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Tłumaczenie w Brygadach Międzynarodowych podczas wojny domowej w Hiszpanii 1936-1939
The aim of the present article is to describe multilingual interactions at the XIII Jarosław Dąbrowski International Brigade between volunteers of different nationalities, mainly Poles, and the Spanish population as narrated by Boruch Nysembaum, a communist from Warsaw and a participant of the Spanish Civil War. At the same time, it is the first presentation of onthe- spot memoirs written by a volunteer who did not return from this war. On the basis of his narrative, the article tries to answer the questions concerning the way volunteers, who lacked adequate foreign language skills, communicated with the Spanish population and with other volunteers, the forms of their communications, and finally, the specific characteristics of this multilingual communication.
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Le texte retrace quelques moments de l’amitié littéraire entre Romulus Cioflec (1882-1955) et George Topîrceanu (1886-1937), notamment autour de la revue Viața românească de Iași. Il évoque également la correspondance d’Otilia Cazimir (1894-1967) avec Romulus Cioflec après la mort de George Topîrceanu. Les documents littéraires proviennent des archives du Musée National de la Littérature Roumaine, Bucarest (dossier «Romulus Cioflec»).
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The Rev. Brunon Schmidt was born in Poznań in 1895 (in the Prussian Partition). He took holy orders in the Gniezno Cathedral in 1921. From 1934 he was a parish priest in Łabiszyn. In the years 1934 and 1936 he published prayer-books written by himself. These prayerbooks contained the Litany of the Sacred Heart of Jesus and the Order of the Mass in Polish and in Latin. He was interested in liturgy and church singing. He composed ”The simple Polish mass in a choral style” under the pseudonym ”Brunon Poznańczyk”. Its printed version was probably issued in 1936 or 1937 and it was positively evaluated by the distinguished composer, Feliks Nowowiejski. The Rev. Schmidt tried to preserve in this composition the characteristics of Gregorian chant, such as lightness, free rhythmics, spirituality, calmness, and a smooth male voices’ cantilena. The mass by the Rev. Schmidt is divided into five parts: Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus and Benedictus (forming a whole), Agnus Dei. Analyzing the melodics of this composition, it can be seen that some melodic themes were adopted by the Rev. Schmidt from the post-Gregorian Mass VIII ”De Angelis”. Judging by this composition written by the Rev. Brunon Schmidt, he appears a fine musician, liturgist and theologian. His ”The simple Polish mass in a choral style” referring to the Gregorian chant tradition is, at the same time, a pioneering work of the post conciliar period whose aim was to engage more music performers and all the faithful in the liturgy. In the 1960s this composition was made well-known in the Archidiocese of Gniezno by the Rev. Władysław Zientarski. Despite the passage of time, the free parts of the mass: Kyrie,
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The Warsaw architectural community was the largest such group within the territory of the Second Polish Republic, a fact influenced by Warsaw’s role of as the capital, the number of investments undertaken during the interwar period when the capital was being rebuilt, and the presence of Warsaw Polytechnic Institute to educate new academic staff. During the occupation, this large community did not cease its professional activity. The article reviews professional activities undertaken by architects between 1939 and 1944 — i.e., from the outbreak of the Second World War until the Warsaw Uprising. This subject has not been dealt with comprehensively until now. The author looks at both institutionalized works, prepared under the auspices of the City Board as part of the clandestine activities of the Architecture Department at the Warsaw University of Technology, as well as individual architectural projects. From the perspective of the history of Warsaw’s urban design, the work of the City Board’s Commission of Urban Studies Experts and the Architecture and Urban Planning Workshop (Pracownia Architektoniczno-Urbanista), which officially operated as part of the Social Building Enterprise and employed nearly eighty people at its peak, was of the greatest significance. Looking at the intensity of occupation work in Warsaw allows us to take a broader look at the history of the capital’s architecture and complement it with the period from 1939 to 1944, thus preserving the continuity of the narrative about twentieth-century design.
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Investment in infrastructure is one of the main means by which state authorities propel the entrepreneurial environment and, indirectly, contribute to the increase of the welfare rates of their citizens. The mutual stimuli of the international trading houses and the political class from Bucharest produced, during the interwar years, a number of memoirs addressing the navigation on the Dniester. This river had become, ever since the 19th century, an important route for integrating the grains from Bessarabia on international specialized markets. This study aims to briefly present the evolution of the question of the navigation on Dnister in the years between the two World Wars. Extremely useful for the present endeavour are the unpublished documents identified in the Diplomatic Archives of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and also some articles published in the press of that time.
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On November 7, 1922, the Directorate of Police and General Security sent to the head of the Special Security Service (Siguranța), in strict confidence, a copy of a report containing „relations with the Hungarian irredentist organization, which tried to endanger the lives of sovereigns“. Between June and July 1922, an attack was allegedly carried out on the Royal Family of Romania, the basic idea of the assassination group being that Queen Maria was „the main culprit for the misfortunes that befell Hungary“, and that through the influence on the Great Powers, Greater Romania was born. According to the Siguranța informations, the members of the Royal Family were the most targeted by such dangers, but on the list of possible targets were other political figures from Romania. The purpose of such actions, in addition to punish for losing Transylvania by Hungary, was to discourage Romania from intervening in the favor of the its allies from the Little Entente, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, where Budapest had plans to destabilize and encourage autonomous movements. It is obvious that the potential attacks against members of the Royal Family have not taken place, but the document found in the Archives of the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives (ACNSAS) gives us a series of interesting information about the perception of the Romanian Security Service (Siguranța) on radical movements from Hungary and about the methods by which such an action would have been set up.
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Review of: O niepodległości ekumenicznie. Wyznawcy różnych Kościołów dla Rzeczypospolitej (1918-1939), red. Sabina Bober, Sławomir Jacek Żurek, Towa-rzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego Jana Pawła II, Lublin 2018, ss. 260, ISBN 978-83-7306-825-4
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Review of: Zakład Salezjański im. Księdza Bosko w Oświęcimiu 1926-1940. Kronika tom 4, oprac. i wyd. Waldemar Witold Żurek SDB, Lublin 2020, ss. 381 + 71 fotografii
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Loss of identity, civil rights, statelessness, and exploitation are topics explored in B. Traven’s novel "Das Totenschiff" (The Ship of the Dead, 1926) in connection with criticism of bureaucratism, state despotism, and capitalism. The story of a sailor who loses his passport and, with it, all civil rights guaranteed by the nation state, forcing him to board a ship of the dead – a ship that is destined to sink in an insurance fraud –, portrays the sea and mainland as legal spaces. They correspond to different types of violence, the ship symbolizing a crossing point between them and the blurring of boundaries regarding one’s personal freedom.
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The correspondence between Camila Lucerna and Julius Franz Schütz presented in this paper consists of 258 pieces of writing in German, preserved in two libraries in Graz: the University of Graz Library and State Library Styria. The correspondence reveals a deep friendship between the authors. The letters did not serve as mere communication of news to a person who is absent but convey the authors’ opinions on artistic trends and philosophical ideas as well as social and matters of state politics of their time. The correspondence is an expression of a multifaceted dialogue in historically memorable times.
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The article attempts to rationalise the functioning of the League of Nations High Commissioners in the Free City of Danzig (Gdansk). It focuses on the person of High Commissioner Manfredi Gravina of Italian nationality, active in the Free City in 1929–1932, trying to remove from him the label of an anti-Polish politician.
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The topic of this study is Dimitrie Gusti, a major personality of the Romanian public and academic sphere from the first half of the twentieth century. As far as his agenda, approach and results are concerned, Gusti is on a par with Titu Maiorescu, Constantin Stere, Nicolae Iorga, Eugen Lovinescu etc. The school of sociology he founded in Bucharest, his endeavours towards the monographic research of the Romanian village using teams of students, editing the Encyclo- paedia of Romania etc. reveal a socially involved academic, an inspiring personality and a cultural organizer eager to transform the Romanian commu- nity, a true “mentor of the nation.”
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Using archival sources, the author of this paper analyses the liquidation process of the Lonjsko Polje Railways joint-stock company and the nationalisation of the railways owned by it after the end of World War I from the aspect of institutional history. The mentioned company was founded on 15 June 1896, and was based in Budapest. The railways owned by the company, Dugo Selo–Novska and Banova Jaruga–Pakrac, were opened for traffic on 29 November 1897. They linked the rich Moslavina with Zagreb, and also served to help relieve the congested and longer Zagreb–Sisak–Novska line. In the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the railways of the Lonjsko Polje Railways company were under the jurisdiction of the Management of the Royal Hungarian State Railways in Zagreb. After the end of World War I and the collapse of the Monarchy, the seat of the joint-stock company was transferred from Budapest to Zagreb. After the creation of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, they came under the jurisdiction of the newly established General Railways Directorate of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in Zagreb, and then, after the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was established, under that of the State Railways Directorate in Zagreb. The Lonjsko Polje Railways were sequestered, and the Management Board of the vicinal railways in Zagreb took temporary control of the company in 1920. The sequester was removed, under certain conditions, by the Sequestration Department of the Ministry of Justice on 25 April 1923. After these conditions were met, the company’s assets were returned on 1 October 1923. Following an agreement on 7 February 1931, the state repurchased the railways of the mentioned company, thereby removing the reason for its existence. The Lonjsko Polje Railways joint-stock company entered the liquidation process on 6 June 1932, which ended on 12 April 1933. In 1936, the Lonjsko Polje vicinal railway became state property, but the proprietary relations regarding the Lonjsko Polje Railways were completely resolved only in 1951. From the traffic and commercial standpoint of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia state railways, the Dugo Selo–Novska railway had an exceptional importance because, as in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, it was primarily used to relieve the congested Novska–Sisak–Zagreb railway. Both railways were located on the Zagreb–Belgrade route, which was the most important railway route in the country. A double track was built on a part of the Belgrade–Novska railway, while two single-track, but parallel railways led from Novska to Zagreb (Novska–Dugo Selo–Zagreb and Novska–Sisak–Zagreb). In this way, a double railway covering the entire distance from Belgrade to Zagreb was built. Although the Novska–Dugo Selo–Zagreb railway was shorter than the Novska–Sisak–Zagreb railway, its main disadvantage was that it was built as a local railway and was therefore not intended for higher loads or a large amount of traffic. After the railway was reconstructed, it was categorised as a railway of primary importance.
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The present study examines the complications that the confessional situation of King Ferdinand I (namely the fact that, as a Catholic, he was excommunicated for almost two decades by the Holy See due to the flagrant violation of certain rules of conduct, and the reconciliation granted to him by the pontifical court at the end of the World War I presupposed the observance of strict conditions) generated in relation to the design and conduct of the royal coronation in Alba Iulia, on 15 October 1922. The plans of the various political decision-makers regarding the coronation ceremony, or the intentions of the Orthodox Church (an institution that had aspired to mark the event from a religious point of view) were meticulously negotiated at the top of the Catholic Church, a scenario of the coronation ceremony having thus been staged (mise en scène) in accordance with the requirements formulated by the pontifical diplomacy. This is therefore the aim of the present study, namely to untangle, for the first time in historiography, the complicated threads of an important public spectacle – the coronation of Romanian sovereigns in Alba Iulia – in whose preparation political intrigue, religious passions and diplomatic pressure were consumed.
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Antisemitism was a constant presence in interwar Romania, but took different forms during 1919–1933 and 1934–1939, respectively. The first period was marked by the granting of civil rights under the Constitution of 1923, but also by their questioning through the Mârzescu Law (1924) and various other legal bills, as well as by recurring anti-Jewish unrest provoked by the students, stimulated by the far right organizations and their ideologues. The second period was marked by the return to an anti-Jewish legislation, and, ultimately, by a large scale withdrawal of citizenship. This article provides a chronological overview of the anti-Semitic manifestations of these two periods, and of the political reaction of the Jews, particularly through electoral challenges. For as long as the Jewish population could have representatives in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, “Jewish politics” translated into an exemplary defense of its rights, in constant relation to the engagements undertaken by Romania at the Paris Peace Conference.
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In his autobiographical, slightly fictionalized writing A Drunken November Night 1918 (Pijana novembarska noć 1918, written in 1942, first published in 1952), Miroslav Krleža seeks to reconstruct a sensational scandal to whose outbreak he had made a significant contribution: In November 1918, in the interregnum from the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy at the end of October to the founding of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the beginning of December, the young author considered himself compelled at a tea party held in Zagreb in honor of the Serbian officers to protest loudly against the speech of the former high Austrian-Hungarian officer Slavko Kvaternik. The public scandal in the immediate post-imperial era retrospectively confirmed Krleža’s conviction of the misery of the contemporary Croatian elite, a state whose reasons, in his opinion, lay not only in political opportunism and moral corruption, but also in an unreflective utopianism and an associated political naiveté. His hope that after the dissolution of the compromised k.u.k. regime the South Slavic peoples could advance to national, political and social emancipation is soon replaced by the sober insight that the large Habsburg Empire has been replaced by a small-scale post-imperial entity, likewise built on pronounced relations of dominance.
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If language is a word that describes a toolkit of communication, then architecture and associated design may be considered their own languages, which communicate the purposes, permissions, and boundaries of the socio-political contexts from which they arose. Such languages of architecture and design will have their own “grammatical” tools and discourse styles, with consequent differences of meaning between them. This paper considers the differences in architectural and design discourse styles expressed by two totalitarian states at the 1937 Paris International Exposition. Such expositions were traditionally places where liberal democratic ideals of free trade and discourse were extolled. The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany confronted such ideals through ideology in that forum. However, while each of them communicated a totalitarian language of purposes, permissions, and boundaries, there were essential differences in the styles of discourse represented by the architecture and design of their respective pavilions. Indeed, they were polar opposites of each other and the liberal ideals they contested.
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The Gospodarska Sloga Cooperative (Economic Unity Cooperative) was founded in 1935, but it is not known who initiated it. I found a letter from the economist Ivan Kovačić from Međimurje dating from the end of 1921 addressed to Stjepan Radić, in which he encourages the creation of a cooperative institution for the village, whose goals would be identical to the goals of Gospodarska Sloga. It is probable that this letter, preserved in Stjepan Radić’s legacy by Dr. Vladko Maček, came into the hands of Rudolf Bićanić, who designed the structure of Gospodarska Sloga as a public initial engagement, fearing that the organization would suffer the fate of several organizations created during Stjepan Radić’s lifetime and which all perished after his death. Gospodarska Sloga was an organization that competed with the work of the state monopoly organization for the purchase and export of grain and meat abroad, but provided services exclusively to Croatian farmers. In any case, it is interesting to publish a complete letter from Ivan Kovačić, who was educated in Hungary and who did not speak Croatian well and did not know Croatian history, but as a native inhabitant of Međimurje he wanted to encourage Radić to create a central economic organization which would assist the Croatian farmer and increase the quality of life. He also wished to be personally involved in Radić’s party and related affairs. Such an organization was founded under the name of Gospodarska Sloga in 1935, but the idea of its foundation can probably be found in the letter of the economist Ivan Kovačić from 1921, and the realization of the idea in the work of Dr. Rudolf Bićanić dating from 1935.
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The text analyses the content of essays on Naples and its inhabitants from the mid-1920s, written by the influential German Marxist philosopher and economist Alfred Sohn-Rethel, who was very close to the Frankfurt School. The key to reading these texts, published under the title “Napoli: The Philosophy of the Broken” (Napoli: la filosofia del rotto), lies in the idea that, for the Neapolitans, technology begins to work only when it is “broken” and “subordinated” to complete control of its owners; this thesis is connected with Claude Lévi-Strauss’s anthropological theory of bricolage. This text also highlights the concept of porosity, which at that time also had epistemological importance in the context of interpretations of the Italian south. Finally, the content of the author’s essays is compared with policies and results of the introduction of the Taylorist “scientific organization” of labor in the 1920s into the Italian economy and beyond.
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