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UE na rozdrożu: wkład Komisji Europejskiej w debatę nad przyszłością Unii
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UE na rozdrożu: wkład Komisji Europejskiej w debatę nad przyszłością Unii

Author(s): Patryk Toporowski,Jolanta Szymańska / Language(s): Polish

Przed jubileuszowym szczytem Rady Europejskiej z okazji 60-lecia traktatów rzymskich Komisja Europejska przygotowała białą księgę na temat możliwych kierunków rozwoju UE. Ogólnikowa treść dokumentu odzwierciedla wielogłos w tej sprawie, choć pierwsze reakcje polityków zachodnioeuropejskich uprawdopodobniają realizację scenariusza Europy wielu prędkości. W tym wariancie dla Polski jako państwa poza strefą euro ważne jest to, by sposób jej funkcjonowania był inkluzywny i niedyskryminujący.

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Tri činjenice o broju umrlih
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Tri činjenice o broju umrlih

Author(s): Nikola Zdravković / Language(s): Serbian

Brojke nam više, izgleda, nisu toliko ni potrebne. Koliko ljudi je zaraženo? Mnogo. Koliko umrlo? Opet mnogo. U tom svakodnevnom brojanju često ponestane perspektive, pa evo malo uvida: po zvaničnim podacima Ministarstva zdravlja, tokom novembra je u Srbiji od Kovida 19 umro gotovo isti broj ljudi kao tokom celokupnog prethodnog perioda epidemije, od marta do oktobra. Obe brojke su nešto preko 800. A kako za sada napreduje decembar, izgleda da će i on ponoviti taj novembarski „podvig“ – zaključno sa 26. decembrom, u toku ovog meseca je u Srbiji već umrlo 1.379 ljudi. Samo od korone.

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Test i bolest
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Test i bolest

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Kod nas ima više obolelih jer mi testiramo više od drugih. Da li je to tačno štagod da se zaista želi reći? Nije. Gledajući vremenske serije rasta broja testova i obolelih, uglavnom se može zapaziti sledeće. Najpre povećani broj obolelih dovodi do masovnijeg testiranja. Potom se broj testova povećava zajedno sa povećanim brojem obolelih. Da bi konačno povećanje ili smanjenje broja testova i obolelih bili nezavisni jedno od drugog.

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Politike zapošljavanja u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Politike zapošljavanja u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Politike zapošljavanja u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) često se ocjenjuju kao neefikasne, neadekvatne i neusklađene sa aktuelnim međunarodnim standardima. Neki od ključnih nedostataka postojećih politika i prakse zapošljavanja u BiH su niska kapacitiranost i organizacijska neefikasnost službi za zapošljavanje, niska i loše prioritizirana potrošnja na politike zapošljavanja te nizak kvalitet, opseg i obuhvat mjerama zapošljavanja.

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Right to Information in BiH: Towards Effective Institutional Design
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Right to Information in BiH: Towards Effective Institutional Design

Author(s): Nermina Voloder / Language(s): English

Implementation of the access to information laws in BiH has been largely undermined due to weaknesses in the mechanisms intended to ensure compliance with the laws. Based on this policy analysis, two sets of recommendations for improving the enforcement and oversight of access to information have been formulated. One of the proposals points to improvements within the current institutional set-up, while the second set of recommendations refers to creating a new institutional oversight mechanism as a potentially transformative solution to these problems.

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Criminal offence of Inciting National, Racial or Religious Hatred, Discord or Hostility: Lack of Precision Within the Norm and Problems in its Practical Application in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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Criminal offence of Inciting National, Racial or Religious Hatred, Discord or Hostility: Lack of Precision Within the Norm and Problems in its Practical Application in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Differences in the stipulation of the criminal offence of inciting national, racial or religious hatred, discord or intolerance (hereinafter: inciting hatred), imprecise formulations and lack of definition of the key terms in the description of this offence in the four currently applicable criminal codes in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter: BiH) hinder the efficient and consistent prosecution of these crimes.

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A City’s Decline: Towards the Prevention of Deterioration of Public Spaces in Sarajevo Neighborhoods
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A City’s Decline: Towards the Prevention of Deterioration of Public Spaces in Sarajevo Neighborhoods

Author(s): Mirna Jusić / Language(s): English

The visible decline of public spaces in urban neighborhoods in Sarajevo is a result of a number of factors, including an imprecise normative framework and a lack of standards for certain communal services, as well as insufficient mechanisms of control of the delivery and quality of services in the areas of communal cleanliness and the maintenance of public areas. In addition, there are a number of obvious obstacles to the sanctioning of offences of littering, damaging or destroying urban spaces. Moreover, mechanisms of communication between responsible institutions and the residents of Sarajevo are wanting. This policy brief provides recommendations that aim to improve the current regulation and practice in order to prevent further physical deterioration of public spaces. It is primarily intended for the representatives of cantonal and local authorities in Sarajevo.

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Degradacija grada: ka sprečavanju propadanja javnih prostora u sarajevskim naseljima
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Degradacija grada: ka sprečavanju propadanja javnih prostora u sarajevskim naseljima

Author(s): Mirna Jusić / Language(s): Bosnian

Očigledno propadanje javnih prostora u urbanim naseljima u Sarajevu rezultat je niza faktora, uključujući neprecizan normativni okvir i nedostatak standarda za pojedine komunalne djelatnosti , te nedovoljne mehanizme kontrole isporuke i kvaliteta usluga u oblasti ma komunalne čistoće i održavanja javnih površina. Također, evidentan je i niz prepreka sankcioniranju prekršaja koji se odnose na onečišćenje i uništavanje urbanih prostora, kao i neadekvatni mehanizmi komunikacije između nadležnih institucija i stanovnika Sarajeva. Ovaj sažetak nudi preporuke usmjerene na unapređenje aktualne regulative i prakse kako ne bi došlo do daljnje fizičke deterioracije javnih prostora, a prvenstveno je namijenjen predstavnicima kantonalne i lokalne vlasti u Sarajevu.

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Skrb o skrbnicima: Analiza politika neformalne njege u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Skrb o skrbnicima: Analiza politika neformalne njege u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Amar Numanović,Aida Malkić / Language(s): Bosnian

Osobe koje pružaju neformalnu njegu nisu prepoznate u sistemu dugoročne njege u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH). Postojeće mjere iz domena dugoročne njege su primarno usmjerene na osobe kojima je potrebna njega, pri čemu su potrebe neformalnih njegovatelja skoro u potpunosti zanemarene. Osnovni cilj ovog teksta je analizirati stanje u oblasti dugoročne njege s fokusom na neformalnu njegu u BiH i predstaviti međunarodne prakse u ovoj oblasti, koja je u većini zemalja Evropske unije prepoznata i sistemski uređena kroz različite vidove podrške i usluga neformalnim njegovateljima. Na osnovu identificiranih nedostataka i primjera dobre prakse u drugim zemljama, formulirano je nekoliko preporuka za sistematsko rješavanje pitanja neformalne njege u BiH.

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Skrb o skrbnicima: Analiza politika neformalne njege u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Skrb o skrbnicima: Analiza politika neformalne njege u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Neformalnu njegu čine neplaćene usluge njege pružene u privatnoj sferi domaćinstva, odnosno u sklopu već postojećih veza sa srodnicima, bračnim partnerima, prijateljima ili komšijama. Neformalna njega je nerijetko i jedini vid dugoročne brige koju veliki broj osoba u stanju potrebe uopće može dobiti te predstavlja značajnu i, u međunarodnim praksama, sve zastupljeniju komponentu sistema dugoročne njege. S obzirom na nerazvijenost i brojne nedostatke u formalnom sistemu dugoročne njege u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH), koji se prvenstveno ogledaju u ograničenom pristupu uslugama i nedostatnim novčanim davanjima korisnicima, teret skrbi o ovim osobama uglavnom je prebačen u sferu neformalne njege. Uprkos tome, neformalni njegovatelji su potpuno zanemareni u politikama dugoročne njege i nemaju nikakvu podršku – u vidu usluga ili novčane kompenzacije – koji bi olakšali zadatak pružanja njege ili poboljšali blagostanje neformalnog njegovatelja.

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Degradacija grada: Razlozi za propadanje javnih prostora u sarajevskim naseljima i prijedlozi rješenja
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Degradacija grada: Razlozi za propadanje javnih prostora u sarajevskim naseljima i prijedlozi rješenja

Author(s): Mirna Jusić / Language(s): Bosnian

Ovo istraživanje inspirirano je percepcijom generalnog propadanja javnih prostora u urbanim susjedstvima u Sarajevu. Pod propadanjem ili degradacijom javnih prostora prvenstveno mislimo na takozvani “fizički nered”, poput grafita na zgradama, zapuštenih automobila, razbijenih prozora i smeća na ulicama, te na zapuštene javne površine općenito. Vidljivi znaci fizičkog nereda u literaturi se smatraju “necivilnostima” (incivilities). Pretpostavka je da degradacija javnih prostora općenito narušava kvalitet života stanovnika, a može dovesti i do daljnjeg pogoršanja okruženja. Primjera radi, prema teoriji “razbijenih prozora”, necivilnosti poput grafita, smeća ili razbijenih prozora dovest će do daljnjeg nereda, čak i do sitnog kriminala. Empirijska istraživanja potvrdila su da će ljudi, ako opaze da se određene norme ili pravila krše, biti skloni kršenju i drugih sličnih normi i pravila. Drugim riječima, degradacija javnih prostora podstiče dalje necivilnosti, čime se stvara začarani krug propadanja, koji je teško zaustaviti ili kontrolirati. Degradacija javnog prostora primjetna je tokom svakodnevne šetnje urbanim stambenim područjima Sarajeva i redovno je zabilježena u dnevnim izvještajima lokalnih medija. Ona je konzistentno prisutna i na periferiji grada i u centralnim gradskim naseljima sa najvećim cijenama stambenog prostora. Postojeća istraživanja ukazuju na generalno nezadovoljstvo građana Sarajeva stanjem komunalne čistoće i zelenih površina u njihovim naseljima. Primjera radi, ispitivanje zadovoljstva korisnika javnih usluga u četiri gradske općine, koje je tokom 2012. godine proveo Centar za promociju civilnog društva (CPCD) na uzorku od 2.725 stanovnika, pokazalo je da su oni općenito nezadovoljni čistoćom svojih naselja, kao i općim stanjem zelenih površina i parkova i održavanjem zelenih površina i parkova. Građani su također vrlo skeptični prema navikama svojih sugrađana: smatraju da njihova kultura u odlaganju smeća i spremnost da volontiraju u održavanju zelenih površina i parkova nisu na zadovoljavajućem nivou (pogledati tabelu 1, aneks 1). Trenutnom izgledu javnih prostora u urbanim naseljima u Sarajevu također doprinosi i vandalizam, odnosno svjesno uništavanje javne i privatne imovine. Prema podacima kantonalnog javnog komunalnog preduzeća “Park”, koje u Sarajevu održava javne zelene površine, više od 50 posto od 135 dječijih igrališta u Kantonu Sarajevo je oštećeno, uništeno ili pokradeno. Prema istraživanju o kriminalitetu na području općine Novi Grad Sarajevo (2011), koje je za potrebe ove općine uradio Centar za istraživanje politike suprotstavljanja kriminalitetu, 60 posto ispitanika ankete provedene u okviru istraživanja smatra da vandalizam predstavlja veliki problem u njihovoj lokalnoj zajednici. Iako je problem degradacije javnih prostora očigledan, izgleda da ga toleriraju i sami građani, ali i predstavnici vlasti zaduženih za upravljanje tim prostorima. Uništeni, oštećeni, zapušteni, zaprljani i oronuli javni prostori postali su normalan prizor u urbanim gradskim naseljima Sarajeva. Identificiranje ključnih razloga za kontinuirano propadanje javnih prostora u sarajevskim naseljima glavni je cilj ovog istraživanja. Naša polazna pretpostavka jeste da je na djelu interakcija više faktora: nejasno alocirane nadležnosti i odgovornosti za upravljanje prostorima u urba nim susjedstvima u kompleksnoj konstelaciji odnosa između kantona, pružatelja usluga, grada, gradskih općina i mjesnih zajednica; nedostatak adekvatnog nadzora usluga poput čišćenja i održavanja javnih i zelenih površina od nadležnih institucija; otežano sankcioniranje uništavanja ili onečišćenja javnih prostora; neadekvatne mogućnosti i ograničeni kapaciteti stanovnika urbanih naselja da reagiraju prema vlastima u slučaju problema. Po svom metodološkom i konceptualnom pristupu, ovo istraživanje se razlikuje od dosadašnjih studija koje su se bavile problematikom kvaliteta javnih usluga, a koje su prije svega bile bazirane na ispitivanju javnog mnijenja i percepcije građana o toj problematici. Za razliku od takvog pristupa, ovo istraživanje fokusira se na formalno-pravne uvjete, ali i na prakse upravljanja javnim prostorima, kao i na iskustva građana koji su bili u interakciji sa nadležnim javnim organima pokušavajući da riješe neki problem unutar najužeg javnog prostora u svojim susjedstvima. Ovako postavljena studija pokušava ponuditi dublji uvid i objasniti razloge koji dovode do kontinuiranog propadanja javnih prostora u Sarajevu. Izvještaj koncipiran na ovakvom istraživačkom pristupu namijenjen je prije svega donosiocima odluka na nivou kantonalne i lokalne vlasti u Sarajevu, predstavnicima drugih nivoa vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini, predstavnicima mjesnih zajednica, nevladinog sektora, akademske zajednice, kao i nezavisnim stručnjacima koji se bave javnim uslugama, upravljanjem urbanim područjima i urbanim politikama općenito. Izvještaj također može biti zanimljiv i građanima. U skladu sa navedenom orijentacijom istraživanja, izvještaj najprije prezentira konceptualni okvir, te analitički i metodološki pristup istraživanja. Nakon toga je ponuđen pregled nadležnosti, te pravni okvir za upravljanje javnim prostorima u urbanim naseljima u Sarajevu. Izvještaj se zatim dotiče pitanja planiranja, koordinacije i nadzora pružanja usluga, te problema sankcioniranja uništavanja i onečišćenja urbanih naselja, kao i odnosa između vlasti i stanovnika urbanih naselja. U zaključnim razmatranjima raspravljamo o interakciji između različitih uzroka propadanja javnih prostora u urbanim naseljima. Konačno, ponuđene su preporuke za rješavanje problema degradacije javnih prostora u urbanim naseljima u Sarajevu.

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Countering Violent Extremism Baseline Program
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Countering Violent Extremism Baseline Program

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations’ Countering Violent Extremism Baselines Program is a multi-country1 research initiative to identify and monitor key subnational indicators of violent extremism (VE) and community resilience. Implemented in partnership with Management Systems International, the program enables the U.S. Government (USG), partner governments, and civil society to better understand and respond to changing VE dynamics.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro?
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro?

Author(s): Ana Vujošević,Mira Popović,Jovana Marović,Tanja Maksić,Wanda Tiefenbacher / Language(s): English

The aim of the project “Equal chances for all media” is to contribute to creating of clear mechanisms and control of state financing and state aid given to the media, in line with the regulations of the European Union and best international practices and standards. Additionally, general goal of the project is to raise awareness of the public about responsible spending of the funds from State Budget of Montenegro, by pointing out to the relations public sector in Montenegro has towards the media through expenditures based on contractual agreements. Public sector, as a subject of a research, according to the Law on Budget of Montenegro, comprehends state bodies, municipalities (units of local self-government), independent regulatory bodies, public institutions and commercial enterprises where the state or municipalities own majority of shares, judiciary (courts and prosecutions), Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms and others. In order to achieve those goals, Centre for Civic Education (CCE) from February to December 2014, in line with the Law on Free Access to Information, gathered data related to that to which media, public relations agencies, production houses and public opinion poll agencies, and in which amount have the public bodies transferred funds, either based on service providing agreements, specialized services or any other grounds. Besides these findings, the publication contains analysis of media legislative and institutional framework, comparative experiences in the region and member states of European Union, as well as recommendations on how to improve existing practices. The project was based on previous work done by the CCE in this area, reflected in two annual reports for 2011 and 2012 titled: “How much and to who do the citizens in Montenegro pay for advertising?” Findings in these researches showed that there is a lack of clarity when it comes to financing of the media from the budget, and also that there is a need to bring order into this field. Tendency on the side of state bodies has been spotted to keep influence over media through selective and non-transparent financing, which directly makes the competition vulnerable through creating of non-equal conditions on the market, and also to “subtly” influence editorial policy. Lack of transparency in this process and (non)existence of proper criteria for allotment of the funds, accompanied with incomplete legislative framework has additional negative influence over already troublesome media scene in Montenegro. Having in mind that state bodies and bodies of local self-government in 2011 spent 2, 642,070.83 EUR on advertising, specialized media services and on other grounds, while on the other hand the overall media advertising market is between 8-9 million EUR, it is quite clear that in 2011 the state was big, if not the largest player on the market, which significantly influenced income of some media, and consequently their sustainability. In 2012 we noticed decrease of almost one million EUR for these expenses, so that the overall amount CCE team managed to find was 852.059.00 EUR, having in mind that this amount only includes spending of the Government and the Parliament, and does not include expenses of local self-governments as the report from 2011. However, the reduction of expenses was not result of following of recommendations and efforts made to bring order in this field, but mostly reflects limitations of financial capacities of state bodies. These findings of CCE attracted the attention of relevant international actors. The European Commission in its Progress Report for Montenegro states: “Concerns remain that the state is in breach of the law on the media, which prohibits the state from founding print media. Concerns persist also regarding possible state aid and advertising funding allocated to print media in 2012, which were not in line with public procurement rules and could jeopardize competitiveness on the media market. Also the report of the State Department on Human Rights in 2013 states: “Private media claimed that governmentowned enterprises openly discriminated in favor of the government-owned newspaper “Pobjeda” in the placement of advertising, despite the newspaper’s smaller circulation and more limited influence than its private competitors. On February 20, the NGO Centre for Civic Education reported that during 2012 “Pobjeda” received 93,000 EUR ($130,000) from government institutions for advertising, compared with the combined total of 21,000 EUR ($28,000) received by the three other private newspapers, “Vijesti”, “Dan”, and “Dnevne Novine”. The NGO concluded that there were no clear criteria by which government institutions chose media to advertise their activities, since the current selection did not appear to correspond to independent measures such as public trust, popularity, or the media companies’ pricing policies.” In order to continuously monitor this area, there was a need to once again conduct extensive research that would gather data for 2013. The research would provide comprehensive and updated overview of distribution of public funds to media for that year through analysis of obtained information, as well as through comparative analysis having in mind previous reports. The additions to the survey are specific recommendations (by local and international experts) about how to ensure transparency and what kind of criteria should be considered when allocating public funds for the media in Montenegro, in order for this process to be in line with the Acquis communitaire in the field of freedom of expression, independence of the media, competition, state aid allocation and public procurement. Without a clear mechanism for the allocation of state aid to media, the distribution of these resources has the potential to cause serious deviations in the media market and jeopardize the functioning of some media or to enhance the business of other media on discriminatory grounds and contrary to EU competition policy. It causes serious concerns when public funds are used for such purposes. Citizens, as taxpayers have a right to know how public funds are spent, and whether the method of distribution of these funds affects the impartiality of media coverage of state authorities and to which extent such distribution supports (or not) pluralism of the media. This report indicates the existence of the mechanism through which control and the pressure against media can be exercised. It also offers recommendations how to end such practice, which denies citizens of Montenegro right to have free and independent media that are able to accurately and impartially report about activities of state authorities, political parties, other institutions, and also about issues of public interest.

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Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro
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Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Ana Vujošević / Language(s): English

In Montenegro, soft censorship is exercised primarily through politicised, discretionary and non-transparent distribution of public money and subsidies to media. Lack of transparency and standard and equitable procedures in allocation of public funding seriously distorts the media market, improving business prospects of some outlets and endangering the existence of others. This is directly related to how favourably or critically media outlets report on governmental activities. The media landscape in Montenegro is deeply and widely politicised. A sharp division between “supporters” and “critics” of state policies has grown more vivid in recent years. There are on-going attempts to diminish the influence of some media outlets on the Montenegrin public. “Hard censorship” has included violence against journalists—the murder of the editor-in-chief of daily Dan, Dusko Jovanovic, on 27 May 2004, remains unresolved, as do most attacks on journalists and on media property, which doubtless evokes self-censorship among media practitioners concerned with self-preservation.2 Much more common in recent years is soft censorship: indirect, often financial pressures, intended to weaken the capacities and even threaten the viability of targeted media outlets that criticize the government. “Soft censorship” is defined as an attempt by government to influence media reporting through various forms of pressures, without recourse to legal bans, open censorship of news content or direct physical attacks against media infrastructure or journalists. The notion of “soft censorship” as a form of official pressure on media is detailed in a 2005 paper by the Open Society Justice Initiative. It describes three principal forms of soft censorship: abuse of public funds and monopolies, abuse of regulatory and inspection authorities, and paralegal pressures.3 All these exist in Montenegro today. Additional reports by WAN-IFRA and the Center for International Media Assistance have raised awareness of this escalating problem.4 This paper catalogues the forms and maps the extent of soft censorship by Montenegro’s state and public institutions against media outlets and media practitioners. This is done primarily through the lens of finances, which is the dominant means of soft censorship in the country. Included is an overview of instruments that facilitate or limit official financial support: allocation of advertising services by public institutions to favoured media; selective distribution of subsidies and other state aid; paid content; and other forms of administrative and technical assistance or obstruction. The study covers public institutions relevant to media and soft censorship across the three branches of government, as well as other sociopolitical actors significant to understanding this problem in the Montenegrin context. The research team faced several challenges; no such research has been conducted before, and information from public sources was in many cases limited or released only very slowly. Moreover, the topic is taboo to many journalists who fear criticizing media owners or the government, and who sometimes have scant awareness of the mechanisms and impact of soft censorship. The lack of transparent and consistent procedures for distribution of public funds to media has substantial influence on media freedoms in Montenegro. This report presents evidence that public institutions have sought to manipulate media outlets and influence their editorial policies by selective and non-transparent financing. This also seriously undermines competition and inhibits development of a sustainable media market. Opacity in state media funding is aggravated by an inadequate implementation of the legal framework for media support, further opening opportunities for official actors to exploit media for partisan purposes. This report describes various means for distributing public funding to media through which political actors exercise control or pressure on media content and viability. It analyses mechanisms of potential influence of public institutions on media editorial policies, and gives examples of abuse of public funds to manipulate media reporting to pursue partisan political goals. This report’s key findings summarize challenges concerning soft censorship in Montenegro. Its recommendations urge actions that would reverse the erosion of media freedom in Montenegro—and improve prospects for development of free independent and pluralistic media that could provide the accurate, impartial reporting on activities of the government, political parties and other institutions required to promote democratisation of Montenegrin society and governance.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Dragoljub Duško Vuković / Language(s): English

Project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to promotion of media freedom and media pluralism in Montenegro, in accordance with regulations of European Union and best international practices and standards. More precisely, the project aims to mitigate the process of creation of clear mechanisms for allocation and control over financing of media from public funds and allocation of state aid to media in Montenegro, in order to harmonise this system with international standards and best practices which encourage development of media freedoms. Project is also focused on improvement of awareness of interested public in regards to responsible money expenditure from the Budget of Montenegro, indicating on relation of public sector in Montenegro toward media, through financial allocations on various grounds. Public sector, as subject of research, according to Law on Budget of Montenegro, includes state organs, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory organs, public institutions and companies wherein state or municipalities have majority ownership share, judiciary (courts and prosecutions), Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms and others. Centre for Civic Education (CCE) first introduced this issue in Montenegro, and has been monitoring it closely for five years now. In this regard, CCE has produced five national and one international report that are relevant sources for numerous domestic and international addresses, though they still remain insufficiently used by Montenegrin institutions. Research for 2016 was conducted in this framework, within which there was information collected on media, informative agencies, public relations agencies, production houses, and etc. that were allocated financial resources from public sector organs on the basis of agreements on provision of services, specialised services, or other grounds. Analysis was produced that provides an updated and comprehensive overview of allocation of public funds on national and local level during 2016 to abovementioned subjects. Considering that certain trends are already being identified, cross section of total allocations for 2013 – 2016 is also provided. In addition, this publication contains review on media normative and institutional framework, as well as analysis of efficiency of implementation of Law on Free Access to Information and Law on Public Procurement (in the part of obligation of public sector organs to publish all tender documentation timely on the portal of public procurement of Public Procurement Administration of Montenegro). Finally, in relation to underlying themes, publication offers conclusions and recommendations for improving existing state, including proposals for amendments of appropriate legislative framework, which CCE has been advocating for quite some time now, so that this area would be harmonised with international standards in the area of freedom of expression and media independence, competition, state aid allocation and public procurement. Findings from previous five national reports and an international one have indicated existence of numerous irregularities and understatements when it comes to financing of media and related subjects from the Budget of Montenegro, as well as the need to regulate this area adequately. As it was observed, public sector organs have a tendency to maintain their influence through selective and non-transparent financing, thereby directly violating market conditions and competition, and exerting indirect pressure on editorial policy. Insufficient transparency of this process and the (non)existence of precise and binding criteria for allocation of funds, along with underived legal framework, additionally affects the ever-deteriorating state in Montenegrin media. Considering that the estimated advertising market in Montenegro amounts to EUR 9.5 – 10 million on annual level, amounts that are being allocated from public funds to media and related subjects lead to conclusion that state remains individually one of the key factors able to shape this market to detriment, or for the benefit of certain media, thereby their sustainability. According to available data of CCE, mostly relating to information that have been acquired from 66% or 67% of public sector organs, around 2.5 million Euros are being invested in media and related subjects from public funds on annual level, not including the additional 30% of organs that refuse to submit their information. This means that this is a realistic minimum figure, reasonably assumed to be significantly, if not twice, higher. In addition, this does not include allocations for public broadcaster RTCG, nor for local public broadcasters, with the addition of which a sum of at least 17 million Euros per year would be reached. Continued insistence on unclear mechanisms for allocation of budget funds to media will lead to further deviations on media market and it will jeopardise the functioning of some, or improve the operation of other media on discriminatory basis and contrary to competition policy of EU. Citizens, as tax payers, have the right to be informed on manner and criteria of spending of public funds, as well as whether the manner of allocation of those funds affects impartial reporting of media on state organs and decision-makers, i.e. to which extent that allocation (does not) support the pluralism of media and whether it helps or hinders development of timely, objective and impartial reporting. An important consequence of disorganisation in this area is the ever-present soft censorship, which accelerates the erosion of media independence in Montenegro. Furthermore, self-censorship is being strengthened as well as the already conspicuous polarisation of media, but also a poor quality of journalism which – as such – cannot adequately contribute to public debate when it comes to important matters of democratisation and Europeanisation of Montenegrin society, since it often neglects the code of journalists and professional standards. Causes should be sought in the fact that media were, and still remain, critical actors of clarification of numerous misuses by the government. There is not small number of cases in Montenegro when media, via investigative journalism, launched issues from various spheres, on which the public otherwise would not be informed. Those cases are drawing large attention of not just domestic, but of international public as well, thereby demonstrating the importance of media in the fight against corruption, abuse of political power, as well as against all forms of violation of human rights. However, in order for media to execute their monitoring role, they must be politically and financially independent in their work, operate under precisely regulated legal norms and free of inappropriate external political influences. Without clear mechanism and criteria of allocation of tax payers’ money, a dangerous space for interventions of government on media market is being opened. This report indicates paths which can be used to exert control and pressure on media and provides recommendations that would put an end to such poor practice, which deprives the citizens of Montenegro of their right to free and independent media, which accurately and impartially report on activities of government, political parties and other institutions, as well as on other subjects of public interest.

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Media in Montenegro from the perspective of citizens and journalists
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Media in Montenegro from the perspective of citizens and journalists

Author(s): Damir Nikočević,Vuk Čađenović,Damir Suljević / Language(s): English

The emergence of a multi-party system in Montenegro was simultaneously accompanied by the development of the media scene through the formation of the first private media. This parallel would have no significance in societies with developed democratic and institutional mechanisms, but it does in a society where political and media intertwining is intense. The fourth branch of government, as the media are often informally called, has the role of guardian of the public interest. In this context, the trust of citizens is crucial for the media that aspire to be the serious actors. Within the general decline of journalistic standards, followed by ratings based on reality television programmes in which violence and light entertainment dominate, trust is what the media must strive for. In the harsh struggle for survival, in which marketing income often prevails over objective, professional and independent journalism, the fundamental functions of serious media such as informative, control and educational are easily forgotten. Therefore, it is not surprising that public opinion findings indicate that the vast majority of citizens (87.2%) consider that the media in Montenegro are willing or somewhat willing to publish sensational information that are not verified at all or insufficiently verified to increase circulation and ratings. At the same time, research of citizens’ perceptions of the media indicates that almost half of them consider that media in Montenegro are not impartial, and almost half of them think that media use facts mixed with rumours. The role of journalists in protecting the interests of citizens is enormous, and the only proper manner to respond to that responsibility is to remain committed to the profession, no matter who holds the levers of power. In a time of misinformation and fake news, a journalist is the regulator of the content given to the public. Even the best self-regulatory and regulatory bodies are not strong enough mechanisms if there are no journalists with integrity, ready to protect the dignity of their profession. Journalists should oppose any internal and external manipulations of various interest groups through credible reporting. In addition to empirical research, we conducted 10 profound, qualitative interviews with journalists, editors and media owners of different generations and genders, from the local and national levels. The publication also provides insight into their attitudes on the environment for the media work in Montenegro, the status of journalists, the role of the media in democratizing society, journalism ethics, influence on the work of the media (internal and external), sensationalism in the media, investigative journalism, economic sustainability of the media, etc. The additional value of this publication is that the responses of citizens and media representatives to identical questions can be compared in one place. Thorough, qualitative interviews with journalists, editors and media owners conducted and processed researchers of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE). On the other hand, expert support in conducting a public opinion poll, from 20 to 25 March 2021, was provided by the Damar agency, with application of the CAPI method, and with a random stratified sample of 991 adult respondents. Similar research on citizens’ attitudes was conducted by the Damar agency in 2018, which enabled comparative insight into the set of issues that can be valuable for understanding the complexity of the situation in the media sphere and planning further media policies, but also as an indicator of changes in certain aspects covered within this research. We owe special gratitude to the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the Embassy of the Kingdom of Norway and the Balkan Trust for Democracy of the German Marshall Fund of the United States (BTD) who supported the production of this publication through the project “Media for Me!”, implemented by the CCE.

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Conference on the Future of Europe: Conclusions and Prospects for Implementation
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Conference on the Future of Europe: Conclusions and Prospects for Implementation

Author(s): Melchior Szczepanik / Language(s): English

Pleas made through the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) are in line with the European Commission’s (EC) vision of European Union development focused on the green transition and strengthening the Community’s economic potential and self-sufficiency. The conference proposals support closer integration, but the Member States and EU institutions differ in their views on the optimal ways for implementing citizens’ wishes. The European Parliament (EP) urges treaty change, while a dozen states from Northern, Central, and Eastern Europe do not consider it necessary.

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On the Road to a New NATO Strategy
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On the Road to a New NATO Strategy

Author(s): Wojciech Lorenz / Language(s): English

A group of experts appointed by the NATO Secretary General has published a report on strengthening the political cohesion of the Alliance. The main conclusions of the report “NATO 2030. United for a New Era” were presented at a meeting of the Alliance’s foreign ministers on 1 December.

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Putin’s Vision of History and the Future of International Relations
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Putin’s Vision of History and the Future of International Relations

Author(s): Anna Maria Dyner / Language(s): English

On 15 June, U.S. President Donald Trump confirmed earlier reports that he plans to reduce U.S. forces in Germany from around 34,500 to 25,000 troops. Although the decision is related to U.S.- German disputes, it undermines the policy of deterring Russia conducted by Trump’s own administration and NATO. While the specifics and date of the drawdown are not yet known, the announcement of the plan and perspective of weakening U.S. military capabilities in Europe are already deepening transatlantic tensions.

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Chinese Government’s Economic Goals for 2020
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Chinese Government’s Economic Goals for 2020

Author(s): Damian Wnukowski / Language(s): English

In a government work report presented on 22 May during a session of the 13th Chinese parliament, Premier Li Keqiang did not specify the 2020 economic growth target, the first time that has happened since 1990. The reason is the uncertain global economic situation because of the COVID-19 pandemic. The government plans to increase economic stimulus measures to primarily stabilise the labour market.

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