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Uluslararası Politik Ekonomi: Bitmeyen Kırım Sorunu

Author(s): Arzu Al,Figen Aypec Ayvaci / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 26/2017

The International Political Economy (IPE) tries to interpret the mutual interactions of states, economic agents, international organizations by revealing over the cases of conflicts and interests. During this interpretation, the results are tested for compliance with the international legal system. As a result of this test, “legitimacy” problem arises. “Legitimacy”, separated from the concept of “legality”, causes international law to be questioned. However, the economic interests and concerns of the states, in which the IPE is interested and which it tries to explain, are sometimes leading to ignore these problems in international law. In other words, the emergence of this dilemma is often caused by the political and economic perspectives of the states which are transformed into a harmony. In this study, an evaluation of the international law in the context of IPE will be presented shorthly and the current international system over the Ukraine-Crimean Crisis will be discussed in view of economic concerns.

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Homo faber u raljama neoliberalizma

Author(s): Jasenko Karović / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 22/2015

Kategorija ljudskog rada, kao pojedinačnog, svrhovitog djelovanja, je ona najfundamentalnija kategorija koja je na najkonkretniji način odredila povijesni hod čovjeka kao onog subjekta koji obavlja djelatnost tj. rad, i definirala njegovu trenutnu, savremenu društvenu situaciju. A savremena, aktuelna pozicija ljudskog rada, radnog čovjeka kao i radnih, odnosno proizvodnih odnosa, uprkos izvjesnim svojevremenim sindikalnim dobicima, na drastičan i zoran način demonstrira jedan izrazito negativan trend kojem svjedočimo još od samih početaka industrijske revolucije. Ovaj trend je onu osnovnu jedinicu rada, tj. radnika, odnosno čovjeka, sveo na lako zamjenjivi rezervni dio koji se u radnom procesu bez ikakvih negativnih posljedica po radni proces i kapital, može kompenzirati, supstituirati, istim takvim, ali još jeftinijim dijelom. Time je rad, a i sam radnik, dakle čovjek, najbrutalnije instrumentaliziran i reduciran na puko sredstvo za uvećanje profita. Tako je onaj izvorni subjekt rada, radnik, čovjek, zapravo supstituiran novim, apsolutnim subjektom. Naime, subjekt sada postaje sam kapital, ili preciznije, savremeni korporativni kapital koji je hipertrofirao i hipostazirao do zastrašujućih dimenzija jednog planetarnog levijatana, on postaje sam sebi svrha i apsolutni gospodar i svemoćni arbitar svjetske društvene stratifikacije, hijerarhije i svake društvene mehanike i kauzalnosti.

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Socijalizam, politika i ekonomija

Author(s): Branko Caratan / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1984

The degree of consensus on the predomination of politics over economics in Yugoslav society is evident already in the answers to two fundamental issues: (1) What are the causes of the predomination of politics over economics; (2) How to alter that relationship without jeopardizing the socialist determinants of the system? The implementation of the economic stabilisation programme requires the settlement of a series of doctrinal controversies — which essentially determine the answers to these fundamental issues and without which it would be impossible to remove the obstacles to the operationalisation of the programme and to overcome the conflict of interests. In the field of economics the controversy is over certain solutions which pave the way to the promotion of different concepts of economic-social development and which diverge from the basic self-management orientation, ranging from modified statism to partial economic reformism and to so-called free enterprise. Such disputes in the sphere of the society’s economic life are reflected, directly or indirectly, also in political life. They are not manifested only in the issue of the relationship between politics and economics but also in a number of dilemmas concerning the political order and state organisation : centralisation or decentralisation, unitasation or federalisation etc.

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Obnova političkog vladanja proizvodnjom

Author(s): Najdan Pašić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 03/1984

Socialism is subject to one of the fundamental laws of history, according to which »in the social production of their life men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will« and ideologies. In deciding on the lines of its development, socialist society must take into account these objective circumstances. This brings to the fore a set of problems which is usually called the relationship of economics and politics. The extensive expropriation of the federal state machinery as the regulator of the entire economy, as the chief subject of state-property monopoly, has not directly resulted in the power of associated labour. On the contrary, political dominance over production has been restored through the ramified system of administrative regulation of economic relations and of the so-called terms of economic activity. The scope of the competences of centres of political power in controlling the means of expanded reproduction bears witness to the establishment of a quasi-state ownership. The most reliable indicator of -decentralized statismis confinement within territorial boundaries. To identify the effect of the political system on these social processes, it would be necessary to examine: (a) state regulations imposing the dependence of the associated labour on economic policies; and (b) the institutions of the political system, in order to determine to what extent they enhance the tendency of confinement territorial and the dependence of associated labour on territorial communities.

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Marxovo određenje privatnog vlasništva i države u spisima između 1844. i 1846.

Author(s): Nenad Zakošek / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02+03/1983

Faced with difficulties in describing the bourgeois society, and particularly in providing u coherent definition of the concept of private property and in deriving from it the other categories of the bourgeois society and state, Marx embarks in 1844 on a systematic study of political economy. This brings about a methodological turning-point in his analysis of bourgeois society and state, caused by the realisation that labour is the essence of private property. Proceeding from this, Marx redefines the central concepts of his analysis. — Private property is analyzed, in the first place, as the relation between private owners, who exchange their products in the market: in this relationship private owners mutually instrumentalize their needs, with the result that the means of the exchange relationship is ultimately established as an alien force, to which their social being is subordinated (Marx was later to analyze this phenomenon as "reification", or the "fetish character of commodity"). — In the (historically induced) conditions of separation between factors of production (land, capital and labour) a private¬ -property relationship of exchange is established as a specific basic production relation of the modern age: the relation between the owner of capital and the owner of labour. The substance of this relationship is the process of alienation of labour, which produces at the same time the dehumanisation of the modern class of labourers (and thereby of the entire modem age) as well as the conditions for its own abolition. — The analysis of private property in terms of alienation of labour provides the basis for a new concept of history, which is looked upon as the practical-productive self-establishment of man induced by alienation. — The modern state no longer appears as the sphere of generic (general, free) existence of man but simply as an instrument of the community of private owners based on the market and on production (bourgeois society as a system of private property relations). Thus "demystified", it is of only marginal importance for Marx, who focuses his main theoretical scrutiny on the analysis of the modern (capitalist) mode of production of life.

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Filozofski preduvjeti za čitanje Marxa

Author(s): Michel Henry / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02+03/1983

The critique of political economy, in a Marxist sense, establishes its province of study outside economy and criticizes, or rather explains and comprehends, economy from that vantage point. It is necessary to possess absolute and radical knowledge with regard to reality in itself in order to be able to understand how, on the basis of such reality, something like economic reality is constituted and brought about, something like the science of this reality, such as political economy. The necessary philosophical prerequisite for the understanding of so-called economic writings of Marx is not to be found outside his thinking, and neither may it be arbitrarily introduced into it. It is his thinking itself, in its initial development, in the act upon which it is founded, which laid the foundation of its subsequent analyses. The originality of Marx ’s thinking can be observed in three categoric assertions: (a) that there exists a radical difference between praxis and theory and the former is irreducible; (b) that this difference, that is, the immanence of praxis, explains why something like a specific economic reality was to develop in human experience; (c) lastly, that production comprises opposition and separation between nature and the activity of making objects of labour. The philosophy of reality as praxis is the prerequisite not only of history but of the entire economic analysis. Praxis in itself has no economic implications. How, then, did economic reality appear in human history, and when?

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Prodor staljinizma u političku ekonomiju socijalizma

Author(s): Adolf Dragičević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02+03/1983

The author analyzes the evolution and fate of political economy, particularly of the political economy of socialism, in the Soviet Union and, indirectly, also in other socialist countries. Special attention is drawn to the Stalinist roots in the political economy of socialism, which he sees in the tradition and practice of a one-party political system, in the conviction in the truthfulness of its own ideological discourse, and in demagogic reasons, which had also helped to bring about Stalinism. In the Soviet Union, from the times of Stalin’s rule and until more recent times, political economy is reduced to the study of the capitalist mode of production and to a description of concrete economic policies in the country. The manifestation of this altitude is the identification of political economy with economics and economic policy. The author analyzes some crucial postulates of Soviet economic thinking of that period. He provides critical comment on the thesis that every social mode of production has its own -basic economic law », from which are derived five -basic economic law s-, that of the primitive community, of the system of slavery, of feudalism, of capitalism and of socialism. The author suggests that Marx's theory indicates the existence of a general economic law. operating in every mode of production: the law of proportionality. A critical review is made also of some other Stalinist and Soviet economic postulates: on the social division of labour, on the possibilities and ways of transcending the division into intellectual and physical labour, on the problems of labour surplus and product surplus, etc.

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Marksistički teoretičar i revolucionar Vladimir Bakarić

Author(s): Dušan Bilandžić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1983

The author analyzes the fundamental postulates of the theoretical and political writings Vladimir Bakarić produced in the various stages of his theoretical and political activity during the postwar period in the development of the Yugoslav society. In the first stage, from 1945 up to the late 19450s, Bakarić’s interest is mainly focused on problem s of "agriculture and the rural regions" in the course of socialist development. In approaching these problems he already manifests the characteristics which were to become constant features of his whole activity: consistent application of Marx’s method in examining social relations, as his fundamental point of departure, and undogmatic, polemical assessments of specific socio-political problems in his political activity. In the second stage, from the early 1960s up to 1971/72, his theoretical interest shifts to issues of social reproduction as a whole. On the basis of his analysis of the process of social reproduction he derives his concept of the political system, including the model of the federation. In the third stage, from 1972 till the end of his life, Bakarić concentrates particularly on questions of the implementation of the concept of associated labour, in which he sees an alternative model of a system of socio-economic relations, in relation to both the capitalist and the state-socialist model of social order.

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Marxov pristup političkoj ekonomiji

Author(s): Adolf Dragičević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1979

Da bismo razumjeli nekog teoretičara, moramo najprije upoznati njegov intelektualni razvitak i njegove preokupacije i težnje što ih želi ostvariti svojim znanstvenim angažiranjem i istraživanjem. U Marxovu slučaju to je lako postići, a i ostvareno je na više strana gdje postoje interesi za razmatrana pitanja. Zato i naš osvrt na taj razvojni put može biti vrlo kratak.

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Sovjetski ekonomisti o predmetu političke ekonomije socijalizma

Author(s): Svetlana Milačić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1979

Problem definiranja, odnosno jasnog i preciznog određivanja predmeta političke ekonomije socijalizma bio je izvor mnogobrojnih diskusija sovjetskih ekonomista, od vremena uspostavljanja i pobjede socijalizma u Sovjetskom Savezu pa sve do naših dana. S tim u vezi sovjetska ekonomska teorija mogla bi se podijeliti u nekoliko razdoblja, koja nam govore kako je tekao razvoj sovjetske ekonomske misli o sadržaju predmeta političke ekonomije socijalizma.

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Rasprava o političkoj ekonomiji

Author(s): Jean-Jacques Rousseau / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1979

Riječ ekonomija ili oeconomia potječe od oikos, kuća, i nomos, zakon i izvorno označava samo mudro i legitimno upravljanje kućom na zajedničko dobro cijele obitelji. Zatim je smisao tog izraza bio proširen na upravIjanje velikom obitelji kao što je država.

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Klasična i vulgarna politička ekonomija

Author(s): Adolf Dragičević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1978

Kada je 1615. godine francuski merkantilist Antoyne Montchrétien dao svojoj zbirci pouku namijenjenih obrazovanju i uvođenju u politički život vladara i državnika naslov Traité de l' oeconomie politique, nije ni slutio da će upotrebljeni izraz »politička ekonomija« biti jednom općenito prihvaćen kao naziv znanstvene discipline koja istražuje materijalni život društva i da će se njegovo ime spominjati u kasnijoj ekonomskoj literaturi samo zahvaljujući tome.

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Ekonomska osnova i ciljevi nesvrstavanja

Author(s): Zoran Trputec / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1974

During the period of a total of some fifteen years we have witnessed numerous events on the international political scene on the basis of which gradually but continually the activity of the nonaligned countries has affirmed itself. A series of important international meetings have expressly tied their activity up with the idea of nonalignment and an even greater number of occasions has been used as a means of helping countries which have based their international activity on the principles of nonalignment to realise those principles through mutual action. Were we to make a hasty analysis of the international meetings which gathered together the nonaligned countries, as also those in which the countries, as a group, took active part, we would notice not only specific changes which accompanied the maturation of the nonalignment movement, but also the ever more strongly expressed striving towards economic closeness and cooperation between the nonaligned countries themselves and dependence on their own resources in further economic development. The Belgrade Conference in 1961 has already clearly pointed out the importance of mutual economic cooperation among the nonaligned countries. Nor was this important area of international relations disregarded in the documents of the Cairo Conference of Heads of States and Governments of nonaligned countries in 1964. Along with this, the need for intensive cooperation in the areas of education, sciences and culture among nonaligned countries was further emphasised. It is certain that the Conference of nonaligned countries held in Lusaka in September 1970 gave the clearest and widest basis for mutual cooperation among the nonaligned countries, precisely stating not only the immediate contents and form of economic cooperation, but also defining clearly the obstacles which lie in the way of such cooperation and weaken it; obstacles such as the different forms of colonial, imperialist and neocolonial domination. At this Conference, the participants did not try to place the responsibility for the existing relations, particularly for further economic development, exclusively on the shoulders of the developed, and particularly the capitalist countries, but they pointed out the need for deep internal changes and reforms within the nonaligned countries themselves; primarily political and social reforms. They also came to the conclusion that it is absolutely necessary to give a planned and organised character to their economic development. In its detailed work and results which are of historic importance, the 4th Conference of Heads of States and Governments of nonaligned countries held from 5th to 9th September 1973 in Algiers, an important place was given to economic cooperation between the nonaligned countries. In many points the programme worked out at the previous Conference of nonaligned countries in Lusaka, was reaffirmed. In Algiers, various decisions were made which represent the realisation of the complex functional binding together of the national economies of the nonaligned countries, particularly with the aim of achieving a faster and more co-ordinated economic development. In this process, dependence on one's own resources is, in fact, still in the first phase, while various forms of self-help such as the creation of solidarity funds, are just some of the many potential possibilities. The principle of dependence on one's own individual and collective resources, which was given particular weight in Lusaka, should be particularly kept in mind when considering the economic aims of nonalignment, as that is a principle which cannot be realised if it is not based on real possibilities and needs — on the economic basis of nonalignment.

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Ekologija kao teorija svjetskog ekonomskog razvoja

Author(s): Ivo Brkljačić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1973

Sto brži i skladniji ekonomski razvoj neprijeporno je misao vodilja ekonomske politike svih zemalja suvremenog svijeta. Upravo stoga što ne postoji zemlja ili vlada kojoj je ideal stagnantna privreda, vrlo čudno i zaštrašujuće djeluje poruka koju p osljednjih godina čujemo s mnogih strana: čovječanstvo bi moralo usporiti ekonomski razvoj, ili ga čak zaustaviti na postojećem nivou, ukoliko želi da danas rođene generacije prožive čovjeka dostojan život u stoljeću koje je pred njima.

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Mjere ekonomske politike za stabilizaciju privrede

Author(s): Nedeljko Rendulić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01-02/1973

Significant results have been achieved in up to present economic development in Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of Self-government into economy. With the realised per capita National Income of Ca. 800 dollars, the figure is four times bigger than in pre-war Yugoslavia, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia is ranged into a group of half developed industrial countries. Alongside numerous good results, we are aware of certain undesirable occurrences accompanying our economic development. Those occurrences, being at the first place, non liquidity in economy and inflation, are becoming more evident in the course of last few years...

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Malthus i Marx: Dileme demografske teorije

Author(s): Alica Wertheimer-Baletić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1972

Interes za broj stanovnika jedne zemlje i za njegove promjene prisutan je kroz cijelu povijest ljudskog roda, od najranijih spisa do modernih, preciznih formulacija u političkoj ekonomiji, sociologiji, znanosti o politici. S vremenom su istraživanja stanovništva postala specijalizirano područje istraživanja demografije, nikad ne gubeći neposrednu vezu s dru¬gim društvenim znanostima. Istraživanje stanovništva imalo je uvijek i praktičnu svrhu u smislu njegova utjecaja na blagostanje i bogatstvo zajednice, nacionalnu snagu, političku i ekonomsku organizaciju društva itd.

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Kritika ideologije i sociologija znanja

Author(s): Ante Marušić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1971

U ovom radu raspravit ćemo o problemu Mannheimova odnosa prema Marxu i marksizmu, razvijenog u Mannheimovim ranijim radovima koji su se javili u vrijeme kada je on pokušao utemeljiti sociologiju znanja. Ograničavanje analize na Mannheimove ranije radove opravdano je zbog toga što on stavove prema Marxu i marksizmu u najvažnijim pitanjima bitno nije mijenjao za cijelog svog teorijskog stvaralaštva.

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Ideologije u povijesti

Author(s): Eduard Kale / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1971

Predmet ovoga kratkog izlaganja nisu novovjeke ideologije (što se u užem smislu najčešće podrazumijeva pod ideologijama). Isto tako, nećemo ovdje teorijski raspravljati o ona tri karakteristična elementa koji su prijeko potrebni da bi se neka ideologija oživotvorila (sistem ideja, organizacija i način provedbe).

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Kritika političke ekonomije i kritika

Author(s): Hotimir Burger / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03-04/1970

Durch das Begründen der Marxschen Entscheidung sein ganzes Werk durch Kritik zu verstehen und zu bestimmen, macht dieses Schreiben den Versuch, die Frage -was Kritik sei- zu beantworten. Rahmenbetrachtungen weisen darauf hin, dass man, wenn man Marx auch paraphrasieren würde, das Bewusstsein der Gegenwart als eine »enorme Anhäufung von Kritik« bestimmen könnte und obwohl sich das Denken in den Schlüsseletappen seiner Geschichte als Kritik herausstellt, so ist der Begriff der Kritik selbst doch nicht bestimmt. Die Betrachtung der Kantschen Kritik der Vernunft und der kritischen Kritik von B. Bauer weist darauf hin, dass die erste nur erkenntnis-theore¬tisch bestimmt ist, die andere jedoch paraphrasiert nur die Grundlage der Hegelschen Philosophie und der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft. Der Versuch eines logischen Bestimmens der Kritik stellt sich als ein Bemühen des Denkens um die Qualität des Dinges oder Gegenstandes heraus. Dieses Bern uh een stellt die Kritik als begrenzend, auseinandergrenzend, unterschiedlich und überschreitend dar. Eine so zergliederte Kritik beruht auf einem unterschied- lischen Wesen der Dinge, dessen Fixieren oder Konstruieren fehlschlagen muss. Darum bezeichnet die Kritik das Wessen der Dinge als ihr Ausgerichtetsein oder den Sinn, Damit ist die Kritik als wesentlich different bestimmt. Das Angewiesensein der Kritik auf Überschreitung steht vor einem besonderen Dilemma, wenn es als Gegenstand das Absolute hat; für Marx ist es Hegels Philosophie, resp. die bürgerliche Gesellschaft. Systematisch und historisch betrachtet ist die Grundlage der Kritik des Absoluten dieselbe; sie setzt das Absolute in Beziehung zu dem auf was es sich bezieht Wenn Hegels Philo¬sophie in Frage kommt, so ist »die Phänomenologie des Geistes« jene kri¬tische Grundlage seines Systems, worauf Marx insistiert. Ein Einblick in Hegels System zeigt, dass die Phänomenologie darin eine Doppelfunktion hat; zu einem Mal ist sie dem System voran (»der erste Teil der wissenschaft¬lichen Erfahrung«) und zum anderen Mal ist sie im System ein Teil der Philosophie des Geistes). Die Arbeit als »travail attractif«, die der klassischen bürgerlichen Oeko- nomie unbekannt ist, bildet die Grundlage der Kritik der bürgelichen Ge-sellschaft; diese Grundlage ist gleichbedeutend mit der Grundlage der Kritik in Hegels, Philosophie, insofern für Marx gerade das Grosse in »der Phä¬nomenologie des Geistes« die Arbeit darstellt. Inwiefern man eine Entgegengesetztheit des Denkens als Kritik und des Denkens als Metaphysik denken kann, so hat das kritische Denken eine Über¬macht gegenüber dem metaphysischen dadurch, dass es sich um den Sinn des Gegenstandes bemüht und somit das jenige bewahrt, was die Metaphysik jedoch mit ihrem Bemühen — das dynamische Wesen zu fixieren, im Aus¬gerichtetsein auf die Dinge verliert. Gerade darin findet Marx’ Anwesenheit als kritischer Denker in der Gegenwart seine Basis.

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KRŠĆANSKO NADAHNUĆE POLITIČKO-GOSPODARSKIH ODNOSA U SUVREMENOM DRUŠTVU

Author(s): Stjepan Baloban / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2000

Autor polazi od teze da postoji mogućnost kršćanskog nadahnuća političko - gospodarskih odnosa u suvremenom svijetu. U odnosu na postavljenu tezu u prvoj točki se raspravlja o situaciji u svijetu. Naglašava se važnost “etičkog diskursa” na raznim područjima čovjekova javnog djelovanja. Druga točka govori o hrvatskoj specifičnosti, tj. o negativnim posljedicama života u bivšem komunističkom sustavu i o prevelikim očekivanjima od Crkve u posljednjih nekoliko godina.

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