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Povijesni razvoj primaljstva, porodništva i ginekologije bjelovarskog kraja

Povijesni razvoj primaljstva, porodništva i ginekologije bjelovarskog kraja

Author(s): Dubravko Habek / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2008

The military, and subsequently civic health care had been organised in the Bjelovar area since the mid 18th century, when the town of Bjelovar was founded, the Krajina regiments were inhabited, medical workers employed and the first hospital in Bjelovar opened (1782). The first midwives had been uneducated or self-educated (quack-) midwives, but this situation changed after the formation of the new military town of Bjelovar, when in the town and its surroundings, the midwifery was taken over by experienced and attested professionals. They were qualified for providing complete health care to pregnant and childbearing women, as well as to the newborns and their mothers in the whole territory, i.e. they performed regular child deliveries and a minor number of pathological ones. However, were an obstetrical intervention needed, either a doctor or an obstetrician would be called to perform the child delivery or the childbearing woman sent to hospital, in order for the necessary obstetrical operation (turn; embryotomy; forceps; Caesarean section) to be performed. The first maternity unit was opened at the Vila Marija private sanatorium in the 1930s, whilst the first hospital maternity ward was formed at the beginning of the Second World War. Doctors and obstetricians (magister obstetritiae) had performed pathological child deliveries and obstetrical interventions either at (a childbearing woman’s) home or at hospital. This had been the modus operandi of over 120 military and civic doctors and surgeons, active in Bjelovar during the 18th and 19th centuries, and of the first female obstetrician (at the beginning of the 19th century). Gynaecological operations (operations of malignancies and benign tumours; corrective vaginal operations; abortions on medical indication, etc.) and the Caesarean section started being performed in the early 20th century, when the first surgeon gynaecologists and obstetricians were employed at the hospital. Gynaecology patients, pregnant and childbearing women, as well as the newborns, had initially been admitted to the first and the second old hospital in Bjelovar to the women’s unit of the mixed ward, later to the surgical gynaecology ward (after the opening of the so-called new hospital building in 1924), and following to an independent gynaecology and obstetrics ward. The first residency in gynaecology began in the 1950s. In 1956, a separate gynaecology and obstetrics ward, headed by a surgeon gynaecologist, was formed. In 1958, the first specialist in gynaecology and obstetrics took over the ward, subsequently introducing many new techniques into the gynaecological and obstetrical operational programme, as well as the guiding principle of obstetrics into the delivery room. In the late 1950s, specialists and residents in gynaecology and obstetrics were employed. Consequently, the elevated level of professionalism was directly reflected upon the parameters of vital statistics.

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ХОРВАТСКАЛ ПОЛИТИКА В КОРОЛЕВСТВЕ СХС

ХОРВАТСКАЛ ПОЛИТИКА В КОРОЛЕВСТВЕ СХС

Author(s): Silkin Aleksandr Aleksandrovich / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2003

“The issue of Croatia” was of utmost importance for the destiny of the Kingdom of SCS. The direct arena of Serbian-Croatian clashes were Croatian territories, united with Serbia in 1918. At the beginning of the 1920s, aspirations for integration of the Serbs in Croatia were directed by Svetozar Pribicevic. At the head of the Croatian separatist movement was Stjepan Radio. At the end of the third decade of the 20th century they kept the confidence of the masses but both of them altered their platforms. Once the irreconcilable opponents, they now became the collaborators. Pribicevic’s and Radic’s Union, so unexpected for their contemporaries, does not seem like that today. Since establishing the Kingdom of SCS, these “antipodes” challenged each other’s right to monopoly of representing, politically, Croatia in Belgrade and Europe but at the same time they contributed to strengthening each other’s position, knowingly destabilizing the country. At the end of the 1920s, the aspiration for revenge on the natives of Serbia, the need for finding their place while the parliament was in crisis and gradual usurpation of the power by King, forced the leaders of Croatian peasants’ party and Independent Democratic party to end their rivalry and establish a coalition named “Front of Vojvodina”. This way it was more convenient for them to lead the War against Belgrade and control the situation in Croatia.

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НЕУСПЕХ ПОЛИТИКЕ ЗАПОШЉАВАЊА РАТНИХ ИНВАЛИДА У КРАЉЕВИНИ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ 1918-1941 - ПРИМЕР НЕЛЕГАЛНЕ ДРУШТВЕНЕ РЕПРЕСИЈЕ

НЕУСПЕХ ПОЛИТИКЕ ЗАПОШЉАВАЊА РАТНИХ ИНВАЛИДА У КРАЉЕВИНИ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ 1918-1941 - ПРИМЕР НЕЛЕГАЛНЕ ДРУШТВЕНЕ РЕПРЕСИЈЕ

Author(s): Ljubomir Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2002

The problem of ensuring employment for war invalids came as one of the social consequences of World War I. The Yugoslav state had over 50.000 invalids who formally enjoyed certain forms of social benefits, including priority in employment. The actual state of affairs was quite different, however, and many companies and institutions regularly ignored the rights of invalids in this respect. The roots of this attitude lay in the social prejudices towards invalids prevalent in the rural and more traditional areas, and largely reflected in the views of the urban population. The theoretically undefined but omnipresent aversion to employing invalids was an unlawful but generally accepted form of repression exercised against this social group. The unwillingness of most employers to comply with the state’s social plans left invalids with very few job offers, resulting in a rapid deterioration of living standards for them and their families.

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RIMOKATOLIČKA CRKVA I HRVATSTVO U CRNOJ GORI I BOKI U PRVOJ POLOVINI XX VIJEKA

RIMOKATOLIČKA CRKVA I HRVATSTVO U CRNOJ GORI I BOKI U PRVOJ POLOVINI XX VIJEKA

Author(s): Nikola Žutić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2001

In Montenegro, Boka, and Primorje Croat nationalism advanced in phases, from the time it first appeared towards the end of the 19th century, depending on the religious and political actions o f the Vatican, the Roman Catholic Church, and the Croat political elite (i.e., the Frankovci, the Croatian Peasants Party). The author focuses particularly on campaigns (manifestations) aimed at spreading Croat nationalism such as the First Croat Catholic Meeting in 1900, the change of the Illyrian Institute o f St. Jerome into a Croat institution, the celebration o f the millennium-long existence of the Croat Kingdom in 1925, and the events that took place on the eve of the war in Yugoslavia, which represented the culmination of this process. Towards the end of the thirties the old dream of Croatia occupying the sub-Danube and Adriatic area was realized with the forming of Banovina Hrvatska. The synchronized actions of clerical and laic supporters of Croat nationalism resulted in a political formation characterized by Roman Catholicism and Croat nationalism. New ideas of so-called „red Croat nationalism” coming from Zagreb, the center of Croat nationalism, were embraced by enthusiasts front Montenegro, who subsequently became the greatest advocates of the theory claiming that the Montenegrin Roman Catholics in old Duklja embodied in fact the beginning of Croat national awareness in Montenegro.

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RIMOKATOLIČKA MISIJA I KLERIKALIZAM NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI U KRALJEVINI JUGOSLAVIJI

RIMOKATOLIČKA MISIJA I KLERIKALIZAM NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI U KRALJEVINI JUGOSLAVIJI

Author(s): Nikola Žutić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1999

The Roman Catholic clergy in Kosovo and Metohija were highly active in this region, contrary to the dictates of the Yugoslav government authorities. Italy’s interest in maintaining a strong influence of the Albanian and Italian clergy on Yugoslav territory prevented the Church from making a clear ecclesiastical distinction between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Albania. The representatives of Church authority in the areas bordering on Albania were mostly foreigners (Albanians, Italians), and Yugoslav citizens, Slovenians and Croatians, who largely held anti-Yugoslav and anti-Serbian views. With such foreign, pro-Italian clergymen, appointed by the Franciscan provincial of Skadar or by the Skadar Jesuits, Italy could successfully promote its interests through ideas about creating "Greater Albania". The realization of a political, national, and cultural program was impossible in the border areas of Roman Catholic parishes. Italian imperialist goals and the interests of the Roman Catholic missionaries were almost identical. The Franciscans and Jesuits of Skadar played a deciding role in instilling among the Roman Catholic Shiptar population the idea of belonging to the Roman Catholic culture, in encouraging their pro-Italian sentiments, and in the denationalization and proselytism of the Serb population in Kosovo and Metohija.

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NACIONALNA POLITIKA KOMUNISTIČKE PARTIJE JUGOSLAVIJE – DOKTRINA I PRAKSA 1919-1945.

NACIONALNA POLITIKA KOMUNISTIČKE PARTIJE JUGOSLAVIJE – DOKTRINA I PRAKSA 1919-1945.

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1998

The national policy of the Yugoslav communists until the end of the Second World War was focused on the struggle against the Serbian national movement. Although general conditions varied, the essential aims of this policy remained the same - to limit Serbian national interests and to favor those of the so-called oppressed nations in Yugoslavia, the Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians and all other ethnic minorities. With the external encouragement of the Comintern in the period between the wars the Yugoslav Communist Party used internal purges to get rid of those who did not comply with their political views, imitating and approaching the model of their Stalinist counterpart. The national policy of the Yugoslav Communist Party acquired its extreme form during the Second World War when it turned on the Ravnogorski movement as its main opponent. By exploiting the false accusations of collaboration with the enemy and of treason made against this movement, the Yugoslav Communist Party wished to neutralize the struggle of the Serbs and to relieve the Croats of responsibility for committing genocide. At the same time, despite the proclaimed intention of the Communist Party of restoring Yugoslav unity the country was broken up during the war and given a federal structure, once again at the expense of the Serbs. The events of the postwar period came as the logical consequence of a bad policy.

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U SUSRET SA »TOTALNOM ISTORIJOM«

U SUSRET SA »TOTALNOM ISTORIJOM«

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1998

Povodom trotomne knjige Ljubodraga Dimića KULTURNA POLITIKA KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE 1918-1941, Beograd 1996-1997.

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JOŠ JEDNA NOĆ ĐENERALA - POVODOM KNJIGE MILOSLAVA SAMARDŽIĆA, GENERAL DRAŽA MIHAILOVIĆ SA OPŠTOM ISTORIJOM ČETNIČKOG POKRETA

JOŠ JEDNA NOĆ ĐENERALA - POVODOM KNJIGE MILOSLAVA SAMARDŽIĆA, GENERAL DRAŽA MIHAILOVIĆ SA OPŠTOM ISTORIJOM ČETNIČKOG POKRETA

Author(s): Bojan B. Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1997

Pred nama je luksuzno opremljena knjiga koja svojom atraktivnom naslovnom stranom mami čitaoca. Sa te naslovne strane velikog formata armijski đeneral Dragoljub M. Mihailović govori nekoj nevidljivoj publici iz koje ga je jedan stranac ovekovečio za istoriju. Zaista, pred nama se prvi put ukazao đeneral Mihailović onako kako je izgledao 1944. godine. Prvi put vidimo boju njegove uniforme i šajkače, američki letački znak, koji mu blista na grudima, sede vlasi i lice koje odaje prilično umornog čoveka. Spuštene obrve zaklanjaju nevesele oči. Međutim, brzo se otkriva da se iza ovog spektakularnog fotosa krije publicislički rad koji sadrži mnogo problematičnosti i materijala za kritiku.

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CIONISTIČKI POKRET U KRALJEVINI SRBIJI I KRALJEVINI
JUGOSLAVIJI 1902-1941.

CIONISTIČKI POKRET U KRALJEVINI SRBIJI I KRALJEVINI JUGOSLAVIJI 1902-1941.

Author(s): Nebojša Popović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1996

Zionism, the Jewish national and political movement was formed towards the end of the 19th century with the purpose of creating a national state for the Jews in Palestine, the land of their origin. The first traces of the Zionist movement in the south-Slavic region appeared in the academic society »Bar Giora«, founded in Vienna in 1902 by Jewish students from Balkan countries. The first Zionist association in Belgrade was formed in 1905 under the name »Gideon«. In 1919 the Zionist Association of Yugoslavia was formed in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia with its center in Zagreb. The founders of the Zionist movement in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were mainly young Jews from Ashkenazi quarters. In Serbia, both in Belgrade and in the provinces, inhabited mostly by Sephardic Jews, the movement’s organization developed more slowly. It became more active in the thirties, prompted by a rise in anti-Semitism in several European countries. Towards the end of the period between the two world wars the Zionists represented the strongest organized group within the Yugoslav Jewish community. They proceeded to take over leading positions in the majority of Jewish communities as well as in the central institution of Yugoslav Jews - the Association of Jewish Religious Communities of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Immediately following the end of World War One, the movement was being sponsored by four to five thousand Yugoslav Jews whose number grew to over ten thousand just before the Second World War. Yugoslav government institutions did not hinder the organized activity of the Zionist movement. On the contrary, the attitude of the Yugoslav government was generally benign and was sometimes openly supportive of this movement at international meetings.

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NACIONALNI PROGRAM ČETNIČKOG POKRETA DRAŽE MIHAILOVIĆA

NACIONALNI PROGRAM ČETNIČKOG POKRETA DRAŽE MIHAILOVIĆA

Author(s): Branislav Gligorijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1996

Povodom knjige Milana Vesovića i Koste Nikolića »Ujedinjene srpske zemlje, Ravnogorski nacionalni program«, Vreme knjige, Beograd 1996, str. 333.

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VERSKI LIBERALIZAM I POLITlČKA AKTIVNOST SRPSKE PRAVOSLAVNE CRKVE U KRALJEVINI JUGOSLAVIJI

VERSKI LIBERALIZAM I POLITlČKA AKTIVNOST SRPSKE PRAVOSLAVNE CRKVE U KRALJEVINI JUGOSLAVIJI

Author(s): Nikola Žutić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1995

In keeping with the existent relations between Serbia and Yugoslavia and the countries of bourgeois liberalism, the so-called »western democracies«, the Serbian Orthodox Church also developed ties with the churches of these countries. As a result the Serbian Orthodox Church was marked by religious liberalism (religious tolerance, patriotic feelings for the fatherland etc.). Religious liberalism turned the activity of the Serbian Orthodox Church toward close co-operation with Protestant and Catholic churches of democratic countries. A particularly close tie was formed with the Anglican Church and plans were made for the dogmatic and liturgical union of the two churches. The Serbian Orthodox Church was until 1937 a constitutional religious organization, which supported the official Francophile course and the Yugoslav national ideology of King Alexander. The Church demonstrated its support by applauding the Yugoslav regime based on ideas of bourgeois liberalism and Yugoslav nationalism. During the tutelary reign of Prince Pavle, the Church’s loyalty was lost due to changes in the country's domestic and foreign politics. The drawing away from France and Great Britain of Yugoslavia, especially after 1937, also led to a gradual withdrawal from positions of authority in the country of people who believed in the unity of Yugoslavia. The inclination of the tutelary regime to create closer ties with Italy, Germany and the Vatican provoked a marked opposition in the Serbian Orthodox Church. The growing favor shown the Roman-Catholic church by Yugoslavia led in 1937 to the crisis of the concord, resulting in serious conflicts and incidents. The Serbian Orthodox Church will have an important part in the »liberals« coup d’etat« by joining the efforts of West-oriented Yugoslav officers, liberal political parties (especially the Agricultural Party) and organization^, such as the Falcons, National Defence etc. in preparing and carrying out) the coup d’etat od 27 March 1941.

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JOŠ JEDNOM О »NEDOSLEDNOSTI U PRIMENI ISTORIJSKE METODOLOGIJE«

JOŠ JEDNOM О »NEDOSLEDNOSTI U PRIMENI ISTORIJSKE METODOLOGIJE«

Author(s): Toma Milenković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1995

Na našu opsežnu kritiku magistarskog rada Koste Nikolića Boljševizacija KPJ 1919—1929, Istorijske posledice, objavljenu u časopisu »Istorija 20. veka« br. 1/1994. pod naslovom Nedoslednost u primeni istorijske metodologije (str. 201—222), autor je odgovorio u istom časopisu br. 2/1994. tekstom pod naslovom Naličje jedne kritike (str. 191— 202). U našoj kritici uglavnom smo ukazali na nekorišćenje rezultata najvećeg dela prethodne istoriografije, na deo faktografskih grešaka, falsifikata i nedoslednosti u primeni istorijske metodologije, kao i na uzroke koji su do toga doveli. Odgovoreno nam je u prepotentnom i svađalačkom tonu, prebacivanjem polemike sa stvarnog na pretežno ideološki teren, sa puno neobrazloženih omalovažavanja, diskvalifikacija, podmetanja, sumnjičenja i ponovljenih falsifikata. Smatrajući da polemika pokazuje ne samo sa kakvim argumentima raspolažu polemičari, nego i kakvi su ljudi, ističemo da ne prihvatamo »polemički stil« koji nam nameće autor. Bavićemo se samo konkretnim.

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NEDOSLEDNOST U PRIMENI ISTORIJSKE METODOLOGIJE

NEDOSLEDNOST U PRIMENI ISTORIJSKE METODOLOGIJE

Author(s): Toma Milenković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1994

Kosta Nikolić, BOLJŠEVIZACIJA KOMUNISTIČKE PARTIJE JUGOSLAVIJE 1919 - 1929, Istorijske posledice, Beograd 1994

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KRALJEVINA SHS I EVROPSKE IDEOLOGIJE U BALKANSKOM KONFLIKTU

KRALJEVINA SHS I EVROPSKE IDEOLOGIJE U BALKANSKOM KONFLIKTU

Author(s): Nikola Žutić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1993

Jugoslavija je teško opstajala, od početka, na balkanskom trusnom tlu sučeljavanja antagonističkih civilizacija i ideologija. Pobeda Francuske i saveznika u Prvom svetskom ratu omogućila je da jugoslovenski unitarni liberali zauzmu istaknute pozicije u državnom i političkom vrhu Kraljevstva SHS. Ideološki duh građanskog liberalizma postaje bitno prisutan u mladoj jugoslovenskoj državi. Centrale evropskog građanskog liberalizma usađivaće ideje demokratizma i na tlo jugoslovenskih delova nekadašnjeg »cezaropapističkog« Habsburškog carstva. Uporedo sa tim, ići će intencija jačanja integracionih procesa u Kraljevini SHS. Ona će se javiti već od prvih dana stvaranja nove države, da bi se onemogućila eventualna restauracija Habsburgovaca, ali i sprečilo širenje boljševičke opasnosti. Slovenački liberali - Jugosloveni, povezani sa Sokolima, hrvatskim integralistima, pripadnicima bivše Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije i predratnom prečanskom revolucionarnom omladinom, biće glavni nosioci integralno-jugoslovenske nacionalne koncepcije.

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PROBLEMI EKONOMSKE INTEGRACIJE JUGOSLAVIJE 1918 - 1941. GODINE

PROBLEMI EKONOMSKE INTEGRACIJE JUGOSLAVIJE 1918 - 1941. GODINE

Author(s): Smiljana Đurović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1993

U osnovi krhkosti mlade jugoslovenske države sa početka 20. veka, ali još više imperativa njenog stvaranja, nalazili su se problemi ekonomske integracije Jugo-lstoka Evrope, tj. jugoslovenskog istorijskog prostora modernog doba. Ekonomska integracija kao jedan od bitnih činilaca formiranja državnih i društvenih zajednica modernog doba je pojava duboko u strukturi donjih slojeva Istorije, iznad kojih plivaju pojave koje pripadaju političkoj istoriji, i koje nisu imale u svakom trenutku Istorije Ijudi čvrste medusobne veze, kako se to tvrdilo dobar period 20. veka pod uticajem apsolutno-sociološke paradigme, vladajuće u delu istoriografije Evropskog Istoka. Politika i Ekonomija ispoljile su svoju izrazitu vezanost, međutim, u velikim tektonskim pomeranjima i poremećajima 20. veka, što su pokazala dva prethodna svetska rata, a pokazuju i najnoviji regionalni ratovi na Balkanu i u svetu, koji u kontekstu projekta tzv. »novog svetskog poretka« (u toku ovoga veka je bilo tri projekta) imaju obeležje trećeg svetskog rata.

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IDEOLOŠKE OSNOVE JUGOSLOVENSKIH UNUTRAŠNJIH RAZGRANIČENJA

IDEOLOŠKE OSNOVE JUGOSLOVENSKIH UNUTRAŠNJIH RAZGRANIČENJA

Author(s): Momčilo Zečević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

The author draws our attention to the significant role which confrontations in the ideological and religious sphere played in the definition of Yugoslav inner borders in the period of the unified state, from 1918 to our time, He points out the influence of nationalistic ideologies in bourgeois Yugoslavia, primarily fostered by the Serbs and Croats, the conflict between these ideologies and the inter political idea of Yugoslavia and their effect on the model of Yugoslav integration (disintegration) under communist rule. The Croatian-Slovenian dualistic approach to the organization of the state in Yugoslavia and Serbian ideas of integration corresponded directly to each people’s position and level of national emancipation. In terms of global relations in Yugoslavia, another determining factor in national confrontation, especially between Serbs and Croats, was religion. Appearing alongside other ideological influences which affected national politics in bourgeois Yugoslavia, but also during communist dictatorship, Catholic expansionism manifested itself as the most persistent force. As it turned out, it played a dominant part in determining the position of Yugoslavia’s inner borders. It is necessary, in the author's opinion, when dealing with the topic of inner border demarcation in Yugoslavia to consider not only standard determining factors, such as historical right, administrative and economic norms etc., but also to take into account the dominant political and religious ideologies then existent in the Yugoslav state and their historical roots and influence.

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ISTRAŽIVANJE FENOMENA POMERANJA NEMAČKIH ETNIČKIH GRANICA NA JUGOSLOVENSKI ISTORIJSKI PROSTOR

ISTRAŽIVANJE FENOMENA POMERANJA NEMAČKIH ETNIČKIH GRANICA NA JUGOSLOVENSKI ISTORIJSKI PROSTOR

Author(s): Sonja Božanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

Poznati nemački »Drang nach Osten« je strukturalno višeslojna pojava kojom se ozbiljno bavila i jugoslovenska istoriografija, najviše doduše u njenom političkom , vojnom i ekonomskom ispoljavanju. Karakteristika radova iz ove oblasti je da su tu pojavu izučavali ili tretirali parcijalno, ali da nije data celovita studija, na koju se još čeka. Većina objavljenih studija ili članaka koji su se bavili opštom istorijom modernog doba, dotakli su se ovog problema posebno, jer je Nemačka bila aktivan učesnik i Prvog i Drugog svetskog rata, koji su ostavili katastrofalne posledice na balkanskim prostorima.

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PROSVETNA POLITIKA KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI 1918 - 1941. I ISTORIOGRAFIJA

PROSVETNA POLITIKA KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI 1918 - 1941. I ISTORIOGRAFIJA

Author(s): Ljubodrag D. Dimić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1990

Naša današnja znanja о brojnim pitanjima iz prošlosti i savremenosti Kosova i Metohije više su nego oskudna i jednostrana. Tome je doprinela i „istorijska nauka" radovima protivurečnog i „poželjnog" karaktera, svesnim zaobilaženjem ključnih tema, isticanjem ideoloških parola umesto empirijski proverljivih znanja zasnovanih na svestranim istraživanjima i uz doslednu primenu istorijskog metoda. Mnoge teme tek čekaju svoje istraživače, jer ono što se u delu istoriografije i publicistike do sada pisalo više je pretendovalo da sebe predstavi kao konačnu istinu i tvrdnju, što je odlika ideologije, a ne kao afirmaciju znanja, po svojoj prirodi nikada potpunog i konačnog. Jedna od takvih oblasti interesovanja istoričara svakako je i pitanje odnosa prosvetne politike Kraljevine Jugoslavije prema albanskom stanovništvu. Uvid u deo dokumentacije о tom problemu nedvosmisleno ukazuje da je tvrdnja о „svakovrsnoj nacionalnoj diskriminaciji Albanaca na planu kulture i obrazovanja’', prisutna u delu jugoslovenske istoriografije, u najboljem slučaju uopštena i uprošćena, izvedena na jednostranoj i nepotpunoj analizi „mera i akcija” koje je, na planu prosvete, državni aparat Kralievine pokušavao da primeni na Kosovu i Metohiji. Pri tom je, svesno ili nesvesno, zanemarivan totalitet odnosa konzervativne nacionalne sredine kakvu je činilo albansko društvo na Kosovu i Metohiji, zatvorene za svaki uticaj sa strane, sumnjičavo i podozrivo za sve novo i onoga što se može nazvati prosvetna politika Kraljevine.

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FATALNA JEDNOSTRANOST - POVODOM KNJIGE DR BRANKA HORVATA KOSOVSKO PITANJE, ZAGREB 1988.

FATALNA JEDNOSTRANOST - POVODOM KNJIGE DR BRANKA HORVATA KOSOVSKO PITANJE, ZAGREB 1988.

Author(s): Branislav Gligorijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1988

Jedan omanji tekst od desetak stranica о položaju Albanaca u Jugoslaviji između dva rata, koji dr Horvat uvršćuje u svoju knjigu ,,Kosovsko pitanje”, ne zaslužuje pažnju upravo stoga što čitav problem sužava па postupke i teror vlasti prema Albancima. Svođenje istorije naroda koji su živeli na Kosovu, njihovog ekonomskog, društvenog i političkog razvoja, (ill nazadovanja) uglavnom, samo na zločine vlasti prema Albancima je nesto što je već viđeno kod nekih albanskih istoričara, u prvom redu dr Ali Hadrija, koga inače, dr Horvat nigde ne citira, a jedva navodi u spisku literature. Zašto je i on ovako postupio, saznajemo tek na kraju knjige. Odgovarajući na pitanje dr Petranovića —,,Da li znate za neki sličan primer, gde su pripadnici naroda bili izloženi takvom nasilju kao šlo je slučaj, u poslednje dve decenije, sa Srbima i Crnogorcima na Kosovu - dr Horvat odgovara: ,,Na svoju i našu, civilizacijsku sramotu, moram da kažem da sličan primjer znam. Primjer, je, na žalost, još mnogo gori. Radi se о pljački nasiljima i ubijanju Albanaca, uključivo žene, djece i stance, nakon osvajanja Kosova od strane srpske i crnogorske vojske. О tome je kao ratni dopisnik izvještavao poznati nam ruski socijalist Lav Trocki. О tome je pisao i naš domaći, srpski, socijalist Dimitrije Tucović. Postoje i drugi izvori. Nasilja su se nastavila i posle 1918. godine. Čitava sela su spaljivana. A šta je tek našim Albancima pripremio predratni Srpski kultumi klub i uvaženi akademik Vasa Ćubrilov u staroj Kraljevini, što je ona donekle i sprovela!” (179). Ovim rečima otkriva nam i ključ kosovske drame danas: ona je u zločinima i nasiljima nad Albancima u prošlosti. Njima se, na neki način, opravdavaju stradanja Srba i Crnogoraca na Kosovu, a u ovoj našoj uzavreloj, politizovanoj atmosferi u međunacionalnim odnosima, nеко će shvatiti i kao poziv na osvetu, ili pravdanje budućih nasilja nad Srbima, jer dugovi još nisn vraćeni, poravnjanja još nisu izvršena, pošto su primeri nasilja nad Albancima u prošlosti bili ,,još mnogo gori".

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ZA VEĆU TAČNOST U HISTORIOGRAFIJI

ZA VEĆU TAČNOST U HISTORIOGRAFIJI

Author(s): Gojko Jakovčev / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1+2/1988

U izdanju „Globusa” Zagreb izašla je 1986. godine knjiga Dušana Plenče „Kninska ratna vremena 1850 - 1946 (Knin - Drniš - Bukovica - Ravni kotari)”. О nioj su dosad svoju ocjenu dali recenzenti djela, a bilo je i polemike u dalmatinskoj štampi. U knjizi na nekoliko mjesta autor navodi i neke moje stavove о raznim pitanjima iz života naroda sjeverne Dalmacije, a kako isti nisu prezentirani kako treba to ukazujem na takva mjesta.

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