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Розовомаслената индустрия в България през периода oт началото на Голямата депресия до началото на Втората световна война
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Розовомаслената индустрия в България през периода oт началото на Голямата депресия до началото на Втората световна война

Author(s): Radoslav Petkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2023

The article aims to make a critical analysis of the changes in the Bulgarian rose production and essential oil industry in the period from the beginning of the Great Depression to the end of the 1930s. During the above mentioned years, there was a profound change in political, economic and social development of the world, which in turn was reflected in the development of Bulgaria and Bulgarian society. The article analyzes at a micro level the problems of the Bulgarian rose oil industry related to the drastic changes in this sector. The Great Depression caused a crisis in rose production and in the oil industry. The government made attempts at limiting the areas occupied by oil rose plantations which were not particularly successful.

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Organizacja i działalność policji kryminalnej w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Wybrane aspekty

Organizacja i działalność policji kryminalnej w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Wybrane aspekty

Author(s): Konrad Żurek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 28/2023

The interwar period was a difficult one for the Polish state authorities. In parallel with the reconstruction of the Polish state and national identity, the foundations of Polish law were being laid. In a short interval, many significant organisational changes were taking place, which also included the State Police. During this period, the administrative apparatus in Poland was considerably streamlined, and efforts were also made to build its own model of internal organisation of the state. Between 1919 and 1939, the structures of the State Police were reorganised several times. Social, religious and nationality problems or cultural differences in the newly established statehood were among the indirect causes of crime. Accordingly, among other things, a criminal police force was established to combat it. The purpose of this article is to discuss its organisation and activities in the interwar period and to give the most important legal changes that took place for this formation. The author formulated the following research hypothesis: the reorganisation of the structures of the State Police was fundamental in terms of the organisation and activities of the criminal police. In the analysis, the dogmatic-legal method was used and, due to the time scope, also the historical-legal method.

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Polski etap „Marszu Pokoju Hiroszima–Auschwitz” 1962‒1963. Buddyjsko-pacyfistyczne i polityczne konteksty byłych niemieckich nazistowskich obozów koncentracyjnych jako miejsc pamięci o Zagładzie i II wojnie światowej

Polski etap „Marszu Pokoju Hiroszima–Auschwitz” 1962‒1963. Buddyjsko-pacyfistyczne i polityczne konteksty byłych niemieckich nazistowskich obozów koncentracyjnych jako miejsc pamięci o Zagładzie i II wojnie światowej

Author(s): Przemysław Skrzyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2022

As a result of the increased activity of organizations for former prisoners of the concentration and extermination camps, shortly after World War II, the memory of events at KL Auschwitz-Birkenau reached a global scale. In February 1962, an interreligious group of four young people, led by Satō Gyōtsu (1919‒2018) – a monk from a Buddhist order named Nipponzan-Myōhōji (Nichiren tradition) – undertook to march between Hiroshima and Oświęcim. Their purpose was to tell the truth about the crimes committed in both cities and spread the ideas of pacifism and disarmament. Within ten months, they visited 22 countries. The article primarily analyzes the Polish stage of the “Peace March,” based on an analysis of materials written by veterans and former prisoners of the camp in Auschwitz as well as texts published in the daily press. The second part of the article deals with the religious aspect of the “Peace March” in a broader context, discussing the complicity and collective responsibility of religious organizations, including Buddhist, for the drama of World War II. This “Peace March,” according to the author, was a form of confession of repentance and religious redress.

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Electoral Systems in the Kingdom of Greater Romania and the First Czechoslovak Republic. An Imbalanced Comparative Outline
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Electoral Systems in the Kingdom of Greater Romania and the First Czechoslovak Republic. An Imbalanced Comparative Outline

Author(s): Mihai Ghițulescu / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2022

In this article, I propose a comparison between interwar Romania and Czechoslovakia in terms of a specific aspect, crucial for democracy and playing a key role in the operation of the two regimes: the electoral system. I use this concept in its strict meaning, that of “set of rules that structure how votes are cast at elections for a representative assembly and how these votes are then converted into seats in that assembly” (Gallagher, Mitchell). More specifically, I shall focus on three issues composing the electoral system in a narrow meaning: (1) district/constituency magnitude (the number of seats allotted to each territorial unit delimited by the law or under law-established criteria); (2) ballot structure (the presentation of the candidates – individually or on more or less open lists – and the type of voting – single, multiple, limited etc.); (3) electoral formula (the calculation method established by the law to convert votes into seats and allocate seats to individual candidates). I try to argue that, in both cases, the very different electoral systems have largely contributed to the longevity of the formally but not essentially democratic political regimes and, also, that the Czechoslovak system would not have been a viable model for Romania, as it was believed at that time.

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The Reign of King Carol II as ‘Political Solution Regime’ (1938-1940)
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The Reign of King Carol II as ‘Political Solution Regime’ (1938-1940)

Author(s): Cristian Ionescu / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2022

In this study, the author uses extensive documentary material, some of it unpublished yet, to try to outline the character of the political regime instituted by King Carol II in February 1938. It is well known that in Romanian historiography the reign of King Carol II has been described in different ways, from personal dictatorship to authoritarian monarchy. The author points out that in the 1930s, the democratic institutions created by the liberal Constitution of 1923 were seriously eroded, primarily due to the inability of the political parties and, in general, of the Romanian democratic parliamentary system to find solutions to the serious economic, political and social problems faced by each political party in government and by the country as a whole. The author considers the political regime established by King Carol II to be a Caesarist regime, a regime of active or authoritarian monarchy. In addition, the study also shows the internal and external causes and conditions of the establishment of this regime. The author concludes that the political regime in place during the reign of King Carol II was a 'political solution type regime' to save the country from the Legionary threat. At the same time the author analyses, on the basis of numerous bibliographical sources, many of which used for the first time in this study, the content of the Constitution of 27 February 1938. In conclusion, the author considers that the political regime of monarchical authority instituted by King Carol II in February 1938 must also be framed, analysed and understood in the light of the spirit and practice of European constitutional law at the time.

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The Attitude of Bosnian Muslims Toward the Ottoman Empire in the Years 1850–1914
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The Attitude of Bosnian Muslims Toward the Ottoman Empire in the Years 1850–1914

Author(s): Tomasz Jacek Lis / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2022

The article describes how the attitude of Bosnian Muslims toward the Ottoman Empire changed between 1850 and 1914. This was a very important period, as Turkish rule in Bosnia ended and Austro-Hungarian rule began. For some Bosnian elites, anti-Ottomanism was one of the elements of their national identity. The article is based on literature, as well as on archival materials found by the author in the archives in Sarajevo.

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Ramazan Erhan Güllü, İstanbul Türklüğünün Muhafazası -İstanbul’un Kimlik ve Güvenlik Endişesi (1918-1941)

Ramazan Erhan Güllü, İstanbul Türklüğünün Muhafazası -İstanbul’un Kimlik ve Güvenlik Endişesi (1918-1941)

Author(s): Tuğba Eray Biber / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2023

Review of: Ramazan Erhan Güllü, İstanbul Türklüğünün Muhafazası -İstanbul’un Kimlik ve Güvenlik Endişesi (1918-1941), Ötüken Neşriyat, İstanbul, 2021

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(Nie)ważny Statut Muzułmańskiego Związku Religijnego

(Nie)ważny Statut Muzułmańskiego Związku Religijnego

Author(s): Anna Maciąg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2022

There is a specific legal duality in the scope of the Statute of the Muslim Religious Union. The Statute of 1936 and the one adopted today – in 2009 – are probably in force at the same time. The Spokesperson of the Muslim Religious Union confirmed the noticed legal dualism. The Polish legal order does not provide for the possibility of not applying the universally binding act, unless the competent authority decides on non-compliance with the Constitution. However there was a doubt which Statute is valid. I signal the potential consequences of such a state of affairs and possible solutions this situation.

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Can the Foreigner Speak? Reflecting the World in the Romanian Novel 1844-1947

Can the Foreigner Speak? Reflecting the World in the Romanian Novel 1844-1947

Author(s): Ovio Olaru / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

The following article will attempt a partly quantitative analysis of the Romanian novel from 1844 to 1947, drawing on the archive of the Digital Museum of the Romanian Novel. I will try to deliver an insight into how a South-East European literature, the Romanian one, has “reflected” the world – in several of its possible instances – over the span of little more than a century, thereby revealing its symbolic position in the European “world-system.” Its status will be indirectly quantified by looking at three different distances: to the West, to itself and its surrounding geographical setting, and to exotic, non-European geographies, by looking not at geography per se, but at representations of “the foreign,” i.e., of foreign nationals. These three perspectives are meant to pin the Romanian novelistic production on the map of European literature in conjunction to three fundamentally different and crucially influential cultural markers: the influence of the West as aspirational hub for the Romanian intelligentsia during the century of novelistic production, the manner in which the “interimperial” (in the sense given to this term by Manuela Boatcă and Anca Pârvulescu (Pârvulescu and Boatcă) drawing on Laura Doyle) position has determined different facets of self-representation, and lastly the depiction of exotic and foreign spaces and nationals, and how Romanian novelistic voices, otherwise self-deprecating in regard to the European core, adopted – to a certain degree – a European voice, Orientalizing the foreign.

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"Us" vs. "Them". Communist Dialectical Images from Interwar Europe and Soviet Russia

"Us" vs. "Them". Communist Dialectical Images from Interwar Europe and Soviet Russia

Author(s): Adri Kácsor / Language(s): English Issue: 31/2021

Brawny male workers vs. bulging bourgeois men. Working-class mothers burdened by the hardship of poverty and childcare vs. elegant upper-class women enjoying a lifestyle of privilege. Such juxtaposed images of workers and the rich were prevalent in the visual culture of communism throughout the twentieth century, appearing on posters, illustrations, and other genres of political propaganda across countries and continents. Although these didactic propaganda images have rarely been considered in histories of modernism and the avant-garde, this article argues that they were among the key visual inventions of twentieth-century communist visual culture given their highly innovative aesthetics and juxtaposed structure that provided them a potential to become dialectical. Drawing on examples from interwar Europe and Soviet Russia, this article examines how didactic juxtapositions could become dialectical images, triggering political transformations while also making revolutionary class consciousness visible for the viewer.

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Ruch fotografii robotniczej w latach 20. i 30. XX wieku. Perspektywy teoretyczne i możliwości badawcze w Polsce

Ruch fotografii robotniczej w latach 20. i 30. XX wieku. Perspektywy teoretyczne i możliwości badawcze w Polsce

Author(s): Maciej Duklewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 31/2021

Tematem artykułu są najnowsze badania nad robotniczą fotografią dokumentalną, społeczną i artystyczną tworzoną w latach 20. i 30. XX wieku. Dotyczą one międzynarodowego ruchu robotników fotoamatorów (przede wszystkim w Republice Weimarskiej), rynku wydawniczego ilustrowanych pism robotniczych oraz teorii fotografii proletariackiej. Artykuł przedstawia najnowsze, międzynarodowe badania fotografii robotniczej i możliwości badawcze w Polsce. Autor opisuje lokalne warunki wytwarzania i cyrkulacji fotografii robotniczej oraz niektóre dostępne źródła. Znajdują się wśród nich materiały dotyczące I wystawy fotografii robotniczej we Lwowie (1936, kurator: Władysław Bednarczuk), prasa komunistyczna i międzywojenne czasopisma fotograficzne.

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PARTICULARITIES OF THE ROMANIAN LANGUAGE IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE INTERWAR BUCOVINA

PARTICULARITIES OF THE ROMANIAN LANGUAGE IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE INTERWAR BUCOVINA

Author(s): Mihaela Mihai / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 25/2021

In order to know the literary language used in the legal-administrative texts of an epoch, it is necessary to study the facts of language, of the various acts that through their content can bring concrete testimonies in connection with certain mutations or deviations from the norm. In this context, it is necessary to capitalize on official documents with the intention of establishing a place for them in the vast process of development and improvement of linguistic norms within a style and, by extension, within the literary language. We chose for analysis a qualitatively representative corpus (diversity of types of documents analyzed) consisting of correspondence from the prefectures of Southern Bukovina, which are in conservation at the Suceava County Service of the National Archives.

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COMMUNISM, TRADE-UNIONISM AND LABOUR LAW IN GREATER ROMANIA AND INTERWAR EUROPE

COMMUNISM, TRADE-UNIONISM AND LABOUR LAW IN GREATER ROMANIA AND INTERWAR EUROPE

Author(s): Sorin Buzatu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 25/2021

The Communist Parties of Europe appeared in the tumult resulting from the end of the First World War. Since their birth they became a branch of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which was the engine of the Communist International. Thus, the party leaders closely followed the Comintern s instructions. The communists tried to control the working class with the aid of the syndicates affiliated to or under the control of the Red International of Labor Unions. But they fought hard against the trade unions that were under the leadership of the Social - Democrat Union leaders. On the other hand, European countries have reacted by means of labor legislation aimed at improving the economic and socio-occupational situation of workers in order to prevent social convulsions. The Great Depression has stimulated the opening of labour conflicts, many of which have resulted in violent strikes and extensive social protest movements.

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Revolucionarji, zavezniki in sopotniki

Revolucionarji, zavezniki in sopotniki

Author(s): Igor Grdina / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/2017

Revolutions, which were usually spontaneous until the mid-nineteenth century, later became carefully planned. Louis Napoleon's coup served as an important example for this. Revolutionaries began focusing mostly on the technique of seizure of power; this included a considerable share of companions and allies. Revolutions usually became connected with the social catastrophe mostly brought by war between countries. Such a paradigm of revolution became a model within the communist movement in the first half of the 20th century.

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Zmiany własnościowe jako aspekt polityki narodowościowej na pograniczu polsko-białoruskim w świetle dziejów majątku państwowego Dubnica

Author(s): Janusz Danieluk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2022

This paper aims to analyse the effectiveness of Russian and Polish nationalisation policies on the example of ownership changes taking place in the Dubnica state property over two historical periods: the post-uprising period and the Second Republic of Poland (1865–1939). The forestry estate Dubnica was situated in a multi-ethnic Polish-Belarussian borderland (in Sokółka County). Russians and Poles planned to populate these forestry areas with homoge- nous communities regarding their religion and ethnicity. They were to use legal limitations in trading in state property for this aim. However, Russian authorities and the Polish government chose different strategies to expand their ownership. The method of the tsarist leaders was based on populating western gubernias with officials and military elites of Great Russia that were supposed to form an opposition to the dominating Polish landlords. In the independent Republic of Poland, the authorities would Polonize Eastern voivodeships, using state land that was resold at preferential prices to indigenous Roman-Catholic Poles from central and western regions of Poland. The nationalisation policy of the Russian regime did not bring the expected results. The Kurlov Family – gubernia’s high dignitaries – did not settle in the Dubnica estate for good. In 1905, after the tsar introduced the law on religious freedom, Russian lords started to sell property bought from the state to Roman Catholic peasants. The Polish authorities, in turn, populated the remaining part of the Dubnica estate (which was earlier confiscated from the Orthodox monastery in Grodno) with Kurpie inhabitants brought from Warsaw Voivodeship. Although in the end, almost the entire forestry state Dubnica estate (88.5 per cent) became the property of Polish citizens, the policy conducted by the authorities of the Second Republic of Poland did not contribute to increasing Polish land ownership across Sokółka County.

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პოლონეთის არქივის „Archiwum Akt Nowych“ ერთი დოკუმენტი (1 ივლისი 1922 წელი) კავკასიაში ანტისაბჭოთა აჯანყების მომზადების შესახებ

Author(s): Mikheil Bakhtadze,PAWEŁ LIBERA / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 1/2022

By conquering Georgia in March 1921, Soviet Russia completed its occupa-tion of the Caucasus. However, the peoples of the Caucasus, were obstinate and unyielding in their refusal to accept the loss of freedom and launched the anti-Soviet movement. The Georgians were among the most active rebels. Emigrants, politicians, and military men who remained in Georgia and fought for the resto-ration of the state independence realized that removing the Bolsheviks from the Caucasus would be difficult without foreign aid. Poland, more than any other Eu-ropean country, has shown a strong desire to see the Caucasus regain its freedom. It endeavored to rally all of its forces against Soviet Russia, the country’s most hostile neighbor. As a result, it is no surprise that Georgians and Poles had a close relation-ship. Polish archives preserve numerous records dedicated to this union. In this paper, we will look at a document from July 1, 1922, that deals with the national liberation movement in the Caucasus. The paper is kept in the Fund of Colonel Leon Bobicki, the Polish State’s Military Attaché in Constantinople, in the Archive of New History of Poland, Archiwum Akt Nowych.Colonel Bobicki used to send the information about the South Caucasus to the Polish General Staff. Dr. Pawel Libera was the first to publish the document in Pol-ish. The document has six typewritten pages in Polish. It is a report from the Polish military attaché stationed in Constantinople to the Polish Army General Staff in Warsaw. The report of General Bobicki can be conventionally divided into two parts: military and political. On the first pages of the document, the Polish military attaché evaluates the military power of the four Caucasian republics needed for the uprising. His assessments are quite detailed (the manpower and armament of each party and the like). In the end, Bobicki concludes that 10-million population of the Caucasus can engage 285,000 fighters, who will need assistance first and foremost in terms of arms supply. In his assessment of the military situation, Colonel Bobicki evidently relies on the information provided by the Georgians: we can see a piece of information from his letter in Valiko Jugeli’s report, and still another piece in General Zakariadze’s report. Both Georgians delivered their reports on future up-rising in Constantinople in June and September of 1922, respectively. As for the political section of Colonel Bobicki’s report, it presents the analysis of the situation and anti-Bolshevik sentiments in the Caucasus. As for the political analysis of the situation in the region, we believe that it must be written by the Colonel himself, based on the information available to him. Leon Bobicki emphasizes anti-Russian and anti-Bolshevik sentiments in Georgia, Azerbaijan and the North Caucasus, as he describes the political situation in the Caucasus He emphasizes that the situa-tion in Armenia is different, mostly primarily to the fear of Turkey, and that pro-Russian sentiments are strong. Many letters written in 1922-1924 regarding the organization of the pan-Caucasian anti-Soviet uprising emphasize Turkey’s pivotal role. Colonel Bobicki says in the document we are looking at: “The feasibility of forming a single front, among other things, depends on whether an agreement can be reached with Turkey, what will be decisive, as will the issue of military sup-plies. Turkey’s neutrality is half the battle won; the peoples of the Caucasus must win the other half, albeit with the indirect aid of countries that do not want a great and indivisible Russia restored.” Turkey’s neutrality, at the very least, provided a strong rear to the insurgents. At the same time, it would have allayed Armenian fears of possible Turkish aggression while also bolstering anti-Russian sentiment. “The military and economic interests require the Polish authorities to pursue an active policy in the Caucasus,” writes Poland’s military attaché at the end of the document, adding that “these issues require immediate action so that when great forces begin to act in the Caucasus, Poland will not find itself isolated.

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საქართველოს მართლმადიდებელი ეკლესიის ანტიდასავლური მოწოდებანი 1924-1930 წლებში

საქართველოს მართლმადიდებელი ეკლესიის ანტიდასავლური მოწოდებანი 1924-1930 წლებში

Author(s): Sergo Vardosanidze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 2/2021

In 1921 Georgia was conquered by Bolshevik Russia. In order to blind up the world community, the conquerors, on the spot, set up puppet authorities distinguished for their anti-Georgian activity. In 1921-1922 Georgia, “according to its good-will”, transferred its historic territories to Turkey, Azerbaijan, Ar-menia, Russian Federation; inside the country they created three autonomous units of Abkhazia, Adzharia and South Ossetia. Georgian Orthodox Apostolic Church was deprived of legal status; they began aggressive atheist propaganda and its implementation that was expressed in closure of churches and monas-teries by using administrative measures, persecution of clergy and deprivation of their church property.The Catholic Council of the Georgian Orthodox Church, Catholic-Patri-arch Ambrosi Khelaia spoke out strongly against these illegal, barbaric actions. In 1922 he addressed a special letter to Genoa International Conference de-manding withdrawal of occupation forces from Georgia. The occupation au-thorities arrested Ambrosi Khelaia. It was decided to execute him but vigorous actions of Canterbury Chief Bishop saved the Patriarch. With the help of the inspired by them clergy, who very soon managed to head the Church, Bol-shevik authorities began anti-Western propaganda against the Pope of Rome and Anglican Church who demanded from the European countries to keep the Soviet Government responsible for religious persecution in the country. Even in 1924, at the authorities’ bidding, Bishop Christopher, temporary ruler of the Georgian Church, strongly opposed the Georgian emigrants, calling them “adventurers” and in 1930, already in the rank of Catholicos-Patriarch, he re-proached the Pope of Rome and Church of England for anti-Soviet criticism; he even declared that freedom of will was protected in Georgia and the authorities always considered the position of the Church. Regrettably, this declaration was mainly calculated for outside use and it did not reflect real situation in Georgia. It demonstrated well the hard situation of our nation and Church and its sub-jection to the occupational authorities.

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ვინ იყო საფრანგეთის უცხოური ლეგიონის ლეგენდარული გმირის დიმიტრი ამილახვრის პაპა?

ვინ იყო საფრანგეთის უცხოური ლეგიონის ლეგენდარული გმირის დიმიტრი ამილახვრის პაპა?

Author(s): Rusudan Labadze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 2/2021

The biography of Dimitri (“Bazorka”) Giorgi Amilakhvari (1906-1942), the commander of the 13th Demi-Brigade of the French Foreign Legion, who died in the Battle of El Alamein during the World War II North Africa campaign, contains a number of unspecified facts. In September 2020, the French publishing house (Lemme Edit), which publishes historical literature on famous military and political figures, issued the book “Dimitri Amilakhvari - The Fighting Prince”. It was the first book in France to honor the memory of Lieutenant Colonel Dimitri Amilakhvari. The author of the book cites information about the noble house of Zedginidze-Amilakhvari. According to this information Ivane Amilakhvari (1829-1905), general of the cavalry of the Imperial Russian Army, who distinguished himself in the Russo-Ottoman and Caucasus wars, is named as the ancestor of Dimitri Amilakhvari. Dimitri Amilakhvari is mentioned as Ivane Amilakhvari’s grandson on the website of the French Ministry of Armed Forces. The issue of Dimitri Amilakhvari’s ancestors has not been specially studied in Georgian research literature. The scholars either do not address this issue at all or refer to him as the grandson of Ivane Amilakhvari. There are also a variety of Internet resources, family tree and genealogy archives which under the influence of multilingual online encyclopedia (mostly the Russian Wikipedia and the English Wikipedia), represents Dimitri Amilakhvari as a descendant of Ivane Amilakhvari, the famous general of the Imperial Russian Army. Finally, the book of the French historian Nicolas Ross “Between Hitler and Stalin: White and Soviet Russians in Europe during World War II”, reprinted in February 2021 in France, in which Dimitri Amilakhvari is considered as the representative of the Russian White Emigration. In fact, who was Dimitri Amilakhvari’s father – Giorgi son of Ivane Amilakhvari or Giorgi son of Otar Amilakhvari? Is it a coincidence that the name of Ivane (Niko) Amilakhvari is connected with the other branch of the noble house of the Amilakhvari? And what is the significance of establishing this fact? Through the documentary sources, genealogical lists of the Amilakhvari family, and information of genealogiy websites in the article is established that the ancestor of Dimiti Amilakhvari was not Ivane Amilakhvari, general of the cavalry of the Imperial Russian Army, but Otar Amilakhvari, descendant of another branch of this princely family.

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განათლებისა და კულტურის ზოგიერთი საკითხი დემოკრატიულ საქართველოში (1918-1921 წლები)

Author(s): Roin Metreveli / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 2/2022

The present essay contends that the years of 1918-1921 were virtually spiritually and creatively fruitful. Despite the many difficulties (political and economic) in this short period, much important work was done in science, literature, and almost every field of art. It should also be noted that all that was done in the fields of science, literature, and art during Georgia’s independence was a continuation of previous years’ creative work; Active creative work continued and in fact helped lay the groundwork for independence in the spiritual life.The article describes the humanitarian situation (in science, culture, and education) of Georgia in the first two decades of the 20th century, emphasizing the level of development in specific areas. The humanitarian disciplines (history, archeology, and study and collection of antiquities) progressed a lot; The Church Museum was established; and various societies, including the Society for the Spreading of Literacy, continued to work (the Society existed until the establishment of Soviet power in 1921). The Historical-Ethnographic Society of Georgia, with its diversified program, continued to be active and was instrumental in the establishment of Tbilisi University.The diversified creative activities of Georgian creative intelligentsia of this period formed an important basis for the continuous cultural development of Georgia and satisfaction of spiritual needs of the nation.

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Premarital Sex in State-Socialist Poland: A Generational Perspective
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Premarital Sex in State-Socialist Poland: A Generational Perspective

Author(s): Natalia Jarska,Agata Ignaciuk / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2023

In this article, we examine personal narratives on premarital sex by two generations of Polish men and women—one born in the 1950s and 1960s, and their parents’ generation, born in the 1920s and 1930s and coming of age during or after World War II—and place these in dialogue with discourses surrounding young sexuality in state-socialist Poland. Using sociological surveys, popular sexological literature, and Catholic marriage preparation material, we contextualize accounts of premarital heterosexual experiences, provided through oral history interviews and contest memoirs—ego documents submitted for autobiographic writing competitions in the 1960s and 1970s. We show there was no clear division between public secular and Catholic approaches to premarital (hetero) sexuality, with both opposing sexual experimentation before and beyond marriage throughout the state-socialist period (1945–1989). However, across the same period, young people’s acceptance of premarital sexual experimentation increased and the importance of a woman remaining a virgin until marriage declined. Our analysis of discourses and experiences reveals the connections and intersections of secular and Catholic realms. While secular experts did not conceptualize premarital sex as a sin, they often mirrored Catholic views by framing their discourse in terms of love, sex, responsibility, and potential risk. Young people negotiated various elements of these teachings in their premarital sexual practices, which, during the final decades of state socialism, were largely normalized, especially when couples were planning to marry.

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