Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Azeri Missile Attack Ups Tensions in Karabakh
Each side says the other caused only minor damage, no casualties in skirmishes this week.
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Each side says the other caused only minor damage, no casualties in skirmishes this week.
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As Dodon warns of impending ‘civil war,’ his government inks military pact with Romania.
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All actors on the international arena, including great powers, do have vulnerabilities. What some authors and political leaders call GWOT (global war on terror) is a part of the set of strategically significant realities which make these vulnerabilities more important and more obvious. The study evaluates the ability of the Russian security establishment to cope with both terrorist attacks and irregular warfare in difficult geographic conditions (like those in Afghanistan and, more recently, in Chechnya). One of the main conclusions is that Russian military failed to integrate the Afghan combat experience in the plans of early military operations against Chechen rebels. A question still stay unsolved: Did the Western Powers (and above all USA) manage to properly integrate the lessons offered by Soviet and Russian failures in their own counterinsurgency campaigns?
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This thesis seeks to find out how NATO military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have affected relations with Russia. In order to achieve the aim and hypothesis of the study, the critical geopolitical approach is chosen as a theoretical framework. A schematic critical geopolitics conceptualization of Gearóid Ó. Tuathail is used as the method of research. This thesis mostly pays attention to three essential parts of the critical geopolitics: “formal geopolitics” (analyses of think tanks, specialists, etc.), “practical geopolitics” (the decisions of policy makers, official statements, documents, strategies and speeches) and “popular geopolitics” (the discourse of the media and surveys). The combination of these three elements allows determining the certain NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses towards crises in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan. With regard to evidences of crises, NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses are assessed from very positive, positive, neutral, to negative and very negative. It provides an opportunity to see how both sides have acknowledged these crises and how in long terms NATO’s military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have influenced relations with Russia in international order. Moreover, descriptive method, discourse analysis and a comparative approach are used to scrutinize Russian and NATO’s geopolitical discourses towards crises. The analyses of NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses show that the hypothesis different NATO and Russian geopolitical discourses towards crises in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have affected reciprocal relations is correct. The crisis of Kosovo in 2008 marks the end of the Russian flexible policy towards NATO and marks a new beginning of a permanently hostile geopolitical discourse against NATO in Europe. NATO military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have negatively affected relations with Russia mostly in Europe. Mutual cooperation and diplomatic disputes towards crises in Libya and Afghanistan are minor in comparison with the NATO-Russian relations in the European continent. Consequently, Russia concentrates most of its attention to the geopolitical tradition towards Europe.
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Nebojša Popov, Crta Posle Dejtona - Pariz Bogdan Bogdanović, Grad - posle utopije Teofil Pančić, Obračuni Teofil Pančić,Predsednik ne gubi vreme Nebojša Popov, Osvešćivanje na rate Mirko Đorđević, Znak i nada Pozorište urbane tuge Dej-ton, Ce-Ka Jovan Marić, Etički problemi privatne medicinske prakse Vida Čok, Prava čoveka i državljanstvo Pal Šandor, Teze za rešavanje pitanja nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji Žarko Paunović, Delatan pristup obnovi društva Stavko Golić, Zablude o „vreći bez dna“ Kristof Solio, Došao sam da vam kažem da odlazim Nastasja Radović, Dijalog kao događaj Dragan Cvetković, Kako povući zamajac? Ghislaine Glasson Deschaumes, Kako biti dobar sused na Balkanu Vera Sinrajh, Lokalno delovanje i međunarodna saradnja Miroslav Simić, Časnici SANU kao partijski funkcioneri Sarajlije odlučuju ne samo o sebi Miodrag Stanisavljević, Mogućnosti budućnosti
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Gordana Logar, Poligon za ravnotežu straha Život nasušni SLUČAJ: VELJKO DŽAKULA Lepa Mlađenović, Dobro vreme da se bude žena Dragoš Ivanović, Obeščašćivanje parlamenta Biljana Kovačević, Stevan Lilić, Vlada nacionalnog jedinstva Vlastimir Stevanović, Novi dinar u starom okruženju Rade Veljanovski, Zašto novo udruženje Vojkan Ristić, San i java učlanjenih hroničara Olivija Rusovac, Krugovi straha Partner u komadanju Nenad Prokić, Slovenija, dve godine posle Zoran Odić, Bit će opet Sarajeva? Goran Todorovič, Ratne igre Hadi Kurić, Ipak ih sve volim Olivera Glumac, Contra bellum Vesna Pešić, Vrednosni okvir ratnih sadržaja i porukaMilan Prodanović, Multikulturalnost i tradicija Balkana, Jelena Šantlć, Nacionalizam — autodestrukcija kulture i umetnosti Ofelija Backović, Kroćenje duhovnog Boga nema Evropski Sud za ljudska prava Safet Bandžović, "Lijepa vakta ko obraza nema" Dušan Mojsin, Kinično ili cinično Miodrag Stanisavljević, Zakon glupih situacija
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Neuporediv Milan Šahović, Nenaučena lekcija Ratna pobeda nije kompromis Gordana Logar, Promene — daleke i neizvesne O uvredljivim riječima Aleksandar Nenadović, Cena velesrpskog konsenzusa Vladimir Vereš, Neizbežni rizik demokratizacije Miloš Stambolić, Gusle i nož Vladimir Goati, Neke pouke izbora 1993. Aleksandar A. Miljković, Građanstvo i demokratija Vlastimir Stevanović, Agonija se nastavlja Pavle Radić, Kuda ide Srbija? Dragan Veselinov, Velika nedoumica Olivija Rusovac, Zavodljivost socijalista Dragoš Ivanović, Šta se menja u biračkom telu Rade Veljanovski, Postedice nenaučenih lekcija Verica Rupar, Krah agresivne politike Dušan Mojsin, "Bolje grob..." Odlaganje parlamentarizma Stevan Liiić, BiIjana Kovačević, Vanredno stanje Rade Radovanović, Samo solidarnost Srbiju spasava Džezeri se bude na vreme Slobodan Inić, Četvrta Jugoslavija? Zoran Kosanović, Svedočenje jednog vojnika Bojan Aleksov, Prigovor savesti Nada Ignjatović Savić, Deca u zemlji Turobiji Nened Petrović, Orvelizacija istorije Silovanje posle silovanja Nadežda Ćetković, Žene za žene Obrad Savić, Encensberger u Beogradu Radomir S Petrović, Sine ira et studio 10. decembar — Međunarodni dan ljudskih prava Tekst za spomen knjigu Elias Canetti, Samouništenje plemena Ksosa (iz knjige Masa i moć)
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Gordana Logar, Dar sa Zapada Latinka Perović, Društvena suština rata Milan Šahović, Kazne za počinjena zlodela Konferencija eksperata Slobodan Inić, Svi ćemo mi biti Srbi Jovan Radovanović, Da li je režim pobedio narod? Velimir Ćurgus Kazimir, Tačka uporišta Ivan Protlć, Zagrli me ako možeš Andrija Krešić, Politika nacionalizma udruživanje naroda Olga Popović, Kakva ili kolika država Gordana Vukotić, To država ne pozlaćuje Andrija Krešić, Socijalizam i druga Jugoslavija Aleksandra Pošarac, Povratak na početak Svetlana Božinović, Krugovi socijalnog propadanja Milan Prodanović, Arhitekti, rat i obnova Sarajeva Nada Mijatović, Gorko, gorče, najgorče Ti raži sa unutrašnjim sagorevanjem Vojkan Ristić, Jezik mi iščupali nisu Odbor demokratske javnosti za oslobađanje Vuka Draškovića i odbranu političkih sloboda Safet Bandžović, Sandžački dani Milorad Pupovac, Manjine - ključ mira ili uzrok rata? Miodrag Zupanc, Krug do Čačka i natrag Gabriela Pajević, Lozinka zamrzivač
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War periods were the periods of public order problems. As a result, the fugitive events in the army have become one of the main problems. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the difficult conditions in the Ottoman Empire caused long-term wars and thus the Turkish army was heavily worn down. As a natural consequence of this, the fugitive events in the army have increased considerably. In particular, during the First World War, the Unionists imposed deterrent penalties, such as the death penalty, in order to prevent desertion from the army and to keep the army alive. In the beginning of the National Struggle movement, the establishment of a new army has become essential as the Ottoman army was demobilized. This army, which is expressed as a regular army, was extremely difficult to establish and maintain. Especially in Bilecik and around, during the attempts of first seeds were thrown in the regular army, and the battles of Inönü, Eskişehir Kütahya and Sakarya were extremely experienced. Mustafa Kemal and his friends tried to take some measures in order to meet the needs of the military. In this study, the desertion events in and around Bilecik and the measures taken against it will be discussed.
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When religious terrorism is in question, the first thing that comes to mind is “Islamic” terrorism. It is seen that this phenomenon, which is identified with Islam, is not specific to it but other religious communities also use and legitimize terrorist acts through religious discourse. One of the best examples of this is Religious Jewish Terrorism. Religious Jewish Terrorism, relatively similar to the thought of Islamic radical terrorist organizations, has been strengthened by the power of the right in Israel since 1977. Religious Jewish Terrorism, legitimizing the right to terrorism by referring to the Jewish religious law, Halakha, regards all kinds of acts of violence against Arabs as legitimate and it has a structure that aims at Mesianism and Jewish liberation. Within this framework, terrorist organizations against Palestinians have been carried out for a long time and various organizations have been established. However, there is not much information about these organizations and their actions in the literature. Religious Jewish Terrorism is either overshadowed by terrorist organizations that are effective in the establishment of the state or other religious terrorism movements. Therefore, this study deals with the problems such as the origins of religious terrorism, doctrine, legitimacy discourse, effectiveness, and man recruiting methods in Israel. Finally, it analyses Al-Halil atttack and the assassination of Rabin, which constituted the peak of Religious Jewish Terrorism.
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The author analyzed newspapers writting of USA, UK, France. Italy, Austria and Germany about Yugoslav crisis between 1. january of 1991. and 31. december of 1993. The aim of this undertaking was to see did the Serbian ethnic group become the enemy in public of western countries. The content analysis showed that conservative Austrian and German newspapers, for example, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Welt, Kurier, had the picture of enemy on the very beginning of Yugoslav crises. The liberal and social-democratic newspapers of Austria and Germany had more balanced attitudes about war on Yugoslav ground. The Serbs became enemy of American public as well as the British and French, especialy liberal and social-democratic, on the beginning of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The most part of texts in that the Serbs played role of enemy were published in conservative newspapers of Austria, Germany and in liberal newspapers of USA.
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In this article author dealing with three issues, causes, consequences, (un)avoidability aggression NATO on FR Yugoslavia. Authors assert that aggression could not avoid (except capitulation). The causes of NATO aggression are, economic and military strategic interest enormous capital headed by USA. The power of USA spreading to East (Kaspijski basin) and Kosovo there is on the path. To point out to aim of weakness Europe and exercises for soldiers. Consequences are, human and material disaster on Serbia people, as well as NATO. Aggression jeopardizes principles of international relations and political moral.
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Author is dealing with the traits of new global hegemonism, i.e. logic of force, contradictions of democracy, getting the rid of sovereignty. In the basis of new hegemonism is postindustrial integratism, aggressive technicism of the rich against the poor societies. Special attention is paid to the reception of Yugoslavia's resistance to the neocolonialism in European and domestic public oppinion. Author outlines the paradox of maintaning of new hegemonism within European socialdemocratic and socialist parties. In the concluding part of the article author points to the dilemmas of new hegemonism, designing of new military aliances against NATO strenghtening the division between developed und underdeveloped countries, and reafirming of left ideas.
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The article shows that the Kosovo challenge is misrepresented, that fundamental geostrategic interests are hidden by the moral rhetoric: securing NATO primacy in relation to the UN, creating a military machine that will be intervening around the globe, whenever it decides that it interests are threatened, redrawing the Balkan map, sending a message to all other potential violators of future NATO ultimatums. The local, regional and global consequences of NATO bombing are taken up from the standpoint of internal democratization, regional stability and the global rule of law.
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In the article author analyses changes political meaning of the democracy causing NATO alliance before and after bombardment FRYugoslavia. Key changes relate to the aspect of differences internal and external democracy. Democratic states in Western Europe use totalitarian political means towards o the other states. Author underline seven nondemocratic means which were used by Western democracies states during bombardment / war, ruling without public control, violate the rule of law, using laying, denying political election, destroying information institutions, violating right of property. In conclusion, author assert that criteria of character of nondemcratic system there are in the concrete political works.
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The understanding of the relation between the man, society and war is expressed in the sets of historically changeable relations, where the theories and doctrines of war tell us a lot not only about the art of warfare and the ways wars were waged throughout history - as it may seem at first, bearing in mind their focus on the matters of strategy, tactics, logistics, armed formations, manoeuvres, sieges, soldier drill, etc - but they also provide us with information on general understanding of man, the level of organization of society, and of the regimes of knowledge and the new "models of truth", characteristic of certain age. The choice to discuss the relation between Klausewitz’s and Faucault’s understanding of war in this paper is determined by the anthropocentric twist which occurs in the theory and practice of war in late 18 and early 19 century. It is in this period that modern theory of war is established, by introducing human factor and manpower as the backbone of warfare instead of earlier siege wars around fortifications. The main theoretical representative of the new approach is Klausewitz. He gives central importance and the key role to man in defining the outcome and the goals of war, and modern war is defined as a clash of manpower also in the political sense, as an expression of general will in the society. Historically, this is the period of establishment of modern states, of the sovereignty of the people, and the period when conscription was introduced. On the other hand, and in contrast to this approach, according to Foucault this is the period of establishment of modern anthropocentric episteme and of introduction of mechanisms of total bio-political surveillance in the management and control mechanisms of the state, the most exemplary manifestation of which is found in military institutions and techniques of military training and warfare. According to Foucault, the state takes over the monopoly of warfare and defines war in a total sense, as total war for existence, as the war of a nation for its survival, a necessity, as both regularity and irregularity of the state order, thus pushing it to the margin of its legitimacy as a lasting, hidden subtext, but also as a generator and driving force of the dynamics of society and as a cornerstone of modern, popular sovereignty. The idea of popular sovereignty represents the ideological framework for modern instrumentalization of citizens for warfare. These two approaches represent diametrically opposed starting points regarding the relation between sovereignty, authority and war and the understanding of the importance and role of man in the wars of modern states.
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Islamic suicide terrorism has recently often been studied by social and humanistic disciplines such as politology, sociology, psychiatry, anthropology and military theory. Western authors mostly deal with this phenomenon by "understanding" and condemning it at the same time, and trying to find certain regularities in its manifestation, in order to help prevent terrorist actions in the future. In dealing with suicidal terrorism, Western anthropology arguably becomes most concretely involved in the discourse of political instrumentalization of science. The author of this text argues that anthropology – together with related social sciences – loses its critical dimension in the process and becomes biased, and consequently loses its objectiveness. This is why in this paper he attempts to provide a model for somewhat different approach to understanding this phenomenon.
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The report raised questions about the mechanisms of state authority in protecting the border security of the country. The author does not restrict only in presenting the essence of protection of strategic sites as an element of national security, but considers the basic concepts and characteristics of the protection of the state border. The report also focuses on methods and means of impacting and managing migration processes.
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The classical linear war is nowadays changing into rebel, mutinous, non-linearwarfare, without apparent fronts and clearly determined opponents. Its three mainfactors are understood differently: strength (power), time and space. The maindeterminant of a country's power is no longer the population, territory, or even thestrength of the economy. The most important factor is the social morale, the identity andintegrity of societies and nations, and the ability to impose its vision of political order onother societies. Public diplomacy (including cultural diplomacy) becomes more importantthan classical diplomacy. The leading form of realization of political goals becomes aninformation war, understood as a mass impact on the sphere of consciousness of wholesocieties, aimed at the exchange of their views in a specific area of life. Diffused war is astrategic concept assuming a dispersed, simultaneous attack on many directions andplanes of organization of political and social life of the opponent, bypassing the existinglegal order (national and international).
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The process of turning Iran into a semi-colonial state by Britain and Russia in the Nasiruddin Shah and Muzafferuddin Shah periods started with the political destruction of the Qajar administration. Britain was at the center of this work, and it directed Russia towards its own political and economic interests. It has prevented Russia from dangling into the oil regions in the southern part of Russia, as a means of making its military and economic influence in the north of Iran. The fact that Nasiruddin Shah did not have the capacity to ward off internally disproportionate movements, and borrowed financially from England and Russia, led the two states to push the boundaries of independence in Iran from obtaining concessions. With the privileges given in Muzafferüddin Şah's period, domestic production came to a halt and the missionary activities carried out on the outsourced workers disrupted the internal balances. The privileges taken by the British and Russian capitalists and the heavy debt burden of Iran were carried out through the banks established by the two states. Archaeological excavation materials were added to the concessions taken for the extraction of oil and mines, and the treasures and works of Persia and Sassanid period were plundered.
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