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ЈАВНОСТ - лист за наукe и политику (1874/11)
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ЈАВНОСТ - лист за наукe и политику (1874/11)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

Званична исправка; У Крагујевцу 23. Јануара; Крагујевац 27. Јануара; Како се подиже пољоделство; 1. Школе; 2. Угледна добра; ОДБОРСКИ ИЗВЕШТАЈ ПОДНЕТ РАДНОЈ СКУПШТИНИ; ДОПИСИ; Шабац 14. Јануара; Бела река срез Зајечарски окр. црноречки; ИЗВЕШТАЈ ФИНАНСИЈСКОГ ОДБОРА НАРОДНОЈ СКУПШТИНИ; Крагујевачка новост; Јавна коресподенција; Нек се зна; ОГЛАСИ; Удеоничарима крагујевачке друштвене штампарије; Наредба;

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ЈАВНОСТ - лист за наукe и политику (1874/18)
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ЈАВНОСТ - лист за наукe и политику (1874/18)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

ТЕЛЕГРАМ ''ЈАВНОСТИ''; Крагујевац 8. Фебруара; Рад ванредне народне скупштине; Штудкје о стању пољске привреде у Србији; Спољна политика немачка; ПИТАЊЕ; РАЗЛИЧНОСТИ; СТЕЧАЈ; ОГЛАСИ; Удеоничарима крагујевачке друштвене штампарије;

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Countering Russian Disinformation in the European Union
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Countering Russian Disinformation in the European Union

Author(s): Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): English

Russia runs disinformation campaigns against the EU using traditional media and the internet, including social media. Yet, the effectiveness of the fight against Russian disinformation by the Union and its Member States has so far been limited. These activities require strengthening at the international and national levels, as well as increasing public awareness of the use of media.

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Walka z rosyjską dezinformacją w Unii Europejskiej
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Walka z rosyjską dezinformacją w Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): Polish

Rosja prowadzi kampanie dezinformacyjne przeciw Unii Europejskiej, wykorzystując media tradycyjne oraz internet, w tym media społecznościowe. Skuteczność zwalczania rosyjskiej dezinformacji przez UE i państwa członkowskie była dotychczas ograniczona. Działania te wymagają wzmocnienia na poziomie międzynarodowym i krajowym, a także zwiększenia świadomości społecznej na temat korzystania z mediów.

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US Electoral System Infrastructure: Threats and Protection Against Russian Interference
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US Electoral System Infrastructure: Threats and Protection Against Russian Interference

Author(s): Andrzej Dąbrowski / Language(s): English

Russia’s interference in the 2016 U.S. elections highlighted the vulnerability of American society and the political and electoral system to hard and soft cyberattacks. Despite preventive measures being voted on by Congress and efforts by the social media industry, it has been impossible to eliminate the flaws in electoral infrastructure and social media, which were seen again in this year’s “midterm” elections. These factors will affect future elections and the U.S. in time will probably intensify its efforts to prevent attacks and manipulation attempts. This experience could become instrumental for Poland in securing its own electoral process.

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Infrastruktura wyborcza Stanów Zjednoczonych: zagrożenia i ochrona przed rosyjską ingerencją
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Infrastruktura wyborcza Stanów Zjednoczonych: zagrożenia i ochrona przed rosyjską ingerencją

Author(s): Andrzej Dąbrowski / Language(s): Polish

Ingerencja Rosji w wybory w Stanach Zjednoczonych w 2016 r. uwidoczniła podatność amerykańskiego społeczeństwa oraz systemu politycznego i wyborczego na cyberataki. Mimo podjętych przez Kongres i branżę mediów społecznościowych kroków zaradczych, nie udało się wyeliminować wad infrastruktury wyborczej i środków przekazu, co udowodnił przebieg tegorocznych wyborów do Kongresu. Czynniki te mogą mieć wpływ także na kolejne wybory, w związku z czym USA prawdopodobnie zintensyfikują działania zapobiegające atakom i próbom manipulacji. Polska może skorzystać z doświadczeń USA dla zabezpieczenia własnego procesu wyborczego.

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Internet jako narzędzie polityki Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej
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Internet jako narzędzie polityki Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): Polish

Władze Chin traktują Internet jako przestrzeń rywalizacji międzynarodowej. Uważają, że wspierany przez UE i USA swobodny dostęp do informacji w globalnej sieci zagraża stabilności ich systemu politycznego. Zacieśniają więc kontrolę Internetu w swoim państwie, dążąc do ograniczenia przepływu informacji. Za element wzmacniania pozycji ChRL w cyberprzestrzeni uważają także ekspansję gospodarczą chińskich firm z sektora IT za granicą. Inicjują również – konkurencyjny wobec UE i USA – projekt międzynarodowego kodeksu bezpieczeństwa informacyjnego. Działania Chin stoją w sprzeczności z promowaną przez UE otwartością globalnej sieci oraz wolnością gospodarczą.

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Ku większej kontroli mediów internetowych: niemieckie wnioski po kampanii prezydenckiej w USA
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Ku większej kontroli mediów internetowych: niemieckie wnioski po kampanii prezydenckiej w USA

Author(s): Miłosława Fijałkowska / Language(s): Polish

Przebieg wyborów prezydenckich w Stanach Zjednoczonych pokazał, że walka o głosy wyborców prowadzona za pomocą mediów społecznościowych umożliwia szybsze rozprzestrzenianie fałszywych informacji, propagandy i dezinformacji. W zbliżającej się kampanii wyborczej w Niemczech może wystąpić podobny scenariusz. By temu zapobiec, rząd niemiecki zamierza podjąć działania prewencyjne, jednak wobec nowych form internetowego zagrożenia mogą się one okazać niewystarczające.

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Amerykańskie oceny dotyczące ingerencji Rosji w przebieg wyborów prezydenckich w USA
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Amerykańskie oceny dotyczące ingerencji Rosji w przebieg wyborów prezydenckich w USA

Author(s): Marcin Andrzej Piotrowski / Language(s): Polish

Opublikowane dotychczas materiały amerykańskiego wywiadu potwierdzają ingerencję służb specjalnych Federacji Rosyjskiej w przebieg kampanii prezydenckiej w 2016 r. Ujawnienie zdobytych za pomocą cyberoperacji dokumentów kompromitujących Hillary Clinton wpłynęło na jej porażkę oraz na sukces Donalda Trumpa. Ambitna operacja Rosjan ma poważne konsekwencje dla nowej administracji USA, jej polityki zagranicznej i działalności wywiadu. Także po zaprzysiężeniu Trumpa kontynuowane będzie bowiem śledztwo FBI wobec niektórych jego doradców. Będą się także toczyć dwa dochodzenia Senatu w sprawie błędów w działalności wywiadu i w cyberobronie USA.

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What Lies behind the Anti-West Outburst in Russia?
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What Lies behind the Anti-West Outburst in Russia?

Author(s): Justyna Prus,Stanislav Secrieru / Language(s): English

During 2014, Russian society underwent an unprecedented shift in perceptions of Ukraine and the West. This is the effect of a deliberate misinformation campaign by the Kremlin, facilitated by the government’s practically full control of media messages inside the country, enhanced by a skillful appeal to the population’s aspirations and grievances. Although the Kremlin holds a tight grip on the Russian public opinion, the West has to invest more in outreach activities targeting various social groups in Russian society. Given that Russia’s information manipulation campaign spreads far beyond Russian borders, the West should actively create and develop tools to defend its information space and address the Russian speaking public in the Eastern Partnership countries.

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Nastroje antyzachodnie w Rosji
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Nastroje antyzachodnie w Rosji

Author(s): Justyna Prus,Stanislav Secrieru / Language(s): Polish

W 2014 r. w rosyjskim społeczeństwie zaszły bezprecedensowe zmiany dotyczące stosunku do Ukrainy i Zachodu. To skutek celowej kampanii propagandowej prowadzonej przez Kreml, możliwej dzięki praktycznie całkowitej kontroli nad krajowym przekazem medialnym, wzmocnionej przez umiejętne odwoływanie się do nastrojów społecznych. Chociaż Kreml ściśle kontroluje rosyjską przestrzeń informacyjną, Zachód powinien inwestować w działania skierowane do różnych grup rosyjskiego społeczeństwa. Przede wszystkim jednak, ponieważ rosyjska kampania manipulacji i dezinformacji wychodzi daleko poza granice kraju, powinien aktywnie tworzyć i rozwijać narzędzia służące obronie własnej przestrzeni informacyjnej i komunikacji z rosyjskojęzycznymi odbiorcami w regionie Partnerstwa Wschodniego.

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The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Kosovo
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The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Kosovo

Author(s): Naser Miftari / Language(s): English

With a population of 1.8 million, where Albanians make up more than 90 percent, Kosovo is the smallest and the last territorial unit that emerged as an independent state from former Yugoslavia. Formerly, it had the status of an autonomous province in Yugoslavia and later Serbia. Then for almost a decade before declaring independence in 2008 Kosovo was under the functional governance of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) a UN-led mission mandated to run the day to day affairs and set up institutions of self-government in the post-conflict Kosovo, based on the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 adopted in June 1999. The development of the media sector in Kosovo was part of the UNMIK mandate and under a decade-long international management, the media sector experienced important transformation. The liberal media regime introduced by UNMIK was successful in ensuring the diversification of the media sector. However, the liberalization of the media sector and the post-conflict rapid increase in media outlets has led to a saturated and weak media market with declining sources of revenue. One of the major projects in the media sector initiated by UNMIK in post conflict Kosovo was to set up the country’s national public broadcaster – Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK). This paper investigates the current position, role and functioning of RTK – in a diachronic perspective - from its inception in 1999 to the present. It explores whether the overall context in which the RTK is embedded provides a favorable environment for its future prospects and continued development by focusing on the challenges that RTK is facing at present with respect to regulatory, financial, technological and socio-political trends. Upholding the independence and long-term sustainability of RTK are commitments that the Kosovo Government set out to meet upon embarking on the European integrations process. In 2015 Kosovo signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) as a first important step towards the European integrations process. Meanwhile, the need to address the vulnerable position of RTK and ways to ensure its editorial independence, have been systematically highlighted in the EU’s Kosovo progress reports in recent years. From the EU perspective, nurturing the independence and financial sustainability of RTK is seen as a firm assurance that Kosovo will continue to have a universally accessible public forum where ideas, opinions and political views are presented and debated. It is also a firm assurance that the diverse segments of Kosovo’s multicultural landscape will feel represented. However, keeping on air a public broadcasting system fully dependent on state budget and not vulnerable to political interference, in Kosovo’s conditions, seems difficult, if not impossible. The paper is based on the review of different processes related to the developments around RTK. It includes analysis of legislation, strategic documents, official correspondence between Kosovo legislators, the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Mission in Kosovo (OSCE) as well as interviews with a number of interlocutors (media experts, RTK managers, former RTK consultants and other stakeholders). The analysis is framed within contemporary international debates on the future of PSB in a changing media environment and taking into consideration specificities of the development of PSB in post-communist societies and Western Balkan countries in particular. The paper also explores the current perspective and challenges for future development of PSB (e.g. digitalization and the EU driven perspective on commercialization etc.) In light of the new paradigm promoted by the EU with provisions that emphasize an inherent bias toward market liberalization, it is important to understand the implications that such policies might have for the prospects of the media market and the challenges that such policies entail with regards to access and future paths of the PSB development in Kosovo. In efforts to provide a coherent outlook on the present and the future of RTK the research is guided by three broad questions. The first question relates to the process of initial media policy adoption and the role of various actors played within it (e.g. influence of EU, local power elites, etc.). The second question explores the current situation of PSB and the extent of implementation of the current media policies. The third question seeks to provide answers to the future developments and prospects of PSB in Kosovo. The paper sets a theoretical and analytical framework against which the analysis of RTK is conducted. It is divided into three sections. The first section reflects on the contemporary debates on PSB on a global and EU level followed by an outline of relevant characteristics of PSB in postcommunist and Western Balkan countries. The section also takes into account some of the relevant approaches to explain the PSB transformation in the specific context. It explores propositions put forward by Jakubowicz and Sükösd8 on the idealistic, mimetic and atavistic orientations in the transformation of PSB in the former communist bloc, propositions that were further advanced in Voltmer, to see whether the same can be applied in the trajectory of the setup, development and current operation of Kosovo’s PSB. The second section provides a brief overview of the methodological approach used in this research. The third section, the analysis section, concludes with a discussion of the research findings and offers a set of recommendations that could be useful in addressing the current status of RTK and the challenges ahead in the future.

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The Development and Future of PSB in Macedonia: Towards the Construction of a Participatory PSB Model
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The Development and Future of PSB in Macedonia: Towards the Construction of a Participatory PSB Model

Author(s): Igor Micevski,Snezana Trpevska / Language(s): English

Parliamentary democracy in Macedonia was established with the Constitution of 1991. The multi-party system is marked by an ethnically-based divergence where the main political parties are divided into two ethnic blocks representing the country’s Macedonian majority and Albanian ethnic community. The issue of the power balance between the two communities led to a brief war in 2001, following which a new agreement was reached to share power at both the central and local level. Over the last several decades the Macedonian political system has not evolved into a consolidated democracy. On the contrary, since the populist VMRO-DPMNE took over the government in August 2006, converse trends have led the state into a direction of stronger authoritarianism. Consequently three successive Freedom House reports categorized Macedonia in the group of so called ‘hybrid regimes’ – formal democracies that manifest authoritarian particularities. The last Freedom in the World Report states that Macedonia has lost its designation of ‘electoral democracy’ as it does not meet even the basic standards. One of these standards is related to providing “significant public access of the major political parties to the electorate through the media…” Taking into account the process of democratic consolidation and the development of the media system in Macedonia, this paper analyses the transformation of its public broadcaster and the pressure from below for greater civic participation in both its decision making processes and its content and programming. Applying Hallin and Mancini’s theoretical framework, Macedonia’s political system can be classified as being closest to the Mediterranean or Polarized pluralistic model with: a strong interventionist role of the state, political parties divided along ethnic lines and the ruling party entering into a coalition with the ethnic party that won the majority of votes from the Albanian electorate (parallel majoritarian democracy), political parties having a dominant role in the social processes and placing group interests before individual interests (organized pluralism), late democratization of institutions, deep clashes among political actors and contestation of the legitimacy of the political system as a whole (polarized pluralism) and a widespread culture of clientelism. All this bears direct consequences on the media system and on public service broadcasting. As the country has moved strongly towards authoritarianism in recent years, an assessment is necessary of where PSB stands now and what (if any) its future might and should be. This paper will discuss the challenges PSB in Macedonia is currently faced with and explore perspectives for overcoming the obstacles for its transformation by considering the four normative principles of PSB: citizenship, universality, quality and trust. Being central to the idea of PSB, these concepts are regained in the ongoing debates on PSB in a changed setting. PSB, by definition, is envisaged as a space which enables the flourishing of a critical and vibrant public sphere and, therefore, it has a crucial role in enabling citizens’ active participation in the process of social change. The normative value of Habermas’s theory of the public sphere remain a critical tool for studying the PSB role in contemporary democratic societies. Habermas argued that access to the public sphere should be open in principle to all citizens and it is in the PSB core remit to enable inclusiveness as a crucial democratic principle. The PSB should play a crucial role in sustaining the public sphere and providing citizens an opportunity to be part of it. In line with this, the paper examines the possibility of citizens’ stronger participation through the concept of Public Service Media and active citizenship. Initially, this paper aims to identify the challenges PSB faces in Macedonia compared with similar dilemmas in Western democracies, and, secondly, its goal is to position Macedonian PSB in a normative framework for future transformation. Two major challenges to PSB, of relevance to Macedonia, are identified in the literature with respect to the digital age: (i) commercial pressure and pressure from European competition regulation, by which it is claimed that PSB is pushed to the margins, making it obsolete, and (ii) technological pressure – meaning that new technologies and the internet era are dramatically changing the patterns of media consumption, so the main challenge for PSB is how to reach the fragmented audiences and how to encourage their motivation, as citizens, to participate in their programs. However, Macedonian PSB faces more pressing challenges. This is the reason why this paper is based on three main claims which will be further explored. First, Macedonian Radio-television (MRT), on top of challenges of commercial pressure and pressures from new technologies, faces the pressure of political authoritarianism as its most important predicament. Second, MRT has a future in the specific socio-political context only if it moves towards a ‘participative model’ to match the pressures from societal groups for participatory democracy, and, thirdly, establishing an enduring relationship with the public and civil society is the first condition for PSB to regain trust and legitimacy in the society. In the analysis of the transformation of PSB in Macedonia we have used the conceptual frameworks developed within the comparative media systems and media policy studies. In addition, in an attempt to detect the methods of transformation we rely on the critical theory of political economy and on those scholars and policy-makers who argue that PSB is still a legitimate form of media organization in contemporary societies, with the same basic functions adjusted to the new technological environment. We draw our arguments on the conceptual distinction between the three regulatory approaches for the future transformation of PSB, taking the stance that with the current societal and political tendencies in the country the policy makers and the national PSB should follow the approach of ‘adding to broadcasting’. This approach maintains the idea that the traditional broadcasting services of PSB are of crucial importance, but adds new services as equally important for its redefined remit. Following the introduction, the next section provides a discussion on the contemporary theoretical and policy debates concerning the future of PSB, also highlighting some of the key issues relevant for post-communist countries and describing the methodological approach. Section 3 contains an overview of the country’s political and social context, a brief description of the media landscape and the structure of Macedonian PSB. In Section 4 we isolate some of the most pressing political challenges – including the concerns that arise from the increased tendency toward authoritarianism. Here we also discuss the financial and technological aspects of the MRT operation and analyse the fulfillment of its socio-cultural functions. In Section 5 we discuss our findings in the context of wider theoretical debates and emphasize the key trends and challenges for the future development of PSB. We conclude in Section 6 with the development of ideas for the future of PSB that would overcome present political challenges and would be based on a participatory model. In the end, in Section 7 we give some recommendations for the future direction of the PSB transformation in the country.

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Public Service Broadcasting in Montenegro
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Public Service Broadcasting in Montenegro

Author(s): Nataša Ružić / Language(s): English

The aim of this paper is to examine the status and operation of the public service broadcaster in Montenegro and the process of transformation of the state-controlled Radio Television of Montenegro (Radio i Televizija Crne Gore, or RTCG) into a public service broadcaster. The paper elaborates on the current situation with RTCG and attempts to provide insights into the prospects for its future, in the context of contemporary European and local debates, tackling the obstacles, challenges and changing policy streams when it comes to public media. In doing so, special attention is given to the political, economic and social factors that influence the transformation of the state broadcaster in Montenegro. The former state controlled broadcaster was formally established as a PSB in 2002, and this is when the transformation process started. The path towards the development of PSB was not an easy task given the complex contextual factors and obstacles that RTCG faced. The former state broadcaster RTCG, remembered for the dissemination of hate speech during the Yugoslav wars during the 1990s, for political obedience to the ruling party and for its financial ruin, was suddenly supposed to transform itself into a geniune PSB to serve primarily the citizens of Montenegro. Moreover, such a transformation was happening in an extremely complex political and economic context: the country found itself in the midst of democratization and liberalization processes, while at the same time negotiating its accession to the EU. The financial crisis put immense pressure on the government and the media market, limiting the scope of any intervention that aimed at the sustainable institutional transformation of RTCG. Taking these contextual factors, and the dynamics they produced, into consideration, this paper attempts to answer three sets of questions. First, how the initial media policy and regulations in regard to PSB were adopted, who the main actors were in the process (considering the EU influence), and how these actors interacted with each other. Second, what is the current situation with the PSB regarding the implementation of policies and reforms, giving special attention to the PSB remit, funding model, formal and de-facto independence, market share, and progress regarding the digital switchover in Montenegro. And, finally, what are the key challenges for the future development of PSB in Montenegro, taking into account the impact of new technologies, convergence and digitalization on the prospects of the PSB in the rapidly changing multi-channel environment. Another aspect of interest to this study is that of the influence of the EU on the national media policy due to the competition approach of the EU. Last but not least, this research question also relates to the overall changes in the broadcasting market, with the proliferation of new media platforms and the increased commercialization of broadcasting. In order to answer these questions, the paper heavily relies on contemporary scholarly debates on the future prospects of PSB, especially drawing upon the analysis and theoretical propositions by Jakubowicz , Picard and Siciliani , Rumphorst , Moe , Hallin and Mancini. Furthermore, special attention is given to the role, function and prospects of PSB in post-communist, transitional societies as analyzed in the works of Car and Veljanovski. In the search for an answer on the abovementioned questions, the paper provides an analysis of the existing legislation, as well as semi-structured interviews with members of the administrative bodies of the public service broadcaster and media experts in Montenegro. This paper presents the argument that the former state-owned media company in Montenegro was not fully transformed into a public service broadcaster. After taking into consideration the key debates, contextual factors, and contemporary trends relevant to the development of a PSB, paper argues that the transformation of the state-broadcaster into a genuine PSB in Montenegro has so far not been successful. As will be demonstrated, the PSB remains a highly politicized and dysfunctional institution, while policy debates are centered mainly around basic issues of financial sustainability and political (in)dependence. At the same time, there is no substantial debate on the role of PSB in the society, its relevance in the convereged digital environment, and its public service function. Given the current situation, the future of PSB in Montenegro seems bleak, to say the least. The paper consists of five sections. In the first part of this paper the PSB is analyzed from a theoretical point of view, while in the second part of the paper the process of transformation of RTCG as a state media into a public service broadcaster is considered. The second chapter will deal with the definition of public service broadcasting and basic characteristics of this system, including analysis of debates on the global and local levels, outlining the opposing views of theorists and international organizations concerning legislation, models of funding, remit debate and technology debate. The following subsections present debates on PSB in the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as a methodological framework used for research and analysis. In the third chapter the paper will present the public service broadcaster in Montenegro and identify the problems faced by this media outlet. In the fourth chapter we will analyze the legislation in Montenegro, the funding of the PSB, the process of digitalizing and the sociological, cultural and political aspects in which the public service broadcaster is trying to operate. The concluding chapters include a discussion of the main findings, final remarks and recommendations.

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The Prospect and Development of Public Service Media: The Case of Albania
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The Prospect and Development of Public Service Media: The Case of Albania

Author(s): Besart Kadia,Blerjana Bino / Language(s): English

Following the collapse of the communist regime in the early 1990s, contemporary Albania has been undergoing a series of economic, social, and political transformations. Such encompassing transformations affect, among other things, the role of media in society and in the democratic processes, particularly the public service broadcasting (PSB), which, in principle, has the potential to contribute to democratic advancements in post-communist countries. The aim of this research paper is to investigate the current and future developments of the Albanian Radio and Television (RTSH) by analysing dimensions such as politics, policy and regulation, market and financing models, digitalization and technology development as well as socio-cultural issues. The specific objectives of the research are: (i) to explore the PSB challenges and future perspectives in the political and socio-economic context in Albania: post communism; democratization; EU accession; liberal reforms and free market; new social and cultural trends; and (ii) to propose recommendations for the future perspectives of PSB in Albania to respond to the contemporary developments in the country. The research is relevant both in terms of media policy and developments in Albania as well as for similar research conducted within media studies. First, the research is significant in terms of policy developments since it provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state and future perspectives of rtsh. This comes at a time when there is a growing interest in media developments in the event of digitalisation and intense proliferation of information and communication technologies (ICTs). In addition, debates on the future of PSB are important in light of the democratic processes in Albania and its EU accession. PSB reinvention and repositioning is to respond to the contemporary social, cultural, political and economic developments in Albania. Media and democratization as a research topic is relatively underexplored in Albanian media studies, which corresponds with the claim of Rupnik and Zielonka that mass media remains one of the poorly understood factors in the new democracies of the former Eastern bloc. Within this, public service broadcasting is neglected as a topic of research. Additionally, Voltmer points out that mass media have been largely ignored by mainstream democratization research in spite of the fact that media are playing a paramount role in the democratic processes. Following Hallin and Mancini’s note that research on Eastern European media systems is still in the process of emergence, lacking original research, this research on the case of Albania aims to contribute to the systematic and comparative analysis on PSB and media systems in the Western Balkans (WB). This research relies on qualitative methodology. Through analysis of primary and secondary data, and conducting in-depth interviews with media professionals, scholars and policymakers and the explorations of existing studies, reports and publications on media in Albania, the research analyses the current developments and future challenges of the transformation of Albanian Radio and Television into a public service broadcaster. The research questions are: What is the current situation of PSB in Albania? What is the policy framework on PSB: laws, regulations and institutions? What is the PSB position in the media market and the financial model? Where does PSB stand vis a vis technological advancements and digitalization? What are the future perspectives and challenges of PSB in Albania? The research concludes that the transformation of rtsh to a genuine public service media has to be done by taking in consideration the political, economic and socio-cultural context in the country. It is naïve at best to assume that rtsh in Albania can be detached from politics in a country like Albania with a high level of politicization marked by continuous all-encompassing confrontation between political parties. It is also not realistic to expect journalists to adhere to Western European professional journalistic standards, which are isolated from the conditions in which they work in Albania, such as lack of labor contracts, constant political pressure, self-censorship, financial instability, low level of adequate professional development, to mention but a few. Therefore, to provide recommendations for a deep and multifaceted transformation of the PSB in Albania, it is important to understand the complexity of the context. For rtsh to fulfill its remit as serving the public interest and to survive in a fiercely competitive media market, its transformation into a public service media is a viable option, which implies the use of online media tools to embrace the opportunities offered by media convergence. This will enable more transparency and quality programming; attract the audience and be responsive to the future prospects of Albanian society. The next chapter offers a theoretical and methodological background by outlining some of the key international debates on the future developments of public service broadcasting. This will be followed by an analysis of these debates in the context of new democracies such as in the Western Balkans. The research methodology will be outlined along with the challenges of the research. The third chapter focuses on the case of Albania by offering a description of the political, economic and social aspects that are relevant to the debate on PSB. This chapter will look into the major features of the media landscape in Albania as well as the background of the PSB, such as its history, organization and regulation. The fourth chapter will outline the findings of the research followed by discussions in relation to the conceptual framework. The final chapter provides conclusions and recommendations on how PSB should be developed in Albania.

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Crna Gora - između lidera i simulatora reformi
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Crna Gora - između lidera i simulatora reformi

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Šest godina nakon otvaranja pregovora o pristupanju, Crna Gora je i dalje primjer zarobljene države. Kao što godinama i decenijama iscrpljuje demokratsku javnost, tako Vlada Crne Gore strategiju iscrpljivanja majstorski primjenjuje na proces evropskih integracija, pri tom zloupotrebljavajući potrebu Evropske unije za novim integracijskim optimizmom.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Report for 2021
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Report for 2021

Author(s): Damir Nikočević / Language(s): English

The media scene in Montenegro, for a long period, reflects a deep social polarization, accompanied by numerous problems that, in different manners, affect the environment in which the media function as well as the quality of media reporting. The problems of hard censorship are particularly emphasized, as reflected in the burden of unsolved cases of attacks on journalists and their property. This is accompanied by the dysfunctionality of self-regulatory bodies and regulators - the Agency for Electronic Media, but also the public service media RTCG that fails to genuinely transform itself, and even takes a few steps backward, which consequently limits the opportunities for citizens to be objectively informed about events in Montenegro.

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Russia’s Wartime Censorship and Propaganda
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Russia’s Wartime Censorship and Propaganda

Author(s): Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): English

In connection with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Russian authorities have introduced wartime censorship, forbidding the publication of content that does not conform to the official message of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation. This massive and unprecedented propaganda is leading to an increase in support for Vladimir Putin, and Russians protesting against the war are being brutally repressed and persecuted. The consequence is the strengthening of the totalitarian character of the Russian state and the emigration of Russians who do not support the war. The most significant element of the Russian war propaganda is that of “denazification”, a claim aimed also at Poland.

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Russia 2021: Consolidation of a dictatorship
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Russia 2021: Consolidation of a dictatorship

Author(s): Maria Domańska / Language(s): English

The dynamics of the domestic political situation in Russia in 2021 was determined by the authorities’ crackdown on Alexei Navalny – the most important opposition figure – as well as on his associates and supporters. The aim was to destroy the nucleus of a nascent political alternative to the regime in view of the parliamentary election in September 2021 and, above all, the presidential election scheduled for 2024. The September vote revealed the limits of public support for the Kremlin and the considerable scale of the protest vote against those in power. Despite the unprecedented wave of repression and the lack of real competition in the parliamentary election, it was necessary to commit wholesale fraud to achieve the desired official results. The communist party (CPRF) became the main beneficiary of the protest vote, although it is doubtful whether the communists can become a real opposition force.

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Tightening the screws. Putin’s repressive laws
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Tightening the screws. Putin’s repressive laws

Author(s): Maria Domańska / Language(s): English

In December 2020, President Vladimir Putin signed a package of laws tightening regulations on non-governmental organisations, public gatherings and media censorship. It is one of the elements marking a new quality in the Kremlin’s domestic policy: Russian authoritarianism has de facto abandoned the pretence of democratic procedures in favour of increased control and repression.

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