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Párhuzamos nemzetépítés, konfliktusos együttélés: Birodalmak és nemzetállamok a közép-európai régióban (1848–1938). Szerkesztette Szarka László. Országház Könyvkiadó, Budapest, 2017. 364 oldal
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Stefan Berger – Chris Lorenz (eds.): The Contested Nation: Ethnicity, Class, Religion and Gender in National Histories. Palgrave Macmillan, CPI, Chippenham and Eastbourne, 2011. 552 oldal
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A modern európai történelemben a nemzetek két alaptípusát különbözteti meg a szakirodalom, és egyben a mindennapi nyelvhasználat. Az egyikre a közös terület és az ugyanazon jogi-politikai keretekhez, tehát államhoz való tartozás a meghatározóan jellemzõ, a másikra pedig a nyelv és a kultúra azonossága, valamint a közös származás mí- tosza vagy valósága. Friedrich Meinecke, a 19. és a 20. század nagy német történésze 1907-ban Fichte és Herder megfigyeléseit elfogadva az elõzõ típust politikai vagy államnemzetként (Staatsnation), az utóbbit pedig kultúrnemzetként (Kulturnation) definiálta. E két típus földrajzi elterjedését alapul véve Anthony D. Smith, a nemzettel kapcsolatos kutatások egyik legjobb mai brit szakértõje legutóbbi könyveiben a nemzet Nyugat-Európára és az Egyesült Államokra jellemzõ nyugati, és a világ több más részé- re, így Európa keleti felére is jellemzõ keleti vagy etnikai modelljérõl ír.
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Polish-Soviet Negotiations and the Peace of Riga (1920–1921)
The aim of this article is to discuss the current state of research and published sources on the Polish-Soviet negotiations and treaty that put an end to the armed conflict of 1918/1919–1920. It emphasises the significance of the peace treaty signed on 18 March 1921 in Riga for the resetting of relations between countries in Central and Eastern Europe after the First World War. The text puts forward a thesis – widely accepted in Polish historiography but basically overlooked by Western and Russian historians – that the Treaty of Riga constituted the completion and fulfilment of the European order, the most important element of which was the Treaty of Versailles and subsequent peace treaties; therefore, the term ‘Versailles-Riga Order’ is used. It outlines the attitudes of European superpowers and those of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and of the representatives of the Russian White Movement towards the issues raised during the negotiations in Riga, especially with regards to the shape of the border between the Republic of Poland and Soviet Russia. The article also discusses the objectives, diplomatic tactics and composition of the Polish and Soviet delegations. It points out that the negotiations in Riga were sort of a testing ground for both the Polish and Soviet parties. Moreover, the most important provisions of the peace treaty are discussed from a broad perspective, as well as the methods of their implementation in the following years, namely the issue of establishing the Polish-Soviet border, financial settlements and liabilities, reclaiming cultural heritage, and – last but not least – the repatriation of populations to Poland, Russia and Soviet Ukraine.
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Nicolae Iorga (1871-1940) was Romania’s best-known historian and public intellectual between the two world wars, both at home and abroad. He is seen as the father of Romanian nationalism, as well as the main provider of historical continuity and legitimacy for the new Greater Romania of 1918. The aim of this paper is to argue that Iorga’s nationalism has been a political story from the very beginning. It was a politically motivated commitment toward reshaping society, through culture. This political reading contradicts the standard narrative that interprets Iorga as a cultural nationalist who only helped raise national consciousness in the wake and during the First World War. Instead, in the first part of this text, my reading of his political career depicts an intellectual who sought not only to cultivate the nation, but to advance his own political platform (based on the rejection of modernity, antisemitism, and irredentism) and to contribute to the establishment of a single strong territorial state reuniting all Romanians around the Old Kingdom. In the second part of the paper, I move from a short survey of the politics of memory by the main political regimes following Iorga’s assassination, namely the military dictatorship of Ion Antonescu and the communist regime, to a discussion of some strategies used in the post-1989 era to condone or obfuscate some beliefs and actions of Iorga by interpreting his nationalism as a cultural one.
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The idea of Estonia’s cultural and national self-sufficiency emerged in the nineteenth century. The contribution of writers and poets was essential to this development. Literature anticipated not only cultural, linguistic, and artistic, but also the economic and political emancipation of Estonians. Cultural practices leading to this emancipation were largely based on Baltic German models; many key elements to the independent Estonian national identity are of foreign origin. On the one hand, the nineteenth-century nationbuilding could therefore be described as self-colonization. On the other hand, it rather created a new nation than transformed a preexisting one, since the very concept of national identity was introduced by this process. Through various political and cultural upheavals, the most influential authors from this seminal period of the Estonian modern culture have remained iconic to this day. The traditional identification with them is so strong that the tentative origins of the nation and the identitary struggles of the national poets themselves may often be forgotten and the personal and individual nature of their contribution downplayed.
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The principal research question pursued by this work is as follows: How do the Republic of Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine present one another in their history curricula and textbooks? How do the history textbooks of each of these three countries present the relationship between majorities and minorities?This book is thus focused on two main objectives: first, to generate improved understanding of the state of the discipline of history in these countries via discussion of reforms to and debates around history curricula in each country, and second, to shed light on the ways in which history textbooks in each of the three countries represent the other two and their peoples.Curriculum development and textbook production in all three countries still remain centralised. Textbooks are produced by state and private publishing houses. Most textbooks are curriculum-based and developed according to the guidelines issued by the Ministries of Education. Through their textbook publishing policy, these ministries control the content and quality of textbooks. History curricula and textbooks in all three countries have progressed, but we still encounter many problems. Among them are the following:• the content of curricula and history textbooks continues to place too much emphasis on national aspects to the detriment of the world, regional, and local dimensions of history;• it reflects the history of wars and violence instead of giving more space to periods of peaceful coexistence, cooperation and cultural communication, or of mutual enrichment between various social groups as well as between nations;• it neglects regional history and cultural and historical links with neighbouring countries;• as it stands, it causes problems in history education and the development of ethnic identity, as well as the relationship between “Us” and “Others”;• it leads to or accepts poor textbook design.The relationship between national and European history remains a closely debated topic in all three societies. Their shared reality, as evidenced by this study, is that all three countries are currently not presenting one another in any meaningful way in their history textbooks at all educational levels. In all three countries, history education and textbooks are dominated by political history and narratives of victimisation. National histories do not pay attention to their neighbours.History textbooks play an important part in the process of collective identity formation, building a relationship with the past and creating an image of the “other”. The content of textbooks determines, in many cases, students' attitudes to their neighbours. Therefore, in order to improve the situation in history education and to develop a tolerant approach to “others” in history textbooks, there is a great need for joint efforts by politicians, professionals and members of civil society in Moldova, Romania and Ukraine.
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The authors of the article, studying existing bibliographical material, and some less known, treat aspects of the action of the leaders of the Transylvanian Romanians, for the achievement of the Great Union of 1 December 1918. The authors analyze the epochal events in the history of Romania, which took place in Alba Iulia on 1 December 1918 and briefly present the actions of the Romanian Transylvanian legislative and executive bodies elected to put into practice the principles decided by the Great National Assembly, as well as the recognition and consolidation of the Great Union.
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The present study brings into attention the outstanding contribution of Ion a lui Gheorghe Sbiera to the history of the Romanian libraries in Bukovina in the second half of the XIXth century. At the same time, as the librarian of the Chernivtsi Gymnazium Library, the custodian at the Country Library and then custodian of the University Library of the University of Chernivtsi he strongly develops the intent of preserving national identity and at the same time outlines the idea of cultural resistance in an occupied Bukovina.
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The article is devoted to one of the important aspects of the Stolypin agrarian reform – the practical activities of land settlement commissions in the field of land surveying in Southern Ukraine in 1906 – 1917. The personnel, tasks and functional responsibilities of members of land settlement commissions are clarified. The main types, volumes and results of land surveying works in the region are determined. It is proved that the practice of boundary works differed in the modernization of technical measures for the elimination of cross-strips, small strips, far-flung land, which led to improved field cultivation, increased agricultural yields and rising land prices. Special attention is paid to land management in the Bulgarian colonies of the region.
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U radu su prikazani administrativna podjela Crne Gore nakon Drugog svjetskog rata i organizacija lokalne samouprave u administrativno-teritorijalnim jedinicama. Rad obuhvata period od oslobođenja 1945. godine do usvajanja Ustava Socijalističke Republike Crne Gore 1963. godine. Na početku ovog perioda glavna administrativno-teritorijalna jednica je bio srez, a u kasnijoj fazi se pokazalo da srez nije bio odgovarajući i ustanovljen je opštinski sistem. Glavni organi lokalne samouprave su bili narodni odbori, a potom su to bile opštinske skupštine. U prvom dijelu ovog perioda manje administrativne jedinice su bili mjesni narodni odbori, a u kasnijoj fazi formirane su mjesne zajednice.
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During the years 2011–2014, Latvia experienced a significant increase in the adoption and use of militant democracy measures—constitutional amendments, refusals of party registration, restrictions on referendums and popular initiatives. These events, triggered by a widely attended referendum on the introduction of Russian as the second state language, highlighted the problematic relations between democracy and nation-building in Latvia. Despite earlier expectations that the original militancy of Latvian democracy would decrease with the gradual integration of the Russophone minority, recent developments show that the defence of a particular type of nation-building has become an integral part of Latvian democracy. Contrary to earlier attempts to describe Latvia as an example of ethnic democracy, this article argues that the nation-building proceeds on the basis of a not fully consistent combination of elements of ethnic and liberal republican approaches.
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Review of: Senaid Hadžić, Bosna i Hercegovina u vrijeme pojave (veliko)nacionalnih ideja, JU Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona Tuzla i Društvo arhivskih zaposlenika Tuzlanskog kantona, Tuzla 2016.
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The publication constitutes an analysis of the activation of Poles – citizens of the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Empire residing in the province of West Prussia (Eastern Pomerania) in the elections to the German parliament (Reichstag) in the 19th century (until 1914). On the one hand, it was demonstrated that every contemporary citizen of the German state had equal rights irrespective of their nationality; on the other hand, the author presented the process of shaping the national consciousness of Poles using the law to organize a network of their own electoral committees and elect their Polish representatives to the legislative institutions of that state, in the national rivalry with the German society in Eastern Pomerania. Statistically, a successive increase in activation in this area and its specific results in particular electoral districts were presented, depending not only on nationality statistics, but also on the organization of the electoral campaign and the level of the increasing social, national and political awareness. The article presents the organizational manifestations of the national independence of the Polish society of Eastern Pomerania, which was one of the basic factors justifying the inclusion of this region within the boundaries of the reborn Polish state.
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The government of Alexandru Marghiloman from March 5/18 to October 23 / November 5, 1918 was the solution to the damage, a “the mantle of bad weather” of the Romanian political establishment from that date, when solutions were sought to save what he could still be saved from the Country, the Dynasty and the Army. Alexandru Marghiloman will undertake the mission to obtain the best possible conditions for the country in the dramatic situation of the beginning of 1918. The error of the “Wallachian lord” was that he overestimated his influence on the Central Powers and will realize that he was deceived by them. He believed almost to the end in Germany’s victory, and later, after its defeat, in the important role that Berlin would continue to play in Central and South-Eastern Europe. Only in this way can it be explained why Alexandru Marghiloman wanted to connect Romania to German politics in South-Eastern Europe and to the mouths of the Danube.
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Alexandru Marghiloman was the most important political man from Buzău at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. At the Crown Council of Sinaia, on 21 July 1914, when he was convened by the old King Carol I to decide the fate of the country in those critical moments at the the beginning of the war, Marghiloman proposed the solution of “armed expectation”, i.e. a neutrality that seemed to be favorable to the Central Powers. Alexandru Marghiloman reached the peak of his political career between 5 March and 24 October 1918, when on the one hand he managed with great patriotism the union of Basarabia with Romania, on 27 March/9 April, and on the other hand he assumed the sacrifice of saving the state and the dynasty by signing a “Punic peace” with the Triple Alliance, on 24 April/7 May. The Bucharest peace negotiations concerned not only the territorial seizure of Dobrogea, desired by the Bulgarians, and the mountain ridges, desired by the Austro-Hungarians, but espescially the maintenance of the military administration in order to exploit until exhaustion the territory under the occupation of the Central Powers. Although accused of collaborationism with the German occupier by his political opponents, many eager to capture the glory of the creation of Greater Romania, Marghiloman’s justification is masterly: „Greater Romania was made neither according to your political conceptions, nor according to our plans, Romania came out of the instinct of all Romanians, not from the calculations made by others!”
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This communication pays homage to the personality of the great politician Alexandru Marghiloman, who dedicated his entire political career to the achievement of the great desideratum of the Romanian people, the most important of which was, of course, the achievement of the Romanian National Unitarian State.
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Romania’s entry into the war, in August 1916, on the part of the Entente, of which Russia was a part, although it generated numerous controversies and a strong split in the Romanian political class, proved – given the final results, some of them unexpected or even intangible. that moment – as the best choice. Alexandru Averescu and Alexandru Marghiloman, two of the makers of Greater Romania, although of different professions and political options, put all their energy into using the national ideal. But each succeeded as much as his own political and military calculations promised, and especially as they accepted and were able to risk their future and that of the country.
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In Soviet historiography, subject to ideological dictates, the theme of the Union of Bessarabia with Romania, the role of the great personalities of the time, in the same line of the Prime Minister of România Alexandru Marghiloman, was distorted or neglected. The interest for the great event of March 27, 1918 in Bessarabia appears in the years of Restructuring promoted by Mikhail Gorbachev and especially after the proclamation of the State Independence of the Republic of Moldova. Bessarabian historians studied various issues related to the act of Union of 1918, published collections of documents, articles, monographs, organized scientific conferences dedicated to the Union of Bessarabia with Romania, personalities of that time. Among other politicians, historians also introduced A. Marghiloman. Examination of these studies shows that the Prime Minister of Romania was biased, subjectively exposed as a reactionary person, in solidarity with the Bessarabian “boyars”, against the agrarian reform and the ownership of land by the peasants. The published documents, the memoirs of the politicians of the time, the press show that Alexandru Marghiloman promoted the interests of the Romanian Nation, took into account the wishes of difierent social strata, and today’s historians have the task of objective examination, “without hatred and bias” of the great personality Alexandru Marghiloman.
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