience of the past, present, and future. The Second World War is the turning point with which issues of human and civil rights and international law step by step begin to attain global civil rights. Thus the relations to the heritage of the Second World War can become more personalized, on the side of the war≫s ≪winners≫ as on the side of its ≪losers≫. Since fascism was not a Croatian ≪invention≫, the articulation of Croatian antifascism was above all reactive, regardless of whether its Italian or any other European influences are considered in the period prior to 1941. Croatian antifascism had to confront quite a large number of challenges; it had to address quite a large number of outstanding issues, which in and of itself multiplied the preconditions for an exclusive antifascist alternative that would ultimately, independently of the variety of ≪tactical≫ accomodations to other antifascist tendencies, whether they be radical, that is communist. Only a scholarly coming to terms with the reality of fascist practice, that is, antifascism in its concrete historical circumstances, therefore, with the appropriate attention paid to context, is qualified to answer the questions posed, and that means presenting interpretive distinctions.

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Glasine o «Trećem svjetskom ratu » ili «novom preokretu» u Hrvatskoj 1945. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of archival sources and literature, this article demonstrates how a variety of rumours spread widely in Croatia during 1945 about the supposed eruption of a new world war, the Third World War, which, it was believed, would lead to a new upheaval in the foundations of the existing political and military conditions. Supporters of the Independent State of Croatia, saw in these rumours the last chance to avoid total defeat. On the other hand Partisans and communists believed these rumours were an attempt to destabilize the regime they established to recreate the Yugoslav state.

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Etiketa «ustaštva » kao izgovor za progon političkih protivnika u poslijeratnoj Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Mario Jareb / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

May 1945 brought the victory of the Partisan movement and the establishment of a new communist totalitarianism on Croatian territory. The new regime decided categorically to settle accounts with anyone who could possibly create difficulties with the implementation of their intended revolutionary changes. Following the example of Soviet practice, Yugoslavian communists turned all means at their disposal to a massive settling of accounts with all their enemies. To the public they justified this as a necessary punishment of war crimes. Consequently they wanted to portray all their opponents in the worst possible way, without regard to their actual responsibility for events that transpired during the war. Communist propaganda aimed at fomenting hatred of designated enemies. Special attention was paid to those individuals and groups who could by no criteria be labelled Ustaša or Ustaša collaborators. In many cases this was the public tarnishing of potential opponents (The Croat Peasant Party and the Catholic Church). This was a rather widespread occurence, which for certain individuals and groups ordinarily had drastic consequences. If these types of practices were predominant in the immediate postwar period, they did not disappear altogether later on. Thus, in the case of the Franciscans of Široki Brijeg, there was an attempt to hide one≫s own crimes in accusations directed at others.

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Djelovanje obavještajne službe Nezavisne Države Hrvatske i Odjeljenja za zaštitu naroda (OZNA) krajem Drugog svjetskog rata

Author(s): Davor Kovačić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Totalitarian regimes maintain security/intelligence services to use against foreign enemies, but the majority of their energies and potential are directed in dealing with internal opponents of the regime or specifically defined groups. After the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) by legal decree on 4 May 1941, the Ravnateljstvo za javni red i sigurnost (Directorate for Public Order and Security – RAVSIGUR) was created as the regular policing body of the NDH with Eugen Dido Kvaternik as its director. RAVSIGUR was formed as the unified organization of all police districts in NDH, responsible for overlooking all types of security services. At the same time, Eugen Dido Kvaternik began creating a special, independent Ustaša police force, the Ustaška nadzorna službu (Ustaša Serveillance Service – UNS). The UNS, which was the special police force of the Ustaša movement, was created in order to monitor and control the activity of all regular policing bodies and all other institutions of the NDH. The Glavno ravnateljstvo za javni red i sigurnost (Chief Directorate for Public Order and Security – GRAVSIGUR) emerged from the joining of RAVSIGUR to the UNS only at the beginning of 1943, even though the name was promulgated by a decree of 16 October 1942. One of the main reasons for the establishment of this police/ security body, its strengthening, and the creation of a number of other police forces was the growing strength of the Narodnooslobodilački pokret (People≫s Liberation Movement – NOP). From the beginning of 1943, reports and analysis of individual bodies and institutions in the NDH demonstrate the constant growth of the Partisan movement across the whole territroy of the NDH and the corresponding contraction and weakening of the position of the Ustaša regime regardless of which countermeasures it took. Organizationally, politically and in terms of success the Partisan security service was getting increasingly more powerful, becoming the main opponent of the NDH security services, which were less and less able to meet their challenge on the territory they were contending over. As the communist government began to constitute itself, and as the war drew to a close, so the regime became increasingly authoritarian and gradually even totalitarian. The government was taken over following the pattern of Soviet bolshevism and Stalinism.

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Uloga Komande grada Zagreba u životu Grada prvih poslijeratnih mjeseci 1945. godine

Author(s): Iva Kraljević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This work attempts to review certain events in Zagreb during the first weeks after the conclusion of the war in 1945, that is, to point out the role the Command of the city of Zagreb, as the temporary city administration put in place by the Yugoslavian army, had in the life of the city in the first days after the end of the war. No serious research has been undertaken about the activities of the new and temporary city government in postwar Zagreb, only a few journalistic works have been published thus far. Due to the insufficient literature and the sparse archival materials in the Zagreb City Archive and the Croatian State Archive, journalistic publications, and articles from the newspapers Narodni list and Vjesnik were utilizied to write the article. Even though they were the main sources of information, it must be mentioned that the newspapers of the day, despite the fact that they were propagandistic, enable a faithful reconstruction of the first days in postwar Zagreb. The activities of the Command of the City of Zagreb can be classified into three categories. The first and most wide-ranging was related to the adiministration of city affairs, the second was maintaining discipline within the Yugoslavian Army in the city, and third was the activity of its Military Court.

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Popis žrtava Drugog svjetskog rata , poraća i Domovinskoga rata . Rezultati i perspektive

Author(s): Josip Kolanović,Milan Pojić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Starting from the fact that the number of victims of the Second World War and the postwar era in Croatia has never been firmly established, and that a list of victims has never been compiled, in 2002 a scholarly research project entitled ≪Victims of the Second World War, the Postwar era and the Homeland War≫ was launched. The aim of the project was to create as precise a list of the victims of the Second World War, the Postwar period, and the Homeland War as is possible on the basis of existing lists, archival sources, published works, and other documents. Work up to this point projects the creation of an electronic database coordinated with existing databases and the data expected from other sources, which enables research into 19 out of a total of 26 elements, and the conversion and transfer of data from the 1964 census in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina of over 417 000 entries/victims as well as the database of the Ministry of Croatian Veterans of the Republic of Croatia. Up to May 2004, 86 archival fonds and collections had been fully examined as had 58 publications (books, articles), and information about 85 148 victims had been entered into the electronic database.

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Predgovor

Author(s): Ljubodrag D. Dimić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U srpsku i jugoslovensku istoriografi ju zakoračuje nova generacija istoričara. Ubeđena je, kao i sve prethodne, da će dosegnuti one stručne visine sa ko jih se vidi „kako svetlost praskozorja pobeđuje tamu”. Zaželimo joj dobrodošlicu. Ukažimo joj poverenje. Podržimo njena interesovanja za nove teme, pitanja i probleme. Združimo njene stvaralačke energije sa onima koje sami ulažemo pokušavajući da saznamo prošlost. Pomozimo joj da što pre idejama svoga vremena i osobenim senzibilitetom obogati istoriografi ju, koja je plodotvorna jedino ukoliko predstavlja „vrenje svesti” više generacija istoričara koji stvaraju u jednoj kulturi.

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Jana Hybášková, Czech Republic

Author(s): Jana Hybášková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

It is a tremendous honour for me to be here today in the presence of the Czech prime minister. I can thank him for one very important thing. You are well aware that when we met before two years ago, we put together the Prague Declaration. I would like to thank the tens of thousands of signatories who have signed the declaration up to now. I would also like to thank the parliaments who have signed up to it. The European Parliament’s European Conscience and Totalitarianism resolution arose out of this declaration. And it was at the last meeting of the General Council of the European Union under the Czech Presidency (which was already under the patronage of the prime minister) that the Council of Ministers of the European Union adopted and supported the European Parliament resolution. And ensuing from the European Conscience and Totalitarianism, it also made a commitment in this sense of the word that this history is a common European history, that communism was not some exotic eastern deviation, that it is a common horrific European legacy, and that we must also recognise it in the future and attempt to pass judgement on it. These conclusions from July’s Council of the Czech presidency were already established under the patronage of our Czech prime minister. And so far it is actually the most important legal proof that we have; it is a European Union document; and it is a European Union decision. This document has also given rise to the creation of a Platform of institutions dealing with the history, studying and passing judgement on communist and totalitarian regimes throughout Europe. And I hope that it will be the Czech government which will take this commitment further and actively support the establishment of the Platform so that it does not simply remain as a Council of Europe decision, but that we are actually able to accomplish this together as active Europeans, from the north, south, east and west.

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International Justice: UN tribunals, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission

Author(s): Ivana Janů / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

A society in a moral crisis, whose origins lie in an authoritarian, totalitarian regime from the recent past, cannot be healed unless it holds a mirror up to itself. Above all it must ask itself what relationship it actually has with the past. Consequently, it is not enough for it to be about documents based on the opinion of specialists and professional analysts such as intellectuals. The opinion of the majority should ensue from a relatively sophisticated survey of public opinion, which would distinguish what direct participants in the period of national history that is being examined think and how young people are informed about it. Naturally, information on the standard of history teaching at primary and secondary schools should also be added to this. Only then is it possible to effectively influence the convictions of society with a view to restoring the values that were destroyed by the previous regime.

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Pregled najnovije literature i istraživanja na temu Bleiburga i Križnog puta

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

"Bleiburg” and the "Passion" are one of the complex topics of Croatian, Slovenian, Serbian, Bosnian and Herzegovinian and Montenegrin historiographies. It had been passed in silence for a number of years, not only in historiography, but also in public life of Croatia and former Yugoslavia. Despite public silence in Yugoslavia, there were writings about "Bleiburg" mostly in Croatian, Slovenian and Serbian emigre circles. Since 1990s "Bleiburg" and the "Passion" were no longer a taboo, so that ample historiographical, publicist and memoir literature deals with the end of WWII, withdrawal of a large number of soldiers and civilians, negotiations and extradition at Bleiburg, as well as the events during the "Passion". Works of Yugoslav (socialist) historiography, as well as of foreign (German, British) historiographies are interesting for a general review. Most data are known through memoirs and statements of survivors of the Bleiburg events. However, one should keep in mind frequent subjective elements in the available narratives. Therefore the goal of this paper is to systematize, review and evaluate the more important texts, articles, collections and monographs on the Bleiburg events from May 1945.

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Култура сећања на савезништво у Другом светском рату кроз називе улица, тргова и спомен-обележја

Author(s): Mile Bjelajac / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The renewed emergence in public of the question of respecting the tradition of the Anti-Fascist struggle and recognition of the allied (Soviet) contribution to the liberation of Belgrade in 1944 spurred the interest in reconsidering the practice of naming and renaming of streets which testify about that part of our common history. Although marking of monuments and maintenance of wartime graveyards, and even naming of streets after prominent personages are only part of the promotion of history of remembrance – since in our days it can be much more and stronger reflected in the media presence or in the form of schoolbook interpretations and attractive films or TV serials – we addressed this matter in capacity of a historian and an eyewitness. From a comparative survey of how marking of something which should represent lasting values was approached in various periods of history of Yugoslavia and now of Serbia, we glean that in our territory there was more ideology and „political correctness” than desire to measure with equal measure that which should always be esteemed – shedding of blood for the liberty of the country and the people, as well as the extended friendly hand in the hour of the direst necessity. Following the need of the moment, the town authorities in the time of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia named a street after the King’s general Petar Živković, in the very year the King imposed his dictatorship. It was renamed by his former oponent Milan Nedić in 1943. Overshadowed by Živković remained many fallen heroes or those whom he condamned or with whom he did away at the trial of Thessaloniki. Thus, the city did injustice to its defender colonel Tufegdžić and took away his name from a street in 1940. During the war, under occupation, streets were deprived of the names of former Serbian wartime and political allies. After the war ideological purges of „incorrect” or „uninteresting” local and allied names followed. In only few cases names deleted by the occupying and collaborationist administration were given back. Streetnames after Russian or Soviet wartime allies were no exception, only perhaps a more dramatic illustration of the change of „remembrance” in keeping with the changed political circumstances. After 1948 the names of streets and boulevards given after Russian great men, the Red Army and toponyms made famous during WWII started to disappear. After less than ten years, they started to return, as a sign of goodwill within the framework of improvement of bilateral relations. After the tragic incident in which a Soviet marshal and several generals, liberators of Belgrade were killed at Avala, the city renamed streets which had once born their names, after them again, and even added some new ones. During the transition of 1990, there was rush to repair all former „iniquities”. However, not even the newly proclaimed criteria were observed. Generals and marshals and the Red Army were once again the target of the reform. In accordance with our own insight and engagement we showed the history behind the scene, how the personality of marshal Biryuzov and the street bearing his name was saved from oblivion in 2004.

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(Не)видљива места сећања

Author(s): Olga Manojlović-Pintar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyses how personalization of tragedy of the participants of WWII was used to strengthen Yugoslav-Soviet ties in the first days after the liberation of Yugoslavia. The text also analyzes the processes of rapprochement and of establishing closer ties between the two countries during 1960s when new forms of political and cultural cooperation were based on renewed remembrance of the courage of the participants in the war. Special attention was devoted to interpretations of WWII in contemporary historiography which unearthed new data and opened new perspectives. Turning to experiences of individuals was suggested as a possibility of drawing conclusions without ideological revisions of the whole history of 20th century.

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Подела Краљевине Југославије 1941. године у светлу међународног права

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Main problem of research is effort of Germany to break Kingdom of Yugoslavia and to present splitting of its territory like a legitimate act in accordance to rules of international law. Intensive diplomatic activity made by Nazis after the military overthrow in Belgrade, March 27th 1941. Point has been made on failure of German diplomacy in their efforts to acquire Vlatko Maček, leader of the strongest political party in Croatia, to make the secession of Banovina Hrvatska, which would give Axis reason for aggression. Characteristic examples of political opportunism, in which base was politic of non-confronting to Germany, are shown by USSR and Vatican, that didn’t even react about splitting of Yugoslavia, although they had diplomatic relationship with her, on embassy level. Negation of Yugoslavian state existence in period after April 18th 1941, although the internal act have been accepted only by the Axis and their satellites, the Nazis were trying to make legally stronger, by giving state attributes to Independent state of Croatia (NDH), and by involvement of this state among Axis. Condition of occupied Serbia is shown only in fi rst faze of occupation, in time of commissary rule by Milan Aćimović, when occupation goverment, in basics, respected main rules of occupation doctrine, accepted in international law.

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Грађани Совјетског савеза у саставу немачких oкупационих снага у Србији и Југославији 1943–1945.

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Due to the centrifugal forces immanent to every multinational state, the red terror, forced collectivisation, dictatorship of bureaucratic apparatus and poor living standards, part of the Soviet citizens took up arms and fought on the side of Nazi Germany. The number of armed collaborationists in the USSR totaled 1.2 million. After Hitler’s order of October 10, 1943 eastern batallions were transferred to France, Italy and the Balkans. Slavic (cossac), Turkestani and Caucassian units were sent to the Balkans, being the largest and the best suited for combating the partisans. These were the notorious Caucassian “Bergmann” Unit, the I/125th and 814th Armenian batallions, 842nd and 843rd North-Caucassian semi-batallions, 162nd Turkestani Division , the strong 1st Cossac Division of general von Pannwitz which was transformed into the 15th Cossac Cavalery Corps. The Germans did not deploy the Turkestani and Caucassian units only for fighting the partisans. After the withdrawal from the territory of the USSR they turned the West-Balkans into a concentration center for all kinds of their abbettors. The third reason for bringing these troops to Yugoslavia was combined with the attempt at utylizing these numerous newcomers from the USSR for anti-Communist propaganda.

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Идеолошка основа злочина Независне Државе Хрватске 1941.

Author(s): Jovan Mirković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The newly-proclaimed Croatian state in April 1941 was based on the ideology of the Ustasha movement that was founded on racist and extremely nationalist policy with the aim of creating a “purely Croatian living-space” that would make possible the existence of the “pure Croatian nation”. The precondition for such tendencies was physical extermination of the Serbs and the Jews who were declared the “greatest enemies of the Croatian people” for whom “there was no place in Croatia”. They were joined by the Gypsies, as a non-Aryan inferior race. In order to achieve these goals “internal purification” was also needed, i.e. it was also necessary to destroy all those Croat and Muslim elements designated as traitors due to their “un-Croatian behavior” who were perceived as “a blemish on the body of the pure Croatian nation”. The reaction to the entry of German troops into Zagreb and the enthusiastic greeting with which they met, show that at the time of the aggression of the Fascist powers on Yugoslavia the ideology of the Ustasha movement was in keeping with prevailing ideological and religious attitude of large part of the Croatian people. The goals, the way of organizing and performing the activities of the Ustasha organization prove its terrorist character. Crimes against the Serbian population (as the factor of disturbance) and against the Jews and the Gypsies (as non-Aryans) were committed not because these weren’t loyal to the new government and because of the stability of the new state, but because of the ideological bases on which that state was build. This was shown by public statements and the propaganda activities of the exponents of this ideology (the Ustasha) and by the government through legislation, as well as by actions of all state organs – the police, the military, the judiciary, the administration – primarily through physical destruction of groups or through creation of conditions condemning a group to biological destruction. This is particularly visible from the analysis of the chronology of crimes committed during the first days of the existence of the ISC, that is in a period when there was no organized resistance as well as by the analysis of statistical data of the name-census of the war victims that has been revised so far. From the analysis of the statistical data and categories of the name census of the victims it is evident that the Independent State of Croatia ever since its proclamation and throughout the war committed systematic crime of genocide with the intention of destroying some ethnic, national and religious groups – Orthodox Serbs, the Jews and the Gypsies – which is particularly visible in the analysis of the 1941 data. Genocidal character of the crimes during the first days of the ISC’s existence can be observed on examples of mass liquidations in which political or military capability of a group to oppose the regime played no role whatsoever. On the contrary, mass liquidations of the whole population took place – of men, women, children and the aged. Exactly the analysis of the manifest intent and actions in 1941 show that the crime , the most severe form of crimes against humanity – the genocide (as defined afterwards) was in-built in the very foundations of the newly-founded state and its ideological basis.

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Odnos vlasti Nezavisne Države Hrvatske prema srpskom stanovništvu u sjevernoj Dalmaciji od aprila 1941. do septembra 1943. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the relations of the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) toward the Serb population in northern Dalmatia. ISC was proclaimed by representatives of the Ustasha movement on April 10, 1941, several days after the beginning of Axis attack on Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Newly proclaimed Croatian state was forced to cede sizeable part of its Adriatic coast to its Italian ally. The border between Croatia and Italy was regulated by Rome agreements, signed by Benito Mussolini and Croatian head of state Ante Pavelić on May 18, 1941. Italians established their rule in the coastal area of northern and central Dalmatia while the remaining part of that region stayed within the Croatian state. Croatian authorities launched a policy of discrimination and violence against ethnic Serbs who lived in ISC in large number. Northern Dalmatian hinterland was also in large number inhabited by ethnic Serbs and they too were struck by terror of the new Croatian authorities. Between late May and late July of 1941 Ustasha detachments killed several hundreds Serbs in northern Dalmatia. In late July Serbs launched a large scale rebellion against Croatian authorities and rebels quickly took control over large areas of northern Dalmatia and neighbouring areas. Rebel would later split into two mutually opposed movements, the partisans led by Communist party of Yugoslavia and the Chetniks, who remained loyal to the royal Yugoslav government in exile. Italian army soon occupied whole Croatian coastal region under explanation that it has to secure the areas in the vicinity of the Italian annexed territories. In fact Italians could use this opportunity to greatly diminish the Croatian influence in the coastal region because it was obvious that ISC retained aspirations toward areas annexed by Italians according to the Rome agreements. For this reason Italians ordered Croatian army to withdraw

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1933 Sonrası Türkiye’ye Sığınan Nazi Karşıtı Aydınlar ve Karşılaştırmalı Edebiyatın İki Kurucu Adı: L. Spitzer ve E. Auerbach

Author(s): Gülnihal Gülmez / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

7 Nisan 1933’de, Almanya’da, Hitler hükümetinin ırkçı yasalarından ilki olan ve Nazi yöneticilere rejim düşmanlarından, özellikle de Yahudilerden kurtulma fırsatı sunan, “devlet memurluğu mesleğinin ihyasına dair yasa” kabul ediliyordu. Ari ırktan olmadıkları için üniversitelerdeki kürsülerinden kovulan çok sayıda bilim adamının Nazi Almanya’sını terk etmek zorunda kaldığı bu 1933 yılında, hemen hemen aynı tarihlerde, kuruluşunun henüz onuncu yılındaki genç Türkiye Cumhuriyeti de bizzat Atatürk’ün öncülüğünde, kökten bir üniversite reformu gerçekleştirme çabasındaydı. Her iki ülkenin tarihindeki bu ilginç kesişme, Nazilerin kovduğu birçok akademisyenin mesleklerine Türk üniversitelerinde devam edebilmelerini sağladı.

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Osudy prachatického kurýra Josefa Ludvíka na pozadí zpravodajských operací čs. exilu

Author(s): Petr Mallota / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The study maps the extraordinary life story of Josef Ludvík. Born in South Bohemia, he served in the police force and during the occupation he joined the anti-Nazi resistance movement. After communists had seized power in Czechoslovakia, he acted in a similar way. As a member of the National Security Corps he defected from his place of service in Prachatice to West Germany in the summer of 1949. After crossing the border he went through several refugee camps, including the famous Valka camp near Nuremberg, and later he joined the anti-communist resistance organized under the auspices of American and British intelligence services. As a courier (so called agent-walker), he crossed the border in the area of the Šumava mountains and fulfilled commissioned intelligence tasks in the border zone and inland of Czechoslovakia. In the course of almost two years he undertook five missions on which he met or cooperated with many outstanding exile figures, such as the legendary “King of Šumava”, courier Josef Hasil, the prominent senior intelligence officer Major Karel Černý, or Ludvík’s relative, courier and leading executive, Jaroslav Kaska. His fifth mission in May 1951 ended up a disaster for both Josef Ludvík and his colleague Vladimír Palma after they were detained by a Border Guard patrol near Bučina. In February 1952 they stood before the tribunal of the State Court in Prague which sentenced them to death in a monster political show trial. The sentence was executed on 8 July 1952 in the Pankrác execution room. The research studies Ludvík’s anti-communist resistance activities carried out from behind the border in a broader context of intelligence operations of the Czechoslovak exile.

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