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Planeta wolna od dzieci
4.50 €
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Planeta wolna od dzieci

Author(s): Monika Bakke / Language(s): Polish Issue: 06/2014

In response to growth in the human population, resulting in devastation to the planet and a rising catastrophic sentiment in the West, two radically different narratives about the end of the human species have emerged. One opts for voluntary extinction as a form of ecologically motivated altruism; the second is techno-euthanasia, which hypothesizes a quantum leap forward to a post-human era and the hope of radical life extension. However, between the desire for extinction and hope for immortality, a slowly but steadily growing number of people are choosing a third way: remaining childfree for the sake of their own lifestyle preferences. A such conceived renouncement of parenting should not be confused with childlessness and its associated lack, but should be seen rather as a sign of the times, an individual choice to enjoy the pleasures in life, which are treated as a value in themselves, without the need for the biological extension of life itself.

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АНТИЧНЫЕ ИСТОКИ ПАТРИОТИЧЕСКИХ ПРЕДСТАВЛЕНИЙ В ФАШИСТСКОЙ ИТАЛИИ

Author(s): Evgenii Aleksandrovich Chiglintsev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2014

The manipulation of historical consciousness in the process of formation of nationalpatriotic attitudes in the Italian society under Mussolini is considered in this paper. The policy article “The Doctrine of Fascism” is taken as the main source for this study. It is concluded that the ideologists of fascism relied on the Roman imperial idea, the statement about the exclusivity of the Italian nation as well as on the national symbols, using vulgarized and stereotyped ideas about classical antiquity and the Roman Empire and its founders in particular.

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Marzenie nadal inspiruje. Walka bez przemocy w XXI wieku
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Marzenie nadal inspiruje. Walka bez przemocy w XXI wieku

Author(s): Alfred Marek Wierzbicki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 666/2016

Wyrzeczenie się przemocy: styl polityki na rzecz pokoju — taki tytuł nosi papieskie orędzie na noworoczny Światowy Dzień Pokoju, obchodzony w 2017 roku już po raz 50. Według zapowiedzi Franciszek odniesie się w nim do przemocy i pokoju jako dwóch przeciwstawnych sobie sposobów budowania społeczeństwa.

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Mosty i mury w Europie
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Mosty i mury w Europie

Author(s): Daniela Pompei / Language(s): Polish Issue: 666/2016

Zacznijmy od dzieci. Fatah (imię zmienione), lat 8, jest małą uchodźczynią z Syrii. Do Włoch przyjechała w kwietniu z Lesbos razem z papieżem Franciszkiem. W Rzymie szybko idzie do szkoły, rozpoczynając zdrową rutynę życia w pokoju, która bardzo pomaga dzieciom wydostać się z piekła wojny. Przez te pierwsze dni Fatah rysuje: zniszczone domy, bomby. Na jej obrazkach nie ma ludzi, lecz wielki czarny krzyż zatknięty nad domem — jej domem, którego teraz już nie ma. Nie trzeba być psychologiem, żeby zrozumieć traumę tych dzieci.

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Trumpizm a wielowersyjność świata
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Trumpizm a wielowersyjność świata

Author(s): Bogdan de Barbaro,Marcin Napiórkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 666/2016

Dyskutują Bogdan de Barbaro i Marcin Napiórkowski oraz Katarzyna Jabłońska i Sebastian Duda

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Terroryzm samobójczy w interpretacji Islamu

Terroryzm samobójczy w interpretacji Islamu

Author(s): Konrad Harasim / Language(s): Polish Issue: 25/2017

Most of the media reports and expert statements commenting the wave of terrorism concentrate their semantic on “Islamic terrorism”, especially “Islamic suicide attacks”. Although I am fully aware of the need to use mental shortcuts or generalizations, I would like to find the answer to the question: what explanation of suicide attacks does Islam provide? Islam condemns suicide a priori and suicide attacks bring shame to this religion, which identifies itself as a religion of peace, tolerance and love. At the same time Islam honours martyrs, thus, maybe contemporary terrorists are considered to be martyrs? Or maybe they are only a strategic tool of modern war tactic? What do the scholars of Islam say about it, how do they interpret terrorist attacks? Are their authors Muslim in terms of Koran? Does Koran differentiate between martyrs and terrorists? Suicide bombers do not treat themselves as victims. They treat themselves as martyrs whose deeds should motivate their brothers in faith to take action as well. They consider themselves to be martyrs, but Islam denies their martyrdom. However, religious rules are no longer valid in the face of war, not only the current one.

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Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Mekân Organizasyonunun Gerçekleştirilmesinde Avarız Vergilerinin Rolü

Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Mekân Organizasyonunun Gerçekleştirilmesinde Avarız Vergilerinin Rolü

Author(s): Levent Küçük / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 32/2016

The Ottoman Empire acquired a structure spreading over immense boundaries in the pre-modernization era. This required a well settled technological organization within its boundaries. The biggest portion of the rural organization of Ottoman Empire consists of States which have close ties to the center. In terms of administrative structure, it was divided into sanjaks, townships and sub-districts/village units. Within this administrative mechanism, the rural representatives of the emperor were "Beylerbeyi" in military authorities who had the title of "Bey" and "Kadi" in administrative authorities who had the title of "Effendi" The Ottoman provincial organization acquired its most advanced form in Rumelia, Anatolia, Arabia and North Africa in the 16th century after passing through long and various stages. Ottoman state administration developed this organization by taking many elements of administrative traditions of previous Turkish and Islamic states. The intended purpose of Ottoman Empire’s separation of its lands into states is the principle of self-governance in terms of economics. Each state was responsible for training soldiers required for its defense and allocated in proportion to its share. This issue was considered to be among the basic functions of Timar and Zeamet lands. The centralized state structure of Ottoman Empire consisting of semi- autonomous units was effective in developing and implementing its own administrative traditions. It is possible for a state having a vast territory to be able to satisfy this qualification only with a healthy transportation and communication network. The Ottomans improved the transportation possibilities inherited from Byzantium and Seljuks. Some of the roads that constitute the Silk Road were straight roads which were available for wheeled vehicles to pass. The large part of the roads enabled caravan transportation. Within the main policy of the Ottoman venue organization it was important to provide accessibility of the venue which will cover the entire Memalik-i Mahruse Two paths were followed for this in the Ottoman classical period. A road network was established with the names of right, middle and left branches where the first one starts from Istanbul and in one hand in the Rumelia Side and on the other hand in the Anatolian side. Besides, this main route was been expanded by secondary routes. In order to provide security and accessibility on these roads menzil and derbend organizations was provided to be functional. Another method pursued by the Ottomans for venue integration was to establish road safety circles that expanded from Istanbul to the periphery. The venues which included the capital İstanbul-Hüdavendigar and İzmit sanjask were constituting an integrity.

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Explaining mass protests against abortion ban in Poland: the power of connective action

Explaining mass protests against abortion ban in Poland: the power of connective action

Author(s): Elżbieta Korolczuk / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2016

This article examines successful mass mobilization of Polish women against the proposed total ban on abortion in 2016. It is argued that the mass participation in the protests resulted from a range of factors, e.g. the heightened political climate in Poland and normalization of street protests, as well as an emotional dynamic of mobilization and wide use of social media for communication and networking. The analysis shows that the protests followed the logic of connective action based on the use of flexible, easily personalized action frames, which were well-embedded in local cultural narratives referencing the struggle for Poland’s independence and resistance against an oppressive state.

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Contemporary Western Love Narratives and Women in TV Series: A Case Study

Contemporary Western Love Narratives and Women in TV Series: A Case Study

Author(s): Chiara Piazessi,Martin Blais,Julie Lavigne,Catherine Mongrain Lavoie / Language(s): English Issue: 11 (25)/2018

This paper documents continuities and shifts in love stories unfolding in contemporary North-American TV series. We present results from a 2015-2017 case study on the Quebec TV series La Galère (2007-2013), showcasing four women in their forties as they deal with love relationships and intimate life. Based on the analysis of the four protagonists’ love narratives and of the specific challenges they face when dealing with love, we discuss the features of love as they emerge from the narratives and the temporality of love that structures them. While the scholarly literature generally posits two coexisting, yet concurring love semantics (traditional or romantic vs. modern or partnership), our analysis of the love narratives in La Galère highlights a conception of love integrating tradition with modern reflexivity, idealization with scepticism, romanticism with pragmatism. As to the temporality of love, our research found a similar synergy between traditional and modern motives, which structures a temporal unfolding mixing circularity and linearity. These multiple references are mobilized by the main characters of the TV series to manage conflicting ambitions and to perform relationship work with regard to relational patterns that still entail a heavier workload and higher costs for women.

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Organiziranje i djelovanje Jugoslavenske radikalno seljačke demokracije u gradu i kotaru Brod na Savi do općinskih izbora 1933.

Organiziranje i djelovanje Jugoslavenske radikalno seljačke demokracije u gradu i kotaru Brod na Savi do općinskih izbora 1933.

Author(s): Ivan Milec / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 18/2018

In this paper an attempt is made to reconstruct the process of the establishment of the Yugoslav Radical Peasants’ Democracy/Yugoslav National Party controlled by the regime in the district of Brod according to archival records and local newspapers. After the establishment of the dictatorship, all political parties were prohibited and local politicians willing to cooperate with the regime came to the fore. The dictatorship was formally terminated with the Octroyed Constitution and after the calling of parliamentary elections; subsequently the regime party was established. The supporters of the new party in the Brod area were extremely heterogeneous; from the very beginning this led to the establishment of two fractions, mutually exclusive and struggling for supremacy. What made the situation even more complicated was that Nikola Nikić, representative of the Brod people, had refused to join the party and that he, so to say, had switched to opposition to the regime. Under these circumstances Nikić’s former close confidant Tomo Kovačević, royal senator and head of Sibinj, became the most significant supporter of the regime. After the establishment of the dictatorship, almost all significant political positions in the city and the district were held by people who were close confidants of Nikić; hence a special personnel cleanup was considered necessary by the leadership of the new party. The most significant change was the establishment of a new city administration led by Henrik Duffek, the president of one of the party fractions. This initiative caused new problems because members of the other fraction were completely neglected and now, with the support of Kovačević, tried to place some of their own members in the new city administration. The leadership of the party repeatedly tried to unify the fraction; formally this was accomplished after the elections in September 1933. After that, although a unified organization of the regime party was established, differences still remained; this became evident at the municipal elections as most of the municipalities fraction lists were put up.

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ЧУЖДЕСТРАННИ БОЙЦИ ТЕРОРИСТИ – ПЪТУВАЩИ ДЖИХАДИСТИ

ЧУЖДЕСТРАННИ БОЙЦИ ТЕРОРИСТИ – ПЪТУВАЩИ ДЖИХАДИСТИ

Author(s): Niko Kukov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2019

The report addresses the issue of foreign fighters terrorists. The report examines the Dimensions of the phenomenon, the significant „ jihad arenas". Attention is drawn to the specific characteristics of the traveling jihadists and their belongings and documents. It also mentions a different extremist Islamic literature used by traveling terrorists, which gives them specific advice on their appearance, behavior, and so on.

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SOCIAL MOVEMENTS - PRODUCT OF COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR

Author(s): Mirabela Rely Odette Curelar,Sheilla Patricia Stamatoiu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 01 Supp/2019

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ARE RARELY APPROACHED AS A PRIMARY OBJECT, BUT RATHER AS A PARTICULAR CASE, SO THEY ARE STUDIED AS SPECIFIC FORMS OF COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR OR INDIRECTLY ADDRESSED BY THE GLOBAL PRISM OF COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE, REPRESENTING, ACCORDING TO SOME RESEARCHERS, THE MAJOR PHENOMENON TO BE EXPLAINED. IT IS DIFFICULT, HOWEVER, TO TALK ABOUT A "CLASSIC" MODEL OF "SOCIAL MOVEMENTS".

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Judeo-Christian democracy and the Transatlantic Right: Travels of a contested civilizational imaginary
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Judeo-Christian democracy and the Transatlantic Right: Travels of a contested civilizational imaginary

Author(s): Vibeke Schou Tjalve / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2021

“Judeo-Christian civilization” and “Christian democracy” have emerged as darling far Right tropes, seemingly uniting radical conservatives in the US and Europe behind a single, geopolitical imaginary. This article presents a brief political-conceptual story of how “Judeo-Christianity” and “Christian democracy” became a rhetorical meeting ground for radical conservatives across the Atlantic. But it also sheds light on why deep, historical, intellectual, and ethnographic divides beneath, make those grounds highly unstable terrain. Divides not only between European and American traditions of liberalism and conservatism but also between the experiences and practices of state power that inform them. Beneath the slogans of Christian democracy espoused in such disparate contexts as Charlottesville and Budapest, move different legacies, memories, enemies.

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Ruch QAnon i masowa radykalizacja nowej prawicy

Author(s): Aleksy Szymkiewicz / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 02/2022

This article focuses on the description and case analysis of the phenomenon of QAnon- a radical extremist movement that is a new type of quasi-religious underground community, shaped by the structure of the Internet. The article highlights the most important aspects of the Q community and places them in a broader context. The text focuses on reconstructing the internal logic of the group and analyses the new type of Internet methods and practices. These strategies can be exploited by other movements with a similar profile since through their use, the QAnon has reached millions of recipients on social media platforms. The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the movement is a community grown on the architecture of the Web 2.0 system, the consequences of which are detailed. The Q movement as a socio-cultural phenomenon has influenced the political radicalization ofpublic opinion not only in the United States, but also in European countries.

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Ekstremizm prawicowy Partii Ludowej—
Nasza Słowacja w Republice Słowackiej:
ideologia i praktyka polityczna

Ekstremizm prawicowy Partii Ludowej— Nasza Słowacja w Republice Słowackiej: ideologia i praktyka polityczna

Author(s): Łukasz Lewkowicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2022

The aim of the article was to analyze the ideology of the People’sParty–Our Slovakia (Ľudová strana naše Slovensko, ĽSNS), established in 2009.The first part of the text discusses the definitions of political extremism andthen presents this phenomenon in Slovakia in a historical perspective. Themost important categories of topics discussed by ĽSNS in election programsand party rhetoric, as well as party activity to date were analyzed in detail: thenation, anti-Roma and anti-immigration attitudes, and distance towards theWest.

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Za Říši a Evropu národů! „Nová“ NPD jako vzor a partner české extrémní pravice

Za Říši a Evropu národů! „Nová“ NPD jako vzor a partner české extrémní pravice

Author(s): Jan Karlas / Language(s): Czech Issue: 4/2022

This paper deals with the transnational cooperation of the Czech and German extreme right. The paper focuses on one of the most prominent international partners of the Czech extreme right – the German Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. By adopting the discourse analytical framework of the Essex School, the author focuses on revealing the discursive conditions as conditions of possibility within which the cooperation between the NPD and the Czech extreme right has gradually formed over the last 25 years (1996–2021). The article first brief ly summarises NPD’s history and explores the development of the party’s foreign policy conception since the second half of the 1990s, when the party became radicalized and opened itself up to a cooperation with the neo-Nazi movement. Ref lecting on changes in NPD’s political discourse, the article shows that the discursive turn towards antiglobalization served as the main condition for establishing closer cooperation between NPD and Czech extreme right.

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Filling the Ideological Void: ‘Restorative’ Nostalgia and the Radical Right Parties in Romania

Filling the Ideological Void: ‘Restorative’ Nostalgia and the Radical Right Parties in Romania

Author(s): Alexandra Iancu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The article examines the role occupied by nostalgia as a group-based emotion in shaping the ‘micro-politics’ of the radical right parties. The paper argues that the high ideological eclecticism of RRP is primarily due to the strategies deployed in the weaponization of the past. As a discursive strategy, nostalgia substantially conditions party appeals well beyond the symbolic and mythological references, contaminating broader policy-oriented assertions. The study is focused on two paired examples of ultranationalist parliamentary parties: the Greater Romanian Party and the Alliance for the Union of Romanians. Content analysis of primary and secondary sources emphasizes that despite a 30-year time gap, the two Romanian RRP showcase remarkably high levels of programmatic and discourse overlap due to nostalgia-based strategies of boosting nationalist identities.crucial.

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Ponešto o nacionalizmu i ekstremizmu

Ponešto o nacionalizmu i ekstremizmu

Author(s): Adnan Fočo / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 2/2024

In the paper I try to shed light on the issue of extremism and its forms that are realized in social reality, especially in the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the paper, I try to show not only the terminological meaning of nationalism and extremism, but also its reflection on the social environment. In the political reality and social environment in which extremism has become a model or value system, collective homogenization and manipulation of the mass or ethnos occurs. National parties strive, through national extremism, to realize their political goals and present themselves as representatives and protectors of national or ethnic and national interests. In this extremist vortex, we will try to indicate the means by which extreme ideas are realized, which are primarily the media, religious structures and young people as the most suitable form of extreme practical political action.

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Страх і ненависть у Німеччині. Чому німці все більше вірять популістам

Страх і ненависть у Німеччині. Чому німці все більше вірять популістам

Author(s): Oleksandr Holubov / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 03/2024

Germany is witnessing a surge in populism, with the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) gaining significant traction, particularly in the eastern regions. This rise is accompanied by an alarming increase in politically motivated violence, reaching over 60,000 incidents in 2023. The AfD’s appeal among young voters and its strong presence on social media platforms like TikTok are notable factors. Economic concerns, migration issues, and a general dissatisfaction with traditional political parties contribute to this trend. The narrative also highlights the role of misinformation and the challenges faced by traditional media in countering populist rhetoric. The growing polarization in German politics is evident, with both right and left-wing populist movements gaining ground. The document calls for a more effective response from traditional parties to address these challenges and restore public trust.

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