Политически брифинг № 57 на CSD: Регионалните медии в България: граници на оцеляването

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The lack of adequate local media is a trend with devastating implications for the regions of Bulgaria. It affects not only the local public institutions; regional economic activity is also hindered by the absence of independent media. At the same time, when discussing the state of media in Bulgaria, the problems of local media are often overlooked. The current publication presents the results of a survey of 179 local media with internet presence. The analysis focused on the mechanisms and factors that prevent journalists and the media from informing the public in an objective, competent, and comprehensive way.

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 056, god. III, Beograd, utorak, 14. oktobar 2008.

Author(s): Dragan Nikolić,Goran Cvetković,Miloš Živanović / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Dragan Nikolić: Između dužine i brzine; CEMENT, Goran Cvetković: Manjak radost; Š[TRAFTA, Kristina Rac: Krvotok od benzina; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Miloš Živanović: The Ham-Ham Brothers II

The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Serbia

Author(s): Davor Marko / Language(s): English

The transformation of former state television broadcasters in post-socialist states and their transition into Public Service Broadcasters (PSBs) was meant to be one of the most visible achievements in the process of democratization. The transformation aimed to break the monopoly of the state in the sphere of public communication, and to enable citizens to access information freely and control the newly established media institution. Nevertheless, recent studies on the development, work, and challenges of PSBs in post-communist and post-socialist states, including those focusing on the Western Balkans, have demonstrated unpredictable and unexpected results of such reform efforts. Tailored after Western models, and supported throughout various media assistance programs, the public broadcasters developed into politicallydependent, financially unsustainable, non-transparent, and programmatically commercialized broadcasters. The serious debate and policy intervention that would take into account the impact of rapid technological changes and the growing multi-channel environment, coupled with audience fragmentation, are generally missing. This paper examines the status, role, and main challenges of the reform of the PSB in Serbia. Taking into account its turbulent past and political misuse during the 1990s, Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) entered the era of democratization with a highly damaged reputation and poor technical, human, and managerial resources. It was challenging for lawmakers, local experts, and international organizations to create a context conducive to the establishment of PSB, and to foster its development according to ‘European standards’. Additionally, the status and operation of RTS was constantly endangered due to the non-transparent and personalized style of management and unsustainable financial planning, and additional challenges caused by technical and digital developments were not approached properly. In order to assess the achievements of the transformation of PSB within the four main domains of analysis – socio and political aspects, regulation, funding, and digitalization – this paper will address three main research questions. The first question is related to the current operation of the PSB in Serbia, taking into account its regulation, status, model of funding and program quality. The second question assesses the entire process of creation of media policies and laws regulating the status of PSB in Serbia, including the actors in this process, their relations and influence. The final question addresses the main challenges of PSB in Serbia with regard to technology innovation and digitalization, use of the new media, and the PSB’s relation with the audience. Transformation of the former state- and regime-controlled RTS into a public service was a big challenge. Primarily, its transformation shared obstacles common to other countries in the region – lack of an institutional framework (which is necessary for its functionality), a small and chaotic media market, an economic situation that was additionally worsened after the global economic crisis, political pressures, and lack of transparency and professionalism – which is a general problem when it comes to public institutions in Serbia. What makes the Serbian case specific is the highly negative reputation and image RTS had after the period of the 1990s when the regime of Slobodan Milošević used the public media as a tool of political propaganda. Additionally, its premises and infrastructure were severely damaged in 1999 during the NATO bombing. The research draws upon the ongoing debates on the status and operation of PSB in a changing media environment. Technological development, commercialization and the growing role of the market in defining media roles and audience tastes, information abundance, and audience fragmentation significantly define what we know today as ‘media ecology’. In such a context, the status, funding model, and social role of PSB and its relation with the audience are contested. In addition, the changing context for media policy and the slow process of transformation in the countries of the Western Balkans raise the questions of what stage of development the PSBs in the Western Balkans are in, how the changes of the media landscape influence this process, and what the main obstacles of transformation are. This paper consists of four main chapters. The next chapter outlines the key theoretical concepts and presents the main debates on the status of PSB, its role and challenges on both a global, mainly European, level, and the local (Serbian) level. This chapter also contains a description of the methodology used for the sake of analysis in this paper. The third chapter briefly presents the most important information on the PSB in Serbia, its history, background, establishment, structure, and operation. The following chapters analytically assess the four main dimensions of analysis within the paper: status and regulation, funding, technological and digitalization challenges, and the sociopolitical aspect of PSB operation. The final chapters provide readers with a discussion of the key findings against the theoretical framework and concluding remarks.

The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Tea Hadžiristić,Nidžara Ahmetašević / Language(s): English

Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) in Bosnia and Herzegovina is in crisis. Since its creation in 2002, it has steadily been losing both revenue and audience. The fact that it is dysfunctional and highly politicized has brought it to the verge of financial collapse. The state broadcaster, BHRT, narrowly averted being shut down in June 2016 due to a lack of funding, and its fate remains uncertain. The catastrophic economic situation, lack of substantive progress towards EU accession, fragile civil society, and state capture make the situation more difficult. One of the main challenges for PSB in post-communist countries is ending the capture of the state by political parties, which in BiH is additionally complicated by ethnopolitics and legal uncertainty, which results from what Zielonka and Mancini call “floating laws” – frequent changes to legal frameworks and weak and selective rule of law. This paper probes the future prospects for PSB in BiH by looking at the developmental path of PSB and its current situation, taking into consideration these complex contextual challenges. Given the challenging situation with respect to the development and functioning of PSB in BiH, the paper discusses three aspects relevant to understanding its prospects. First, the development of the policy framework for PSB is examined by looking at how the initial media policy was adopted and what roles were played by key actors, such as the EU, international donors, local political elites and civil society, in policy-making processes. Special attention is placed on exploring the impact that EU accession criteria have had on policy-making regarding PSB. Secondly, the current situation with respect to the functioning of PSB in BiH is explored, particularly examining political, legal and financial factors. Finally, the paper studies the future prospects of the PSB system in the context of a rapidly changing multi-channel environment driven by convergence, digitalization, and the proliferation of social media and new media platforms in general. This analysis is positioned within the context of contemporary debates on the future of PSB, especially with regard to its legal, financial, technological, and socio-political dimensions. Special attention is paid to the role of PSB in postsocialist states, as well as the specific nature of the post-war political situation in BiH, its power-sharing structures, and implications for the functioning of PSB. In order to approach these issues, the paper draws on the work of Jakubowicz on public broadcasting in post-communist settings, (2004, 2008) and Hallin and Mancini’s work on political parallelism and colonization of the media (2004, 2011). The prospects of PSB in post-communist transitional societies are analyzed in relation to the work of Jakubowicz and Sukosd, Zielonka and Mancini, and Voltmer. For a better understanding of the broader political context, we refer to Bugarič’s concept of unfinished transition and state capture in Europe’s peripheries, as well as Mujkić’s writing on Bosnian ethnopolitics, to analyze the coalescence of the political elite and national divisions in BiH. Finally, this paper relies on contemporary studies of the media in South East Europe (Petković, Hrvatin, Milosavljević) and BiH in particular. The paper argues that the transformation of the state broadcasters into a genuine PSB in BiH has so far failed with respect to all of the core elements of such a system: funding, independence, remit, and adoption of new technologies. We ascribe this primarily to institutional inertia and subsequent politicization of the public sphere. At the same time, the ongoing debate about PSB in BiH is largely anachronistic, and fails to capture the core challenges and articulate much needed innovative policy solutions that would look beyond the now largely outdated, defunct model of PSB that was introduced in 2002. PSB in BiH is a victim of the political colonization of the media sphere, and weak, dysfunctional state institutions that suffer from the chronic disregard for law demonstrated by ruling elites. The paper first gives an overview of key theoretical concepts and debates relevant to understanding contemporary trends in PSB development, globally and regionally. The next section provides an insight into the overall country context relevant to understanding the contemporary developments regarding PSB in BiH, followed by an outline of the key findings regarding the four crucial dimensions related to PSB in BiH: regulation, funding, technology, and socio-political factors. After a discussion of the key findings and a brief conclusion, the paper ends with a list of recommendations addressed to key stakeholders involved in PSB reform in BiH.

International Assistance and Media Democratization in the Western Balkans: A Cross-National Comparison

Author(s): Tarik Jusić,Kristina Irion / Language(s): English

This is the concluding report of a project aiming to enhance the knowledge and understanding of conditions and factors that influence the creation of sustainable and functional media institutions in the democratizing countries of the Western Balkans, especially in contexts where there is a strong presence of international assistance programs and conditionality mechanisms. The project covers four countries that emerged from former federal Yugoslavia, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia, as well as a fifth country, Albania. This report summarizes and compares the country and subject-matter-specific contributions with the aim of exploring the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance as constrained by the local political conditions. Although the countries of the Western Balkans share significant social, political, historical and economic traits, the region’s recent trajectory has not been very coherent. Since the collapse of socialism in the 1990s, all five countries are undergoing a difficult transition to democracy and a free market economy. They have in common a post-authoritarian legacy, relatively small territories and weak economies. However, these similarities should not obstruct the recognition of important differences in political traditions, local cultures and ethnic composition of the population throughout the region. In the past, political traditions of statehood differed significantly, characterised by periods of bloom and decline as well as external influences, notably from the Ottomans and the Austrian empire. The region’s conflict-ridden history has inspired the term Balkanization, which is widely used to describe a process of geopolitical fragmentation. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia and war with the Serbian hegemon, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were founded as modern states. Macedonia was also affected by a limited conflict between its two majority peoples – Macedonians and Albanians. NATO undertook extensive military interventions against Serb forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, and in Kosovo and Serbia in 1999. Albania alone went through a peaceful transition albeit the country took in many war refugees, mainly from Kosovo. All of the countries in the focus of this project are multi-ethnic but their composition varies to a significant degree. In Albania and Kosovo, Albanians are by far the majority people but there is a significant Serb minority in the latter. Serbia’s dominant majority are Serbs (83 percent of the population). In contrast, Bosnia and Herzegovina is the home of three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats) and in Macedonia ethnic Macedonians and Albanians coexist, among others. Today, out of these five Western Balkan countries two are in the antechamber of the European Union (EU). For some time already Macedonia and, recently, Serbia have had candidate status but the pre-accession negotiations are open-ended. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Albania are still potential candidate countries, and thus further away from their ultimate aim to accede to the EU. Striving for EU membership requires from these Western Balkan countries to comply with its democratic and market economy standards (the so-called ‘Copenhagen Criteria’). Today EU conditionality is a major driver of reforms in the region.

Building Media Systems in the Western Balkans: Lost between Models and Realities

Author(s): Katrin Voltmer / Language(s): English

When dictators fall, the rhetoric of ‘revolution’, ‘liberalisation’ or ‘new era’ often disguises the enormous difficulties that lie ahead. Beginning with the fall of the Berlin Wall that marked the end of the Cold War, democracy has spread around the world in breath-taking speed. However, as the ‘third wave’ comes of age, it becomes ever more evident that bringing down dictatorships is one thing, but building sustainable democratic institutions and media systems is quite another. The working papers produced within the project “Development of Functional Media Institutions in Western Balkans – A Comparative Study” provide vivid evidence of the many obstacles, errors and set-backs – but also of the achievements – that accompany the attempt of transforming media systems that hitherto have served the needs of an authoritarian regime into democratic institutions. Each of the working papers covering one of the five successor states of former Yugoslavia describes in much detail the policies that have been implemented to rebuild media institutions and journalistic practices in an environment that is marred not only by the legacy of socialism, but also by the trauma of war, deep societal divisions and economic decline. Given the importance of the Western Balkans for the stability and prosperity of Europe, considerable efforts have been made by the international community to build democracy in the region. Thus, besides describing the problems of transforming media systems in post-authoritarian countries, the working papers of this project also provide unique insights into the mechanisms and consequences of international media assistance in emerging democracies. In spite of the undeniable progress that has been made, the accounts given here are also rather sobering. The policies pursued by international donors often lack long-term sustainability and in some cases exacerbate rather than ameliorate existing problems. Taken together, the significance of this working paper series goes far beyond the region of the Western Balkans. The outstanding scholarship and in-depth knowledge brought together in these working papers also help to better understand the dynamics of media transformation in other emerging democracies around the globe. While some of the problems the media in the countries of former Yugoslavia are struggling with are unique for the region – for example the extremely small media markets of countries whose populations range between less than two million (Kosovo) and some seven million (Serbia), many others show striking similarities with developments in other new democracies. For example, issues of persistent political interference into journalistic decision-making, low levels of journalistic professionalism, political parallelism and sharp polarisation of public communication are common features around the globe. Moreover, the emphasis on the work of media assistance organisation described in these working papers further highlights the difficulties that arise when transplanting the institutions and norms of democracy as practiced in established (mainly western) countries to contexts that either do not have any, or only little, experience with democratic governance or are part of cultural and historical traditions that have little in common with western traditions. These apparent discrepancies between the established democracies of the West and the fledgling semi-, partial or defective democracies of the ‘third wave’ have provoked the question whether democracy and its essential ingredient of a free press can be exported to other contexts. As elsewhere in the post-communist world of Eastern Europe, policy makers in the countries of former Yugoslavia have looked out for role models in established democracies as guidance for the reconstruction of their media systems. Hallin and Mancini’s models of media systems have become an influential framework not only for academic research, but also for policy choices to design media systems in emerging democracies. The three models proposed by Hallin and Mancini identify the key dimensions of media systems of the regulatory arrangements and behavioural patterns that organise state-media relationships, media markets, journalistic professionalism and the relationship between the media and the main cleavages in a society (‘political parallelism’). The resulting ‘ideal types’ are the ‘liberal model’ that is characterised by low levels of state regulation, commercialism and objectivity and neutrality as key journalistic norm; the ‘democratic corporatist model’ that includes a strong public service element and the attempt to accommodate different interest and groups; and the ‘polarized pluralist model’ that is dominated by partisan journalism and a close relationship between politics and the media. Hallin and Mancini’s analysis, which focuses exclusively on Western media systems, reveals that the ‘liberal model’ is predominant in Anglo-Saxon countries, the ‘democratic corporatist model’ can be mainly found in the welfare states of Northern Europe and the ‘polarized pluralist model’ covers mainly the Mediterranean countries. Even though Hallin and Mancini emphasise that these models are empirical descriptions that do not imply any evaluation of the quality and adequacy of the kind of public communication each of the models provides, the ‘polarized pluralist’ model is widely seen as deficient and least desirable. Recent studies that have applied Hallin and Mancini’s models to non-western countries and in particular the new democracies of the ‘third wave’ have come to the conclusion that it is the ‘polarized pluralist’ model that best characterises cases outside the Western world. However, it appears implausible that eighteen Western media systems are diversified across three different models, whereas the rest of the world is lumped together into just one. Besides the conceptual problems this lack of variance throws up, the classification as ‘polarized pluralist’ usually also implies a normative judgment that marks these non-western and emerging media systems as immature and flawed. In this concluding working paper I want to explore in some more detail the empirical and normative underpinnings of democratic media systems, in particular the ‘polarized pluralist’ model. The paper aims to address some of the theoretical and normative issues involved in transforming post-authoritarian media systems, which have been described and analysed in the country studies of this working paper series. The discussion starts by introducing the concept of ‘social constructivism’ as an effective theoretical tool to understand processes of institutional change in processes of democratic transition. Two key elements of media systems serve as examples to demonstrate the ‘social construction’ of norms and practices in different social and political contexts: partisanship and pluralism. While partisanship is seen as a deficiency of media systems, albeit widely practiced, pluralism is valued as an indispensible norm of democratic media, yet difficult to achieve.

Looking for Shortcuts? Assistance to - and Development of - Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania

Author(s): Mark Thompson / Language(s): English

If we were asked to invent a form of media assistance which combined the maximum number of challenges, it would be hard to imagine anything more formidable than the task of establishing public service broadcasters in transitional (newly democratic) states. When those states are recovering from profound trauma or systemic breakdown, the odds against success become even greater. And when the trauma involved interethnic bloodletting on a vast scale, in which neighbouring countries were complicit, and which was ended only by external intervention by yet other countries, the chances of decisive success become incalculably small. Let me list some challenges – with no certainty that the list is complete. A public service broadcaster (PSB) produces, commissions, and disseminates a range of contents to a universal (non-niche) audience. It has to be enabled and supported by an appropriate legal and regulatory framework, one which entrusts it with a public service mission, establishes suitable mechanisms for funding and accountability while protecting it from interference by parliament and government. It needs to provide a range of programs that “inform, educate and entertain” (the famous mantra) all sectors of the population, aiming for excellence in all strands, skilful enough to blend more rarefied output with populist material, juggling the schedule to reach large audiences with high-quality news and information. It needs to be funded by a mechanism that engages the public (such as the licence fee), on a generous scale and with a stability that allows it to fulfil its mission and to invest for the future. It needs to be technically well-equipped and resourced. If it cannot deliver excellent programmes to the entire population through broadcasting and online, the public is unlikely to wish to sustain it. From all this, it follows that the providers of such assistance need to be prepared to engage on many fronts – journalistic, technical, institution-building, political – and to spend lavishly, with no expectation of rapid results. They need to have the stamina for a lengthy – perhaps endless – political and diplomatic struggle with local elites who will be reluctant to support a project that threatens to take away an important lever of influence; and with a media industry that is likely to resist this non-commercial intruder. They will need to be ready to persuade media professionals and the wider public why they should support a kind of media output which may be unknown in their own language. They will need to invest in institution-building and professionalization: training journalists, editors and managers to fulfil their distinctive mandates in a PSB. They need to provide technical assistance at a high level for producing and disseminating content on several platforms. The prospect of a strong institution devoted to public service provision in the media provokes more or less acute anxiety and resistance among the political class. The preparation and adoption of a suitable legal and regulatory framework – one that provides political and public accountability on one hand, and denies the scope for political manipulation on the other – calls for appropriate international expertise, sensitively offered, and also for dialogue with law-makers, media professionals, and civil society groups. Finally, the suppliers of such assistance must be prepared for a long and patient (but also vigilant) engagement which may fail even after the actual steps have been taken. For laws can be enacted and not implemented. Journalists can be trained only to find they are unable or disinclined to exercise their new skills in the given conditions. Outlets can be brought into existence but then fail to find a loyal audience. Codes of ethics and self-regulatory mechanisms can be introduced and fail to make an impact on actual practice. This having been said, it is obvious why the endeavour to establish PSBs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania faced immense difficulties. The country studies in this project, “Development of Functional Media Institutions in Western Balkans – A Comparative Study”, confirm this in useful ways. They also deepen our understanding of the ways in which assistance to PSBs links with assistance to other sectors of the media.

Starting from Scratch: The Role of Media Assistance in the Establishment of Independent Media Institutions in Kosovo

Author(s): Naser Miftari / Language(s): English

Kosovo is a Western Balkans state bordering Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania. It was the last administrative unit to emerge as an independent state out of the former Yugoslavia, where it had the status of an autonomous province within Serbia. With the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the tensions between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs escalated into a full-fledged conflict between Serbian forces, loyal to the regime of Slobodan Milošević, and the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The conflict ended after an extensive NATO military intervention that forced Serbia to withdraw from Kosovo in 1999 and led to the creation of the Kosovo protectorate under the supervision of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). UNMIK administered Kosovo until the country proclaimed independence on February 17, 2008. Following independence UNMIK began to downsize and the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) was introduced. This development followed the conditions set forth in a UN endorsed plan for an internationally supervised independent Kosovo.

Limited Assistance for Limited Impact: International Media Assistance in Albania

Author(s): Ilda Londo / Language(s): English

Albania has a population of just under three million, according to 2011 census. The country has undergone a profound economic transformation over the past two decades, from a centrally planned to a free-market economy. However, there is significant economic disparity between the capital, Tirana, and other nearby, developed cities, compared to more remote and isolated areas. The 2011 census revealed that Albanians make up 83% of the population, while Greeks, Roma, Aromanians, Macedonians, Egyptians or Montenegrins respectively make up less than 1% of the population. However, 14% of the population did not respond to the ethnicity question. Albania’s political system is that of a parliamentary multi-party democracy. The prime minister is designated by the parties that form a majority coalition. The president is elected by the parliament for a five-year term.

Međunarodna pomoć i demokratizacija medija na zapadnom Balkanu: naučene lekcije

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Ovaj policy memo sumira ključne nalaze komparativnog istraživačkog projekta koji je ispitivao vezu između međunarodne pomoći medijima i demokratske transformacije medija u pet zemalja zapadnog Balkana: Albaniji, Bosni i Hercegovini, Kosovu, Makedoniji i Srbiji. Svrha je projekta doprinos boljem razumijevanju faktora koji mogu utjecati na rezultate programa međunarodne pomoći i mehanizama kondicionalnosti usmjerenih na razvoj održivih i funkcionalnih medijskih institucija u zemljama koje prolaze kroz proces demokratizacije. Osim toga, nalazi pružaju uvid u implikacije transponiranja uvoznih institucionalnih modela u medijske sisteme društava u tranziciji na zapadnom Balkanu, te kao takvi mogu u budućnosti poslužiti kao potka sličnih programa pomoći.

Javne institucije i internet: politike i prakse u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Amar Numanović,Tarik Jusić,Nevena Ršumović / Language(s): Bosnian

Zakoni o slobodi pristupa informacijama u Bosni i Hercegovini ne sadrže odredbe o objavljivanju javnih informacija na webu, što onemogućava razvoj proaktivne transparentnosti javnih institucija. Istovremeno, različiti sektorski zakoni i posebne politike, kao i uputstva i preporuke koje se odnose na održavanje web-stranica javnih institucija jednim dijelom obavezuju javne organe da objavljuju određene vrste informacija na webu. Tako fragmentiran pravni okvir za objavljivanje informacija na webu dovodi do neujednačenih i slabo razvijenih praksi web-prisustva i transparentnosti javnih institucija u BiH. Od ključne je važnosti unaprijediti postojeće zakone o slobodi pristupa informacijama dodavanjem odredaba o obaveznom proaktivnom objavljivanju širokog spektra informacija na web-stranicama javnih institucija, a podzakonskim aktima o izradi i održavanju službenih web-stranica objavljivanje detaljnije precizirati.

Negative headlines, positive tone: how military exercises, peacekeepinig missions and IPAP are seen in Serbian media

Author(s): Pavle Nedić / Language(s): English

In Serbian media peacekeeping missions and military exercises are mainly referred to in the context of Kosovo. Multinational operations are overwhelmingly brought up in positive context. Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) is mostly touched upon in positive tone, but the reports are generally very polarized and the number of neutral texts is rather small. Overall, military exercises are the most frequently mentioned topic. However, in the reports on military exercises, Russia is never referred to in a negative tone. On the other hand, NATO is primarily mentioned in a neutral or a negative tone. This analysis focuses on media reporting regarding selected keywords, namely military exercises, peacekeeping missions, multinational operations and IPAP. These keywords were selected because they receive considerable attention in the media, but there is often a mix of true and false information in reports on them. The analysis covered 383 media pieces published between 1 December 2018 and 28 February 2019. Media sources included online portals, printed newspapers, TV and radio. The goal was to determine how often and in what context these subjects are mentioned in the media, which media sources report on them the most and whether they are brought up in positive, neutral or negative tone. We also measured how often key international actors, namely NATO, Russia and the EU are referred to. Furthermore, the tone towards NATO and Russia was analyzed in media pieces regarding military exercises and IPAP respectively.

RUSSIA AND CHINA: FRIENDS AND BROTHERS OF THE CAPTURED STATE

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

2022 General Elections in BiH: Can the Voters Beat the Media, Religious Communities and Foreign Influence?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The ninth general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina will take place on 2 October 2022. At the elections, members of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, representatives in the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, representatives in the House of Representatives of the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, President of the Republika Srpska, two vice-presidents of Republika Srpska, representatives in the Republika Srpska National Assembly (NSRS), and representative in the assemblies of 10 cantons in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be elected.

Unmasking War Propaganda against Russian Aggression: An Investigative Approach

Author(s): Masahiro Matsumura / Language(s): English

Since its unprovoked military aggression against Ukraine, Russia has inundated the world with misinformation and disinformation in efforts to justify its military operations and to claim its strict observance of the rules of warfare. Unsurprisingly, many of these efforts have often been penetrated due to the poor and blatant construction exposed by the mainstream Western mass media that perhaps interact closely with the intelligence circles.

Security Sector Reform and Media in BiH - The Way Ahead to Security Sector Good Governance

Author(s): Mariangela Fittipaldi / Language(s): English

The Security Sector Reform (SSR) in BiH is proving to be a major step forward in the institutional building process. Although an ongoing development, it has recently been characterized by some important improvements, especially as far as the adoption of the new Defence Law is concerned. In order to foster changes towards security sector good governance, the role played by the main civil society sections in monitoring the reform is crucial. Thus, the forthcoming years will be particularly important with regard to the extent to which media, representatives of civil society, centres of research, and NGOs will be able to participate in the process and constantly monitor the changes in the security landscape of the country. In particular, media play a vital role in providing an essential link between civil society and government. This is even more necessary with regard to security, the supply of this public good being an essential pre-condition to economic and political development. When media are independent, regulated and developed, the effectiveness of the cited role is more likely to come into force. Consequently, the absence of these conditions would seriously impair the possibility for media to function like a «watchdog» with regard to decision-making and policies adopted. On the other hand, the model of good governance of the security sector assumes a wider participation of civil society in the evolution of the security sector. This implies that several efforts have to be undertaken in order to keep the public informed on security issues. Therefore, a full participation of media in the SSR process would contribute to make the international and local institutions in charge of defence and security matters accountable and transparent toward the public. This report analyses media's coverage of security issues in BiH. Through an assessment of the complex relationship between media and the security sector in the country, the openness of the security sector itself will be taken into account. The ultimate aim of this study is to evaluate the pace to a good governance of the security sector for BiH. The report will use two important guidelines for enquiries. On the one hand, the extent to which the security institutions in BiH are accountable, open and responsible to media will be evaluated. The issue will be considered of primary concern since a substantial part of the relation at stake depends on the structure of the security sector. The research will further focus on the extent to which media are open to security institutions and specialized in dealing with security issues, the obstacles to quality journalism and capacity to report on security-related issues being one of the central aspects of media relation to security. Finally, the report will be partly based on the theoretical model of security governance, which assumes an increasing interaction between media and the state. Although many changes have taken place in the organisation of the security sectors of the most advanced democracies, a full media involvement is far from being reached since the extent of participation is dependent on both structural and contingent limits entailing the model itself.

Reforma sigurnosnog sektora i mediji u BiH - Put ka uspješnom upravljanju sigurnosnim sektorom

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

Reforma sigurnosnog sektora (RSS) predstavlja veliki korak naprijed u procesu institucionalne izgradnje. Trenutni razvoj okarakterisan je poboljšanjima, barem kada je riječ o usvajanju novog Zakona o odbrani. S ciljem usvajanja promjena koje se tiču dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom, uloga koju ima civilno društvo u praćenju reformi je od krucijalnog značaja. Osim toga, godine koje slijede biće izuzetno značajne s obzirom na stupanj u kojem će mediji, predstavnici civilnog društva, istraživački centri i NVO-e biti u biti u mogućnosti da učestvuju i konstantno prate promjene u procesu koji se tiče sigurnosnih pitanja u zemlji. Poseban značaj u osiguravanju veze između civilnog društva i vlade imaju mediji. Njihova je uloga još značajnija kad je riječ o sigurnosti, jer obezbjeđivanje tog opšteg dobra jeste osnovni preduslov za ekonomski i politički razvoj. Kada su mediji nezavisni, regulisani i razvijeni, efektivost navedene uloge tada je potpuna. U protivnom, nedostatak ovih uslova može ozbiljno ugroziti mogućnost medija da funkcioniraju kao «nadzornici» u pogledu donošenja i usvajanja odluka. Sa druge strane, model dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom podrazumijeva veće učešće civilnog društva u nastajanju sigurnosnog sektora. Ovo ukazuje na potrebu poduzimanja određenih koraka da bi se osigurala informisanost javnosti u pogledu sigurnosnih pitanja. Prema tome, potpuno učešće medija u procesu reforme sigurnosnog sektora doprinjet će stvaranju međunarodnih i lokalnih institucija zaduženih za pitanja odbrane i sigurnosti, a koje bi bile transparentne i dostupne javnosti. Ovaj izvještaj analizira medijsku pokrivenost sigurnosnih pitanja u BiH. Kroz uspostavljanje složene veze između medija i sigurnosnog sektora u zemlji, bila bi uzeta u obzir otvorenost sigurnosnog sektora kao takvog. Glavni cilj ove studije je evaluacija napretka dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom u BiH. U izvještaju su korištene dvije važne vodilje za istraživanje. Sa jedne strane, biće evaluiran stepen zastupljenosti sigurnosnih institucija u BiH, odnosno koliko su otvorene i odgovorne prema medijima. Ovo pitanje se razmatra kao primarno s obzirom na stvarno učešće u relaciji i strukturi sigurnosnog sektora. Izvještaj će se nadalje fokusirati na stepen otvorenosti medija za sigurnosne institucije i stručnost medija kada su u pitanju sigurnosne teme, te na ograničenja kvalitetnog novinarstva i mogućnost izvještavanja o temama u vezi sa sigurnosti, kao jednog od glavnih aspekata odnosa medija prema sigurnosti. Na kraju, izvještaj će biti djelomično baziran na teoretskom modelu sigurnosnog upravljanja, koji podrazumijeva pojačanu saradnju između medija i države. Premda su se desile mnoge promjene u organizacijama sigurnosnog sektora u najnaprednijim demokratijama, potpuno učešće medija još nije postignuto, s obzirom da stepen učešća zavisi i o strukturalnim i o mogućim ograničenjima.

From Russia with Love: Telegram as a Tool of Russian Propaganda in Serbia and Beyond

Author(s): Anna Khan / Language(s): English

In the last decade, the exploration of Russian interests in the Western Balkans (WB), particularly in Serbia, has surged in scholarly circles, rivalling the longstanding issue of Kosovo's status. The eruption of war in Ukraine has thrust the question of Russian influence in Serbia into sharper focus, presenting Serbia with an existential dilemma in its foreign policy trajectory. Amidst a geopolitical landscape evoking echoes of a new Cold War, the urgency of Serbia's decision-making has intensified. On one hand, as a candidate for European Union (EU) membership, Serbia faces pressure to align with EU political interests. On the other hand, historical ties and ongoing cooperation with Russia present a complex dynamic that challenges the stated commitment to European integration. As a result, despite Western discontent, Serbia has steadfastly pursued its multi-vector foreign policy for the past two years. This approach involves maintaining active partnerships not only with the EU and the United States (US) but also with China and Russia. Notably, Serbia stands out as the sole European nation to have avoided the imposition of sanctions against Russia, sustaining robust business and political ties with Moscow amidst international tensions.

Jak komunikovat Zahranični Rozvojovou Spolupraci. Narativy, Nastroje, Navaznosti

Author(s): Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň,Michal Procházka / Language(s): Czech

Direct communication of foreign development cooperation (FDC) and humanitarian aid by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic (MFA) and the allocation of the relevant budget is a necessary condition for maintaining the declining support for its financing from public budgets: the absence of communication is a bigger problem than its quality, a quick analysis of the current sample of media outputs arouses positive or neutral sentiments. Solidarity narratives may be implicit, but pragmatic arguments do not work for the majority of the Czech, skeptical public. The key to positive messages seems to be to show the specific impact of Czech aid on the basic needs of active, self-sufficient recipients as well as the expertise and financial supervision of Czech entities. A number of modified and newly identified narratives and attitudes towards Czech development aid need to be tested in focus groups and subsequent representative surveys. The main tools are primarily television and news servers. The MFA needs to systematically insert the government's position into the insufficient information and supplement it with expertise from the OECD international network of development communicators.

Priručnik za organizaciju izbirnih TV debata

Author(s): Bojan Klačar,Zoran Stanojević / Language(s): English,Serbian

Debates between candidates for elected office raise issues of crucial importance to the public. In them politicians talk directly to one another to present their political positions and explain their manifestos, contributing to the improvement of general standards of knowledge in the course of an election campaign and allowing members of the public to make informed decisions about who to vote for. Debates promote discussion of details by carefully placing key elements in focus, as necessitated by the time constraints imposed by the moderator. Debates also promote personal and political accountability of political stakeholders, improve communication with voters, and strengthen the transparency of politics. Since 2012, the Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and the Serbian Broadcasting Corporation (RTS) have been organizing a series of debates titled Reč na reč (‘Word for Word’), with the main goal of promoting a culture of political dialogue by promoting well-argued discussion in a thematically focused television format. These programs have found broad acceptance amongst the public and achieved impressive ratings, with broadcasts of national-level candidate debates reaching a particularly broad audience. The debates also received the highest praise from media professionals, and have also been commended by the Commission on Presidential Debates of Washington, DC, to whom we owe a debt of gratitude for their selflessness in conveying their knowledge and experience.