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AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 04: The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Unfulfilled Promise
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AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 04: The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Unfulfilled Promise

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AFBiH or “the force”) will mark its tenth anniversary in 2016 and stands as a useful reminder of the considerable progress achieved in the first decade following the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords. However, the force was assembled just when all other state-building consolidation and reforms began to stop, stall or reverse.. The AFBiH is not immune to the effects of the polarized political environment and its attendant afflictions – patronage and clientelism, short-termism, and a lack of accountability. Furthermore, the Republika Srpska (RS) Government has perennially targeted the AFBiH’s budget for cuts as part of its policy to demilitarize BiH, and thereby further weaken the state. In addition, in much the same way that Dayton included compromises which have been proven to obstruct the creation of a functional and accountable governance system for BiH, the tradeoffs required to create the AFBiH impedes its integration. In particular, the maintenance of ethnic majority infantry battalions poses a risk in the event of the emergence of further interethnic polarization, as does the (ceremonial) regimental system – originally intended as a containment mechanism for Armija BiH, Vojske RS, and HVO traditions for veterans of these forces, but now being perpetuated by the encouragement of new recruits to join them. Full integration of the force down to the operational level remains unrealized. Furthermore, sources indicate that currying favor with political and religious authorities in pursuit of advancement has become ever more visible in the ranks. Progress toward the goal of NATO membership, questioned by both the RS Government and more recently by Serb member of the BiH Presidency Mladen Ivanić, has been hobbled by the fact that the ownership of defense property remains in dispute. Resolution of this issue, which would free troops from defending these sites for other duties, is an explicit requirement for the NATO Membership Action Plan (MAP) to be activated. Registration of this property, ruled State property by the BiH Constitutional Court and more recently the Court of BiH, was part of the coalition agreement for the BiH Government, but remains vehemently opposed by the RS. Despite these considerable impediments, the AFBiH has performed admirably, both abroad in peace support operations (with regular contingents supporting ISAF in Afghanistan) and at home. In the latter case, during and following the May 2014 flood emergency, the AFBiH saved lives and property of BiH citizens throughout the flood affected areas. This boosted morale considerably and connected the force to the citizenry as never before. The AFBiH was the only state, entity, or cantonal official body to emerge with its reputation enhanced through its flood response; all others performed miserably. This disaster response experience also identified deficiencies in equipment, training and preparation which can be remediated to ensure better performance in the future. Finally, the AFBiH is inducting “new blood” into the officer corps through a British-sponsored program to recruit university graduates. The effort was universally lauded in the author’s interviews as an avenue to further professionalize the force. In short, the problems identified with the AFBiH are essentially the same as they were four years ago, when the first edition of the DPC/Atlantic Initiative (AI) Security Risk Analysis was published. There is no expectation that the AFBiH will generate destabilization or initiate inter-ethnic violence. But there is almost universal belief that in the event of such violence, it would collapse along its ethnic fault lines. The AFBiH cannot but reflect the politically-driven polarization which dominates the political arena in BiH.

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AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 06: The Police Forces in BiH – Persistent Fragmentation and Increasing Politicization.
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AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 06: The Police Forces in BiH – Persistent Fragmentation and Increasing Politicization.

Author(s): Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

The police forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) are assigned a key role in maintaining public order and security and in preventing the re-emergence of any kind of violent interethnic conflict. The police represented one of the weakest points when the international community started to engage in supporting the reconstruction and democratic transformation of the state in post-war BiH. Pre-war, the police had been highly professional but lacked any tradition of independence from politics. During the war they underwent a process of deep de-professionalization and further politicization, even criminalization, as the interior ministry was divided into ethnic components and police were drafted into participating in ethnic cleansing and war crimes. Reforming the police – with the goal to decriminalize them, raise their professional level and shield them from political interference – became one of the top priorities of international efforts to restore public order and safety and support democratic consolidation. Under international leadership police officers were vetted, the number of police officers was reduced, the posts of police director and police commissioner were established at entity and cantonal levels, Independent Boards were created to select candidates, transparent rules for hiring and promotion of police officials were set, and training and education was modernized. While these measures proved moderately successful, one crucial reform ultimately failed – the attempt to overcome the structural fragmentation of the country’s police among the various levels of government and the concomitant lack of institutional hierarchy among the numerous police agencies. The collapse of police reform in 2007 marked the first major development that resulted from a policy shift by the West, now under European Union (EU) leadership, towards lowering conditionality in the face of domestic resistance to reform, in the futile hope that this would create reform momentum. The consequence of Brussels initialing a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) in 2007 in return for a mere written commitment by political leaders to future police reform and the creation of a number of (impotent) agencies at the state level (first and foremost the Directorate for Coordination of Police Bodies of BiH) instead of actual agreement on police reform was that there was no reform; neither the political elites nor the EU ever revisited the reform commitment. In 2012 the EU closed its Police Mission (EUPM) despite not having completed its mandated task – quite the contrary: attempts in both entities to roll back reform in areas where EUPM had set closing benchmarks were in full swing. The EU’s disengagement from serious reform has meant that structural problems in both entities remain unaddressed. In the Republika Srpska (RS), the police remain both highly centralized and highly politicized. In the Federation, the police agencies remain fragmented. The Federation police agency remains weak, the ethnic Bosniak-Croat divide within cantonal police agencies in mixed cantons has not disappeared, and cooperation between Federation and cantonal police remains ad-hoc and dependent on goodwill. The state-level Ministry of Security and the Directorate for Coordination of Police Bodies of BiH exist in an institutional twilight zone; cooperation between them and among various other agencies depends on goodwill that is rarely forthcoming. As a second consequence of the EU’s reform disengagement, the police have faced massive reform rollback attempts by the ruling political elites since 2011, when the first general elections following the shift in Western policy were held. In the RS, a new Law on Police Officials and a new Law on Internal Affairs (LIA) have further strengthened the political stranglehold over the police. Up until 2014, RS President Milorad Dodik had further secured political control over the police through an informal, parallel command structure bypassing the interior minister. Following the October 2014 elections that weakened the ruling Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) of RS President Milorad Dodik, he picked a new interior minister whose political loyalty is beyond doubt, as part of his efforts to further strengthen his political grip over the police. In the Federation, an open conflict erupted between entity and cantonal interior ministers and heads of police at entity and cantonal levels, and between the two largest parties, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA) and the Social Democratic Party of BiH (SDP), over the latter’s attempt to establish political control over the police by way of new cantonal and entity LIAs. The attempt failed in 2014 just as general elections and the end of the rule of the SDP were nearing; the Federation adopted an LIA version championed by the West. But attempts at re-politicization through new LIAs continue at the cantonal level; changes to the book of rules for the Federation police agency appear to have the same purpose. This massive push for stronger political control has prompted all levels of police forces, from the State Investigation and Protection Agency (SIPA) down to the cantonal police corps, to steer clear of organized crime and corruption cases that might implicate the ruling elites.

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Confidence-Building Measures in Kosovo 2006-2007

Confidence-Building Measures in Kosovo 2006-2007

Author(s): Livia Plaks,Alex Grigor'ev / Language(s): English

In June 2006, PER held roundtable discussions with senior leaders of the two major political groupings of the Kosovo Serbs: the Serb List for Kosovo and Metohija of the Kosovo Assembly (SLKM), and the Serb National Council (SNV). In consultation with PER’s offices in Belgrade and Pristina, the following questions for the meetings’ agenda were drafted: What are the top issues of concern for the daily existence of the Kosovo Serb community? What are the causes of these problems? What are the Serb community’s expectations for the immediate future (prior to the status resolution)? Are there problems that could and should be resolved while the status talks are going on? How should these problems be resolved? Who should be responsible for resolving such issues? Due to severe political disagreements among Kosovo Serb leaders, PER was forced to hold two separate meetings in Mitrovica: one for the SNV group, and the other for the SLKM group. Both rounds of discussions were chaired by PER Executive Director, Alex Grigor’ev (then the PER Director for the Western Balkans).

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The Transnistrian Demilitarization in the Context of the Remodeling military-strategic Balance in Europe

The Transnistrian Demilitarization in the Context of the Remodeling military-strategic Balance in Europe

Author(s): Eduard Țugui / Language(s): English

The new Russian-American Treaty for nuclear disarmament START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) III, entered into force on 5 February 2011, together with the change of its ratification instruments between the heads of delega¬tions from the two countries. The Russian-American Agreement, signed on 8 April 2010 in Prague by B. Obama and D. Medvedev, modifies the parameters of international and continental security, as it aims a 30% reduction of nuclear-strategic arsenals and binds their nuclear offensive capabilities of American Missile Shield, which is expected to be installed in Eastern Europe. Signing and ratifying of a document that provides strategic nuclear arms reduction caused talks and negotiations about simultaneous reduction of the tactical nuclear arms and the control of the conventional arms in Europe. These are processes with direct impact on the security of the Republic of Moldova and therefore require an attitude, especially due to the fact that on the provisions of a (potential) new Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) depends largely the demilitarization of the Transnistrian region.

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Does the Republic of Moldova need Military Planes and Helicopters to ensure State Border Guard in the Air?

Does the Republic of Moldova need Military Planes and Helicopters to ensure State Border Guard in the Air?

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): English

Ensuring airspace control and management is a component part of the state security policy. Achieving this goal implies a legal framework that would regulate state actions against aircraft using in an unauthorized way the airspace of the Republic of Moldova. However, we must emphasize that the protection of the state border in the air is impossible without appropriate technical equipment of the Air Force. Creating a mechanism of action against unauthorized use of the Republic of Moldova airspace by aircraft is subject to a legislative initiative elaborated by the Ministry of Defense. Even if the members of parliament share the idea of this project, however, there are doubts whether this initiative is appropriate because of higher financial costs related to its implementation. There are, also, fears that the adoption of measures under this initiative would affect the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict.

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Republic of Moldova - NATO Relations

Republic of Moldova - NATO Relations

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): English

The cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and NATO is an issue with a rather specific connotation for the political class in Chisinau and to society as a whole. The specificity of this attitude is explained by a number of both objective and subjective reasons shaping the relations between the two sides. The paradox of this situation is that, despite several hostile reactions to NATO by some segments of the Moldovan society or a quasi taboo expressed by virtually all political parties, in power ever, in relation to this topic, the relations between Chisinau and NATO have evolved, covering several areas of major importance for the Republic of Moldova. Obviously, in this context, it should be noted that the relations between both parties witnessed some oscillations that, however, did not undermine or adversely affect the cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and NATO.

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Unsustainability of Negotiations on Transnistrian Conflict Settlement or Why Security Matters

Unsustainability of Negotiations on Transnistrian Conflict Settlement or Why Security Matters

Author(s): Eduard Țugui / Language(s): English

The official resumption of the activity of the „Permanent conference on political issues in the negotiation process on Transnistrian conflict settlement” in the 5+2 format following the decision in Moscow on 22 September 2011, the Tiraspol administration reformatting and the successive meetings of the Republic of Moldova representatives with the new administration have opened the perspective for the Transnistrian conflict settlement. Formulated in a policy of “small steps” containing only technical sector issues, the negotiations between Chisinau and Tiraspol, and those in the extended format “5 +2” have not brought great changes in the eastern districts of Moldova and are proving to be increasingly inefficient. One year after the launch of negotiations whose agenda was for the time being “liberated” of political and security issues, the officials from the two banks of the Dniester accuse each other of militarization and it is becoming increasingly obvious that in the absence of serious discussions on political issues and the complex security system “small steps” lead nowhere.

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Republic of Moldova and Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union: Prospects for Cooperation

Republic of Moldova and Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union: Prospects for Cooperation

Author(s): Eduard Țugui / Language(s): English

On 13th of December 2012, the Prime Minister of Moldova Vlad Filat, and the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine Ashton, signed in Brussels signed the Framework Agreement on the participation of the Republic of Moldova in the Europe¬an Union missions of crisis management. The agreement is part of the complex dialogue between the two sides and after its signing the Republic of Moldova will connect to foreign and security policy of the European Union, becoming an active par¬ticipant of the XXI century world and contributing to international security. The increasing role of the European Union in international security management, with the consolidation of security and de¬fense policy and conducting crisis management missions in dif¬ferent regions of the world, together with the Republic of Moldova participation in some of these missions, entitles us to expect the European Union participation in a new peacekeeping formula in the Security Zone in the east of the Republic of Moldova.

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№298. Armaments duplication in Europe: A quantitative assessment
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№298. Armaments duplication in Europe: A quantitative assessment

Author(s): Valerio Briani / Language(s): English

European countries are not only hollowing out their militaries with insufficient defence spending, but are also failing to spend their existing budgets wisely, according to Ivo Daalder, former US Ambassador to NATO. As a result, EU countries may not be able to meet impending security challenges. A key issue in this regard is the duplication of platforms (i.e. vehicles bearing weapons) and systems in the land, air and sea domains. The analysis shows duplication of a ratio of 3 to 1 in European programmes/platforms, compared with the US.

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NATO'S NORTHEAST QUARTET. Prospects and Opportunities for Baltic-Polish Defence Cooperation
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NATO'S NORTHEAST QUARTET. Prospects and Opportunities for Baltic-Polish Defence Cooperation

Author(s): Tomas Jermaiavičius,Pauli Järvenpää,Tomas Janeliūnas,Nora Vanaga,Justyna Gotkowska,Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

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AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 05: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Nexus with Islamist Extremism
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AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 05: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Nexus with Islamist Extremism

Author(s): Vlado Azinović / Language(s): English

BiH was the first country in the region to amend its criminal code to prohibit joining “foreign paramilitary and para-police formations” which it did in June 2014 and it has since joined the international coalition against ISIL. Operation Damask, undertaken by the State Investigation and Protection Agency (SIPA), the BiH Intelligence and Security Agency (OSA), and the BiH Prosecutor’s Office in late 2014 through early 2015, targeted those suspected of recruiting or financing BiH citizens to go to Syria and Iraq. The BiH Prosecutor’s Office for its part formed a new task force to deal specifically with these types of cases. The entities have created specialized police bodies to counter terrorism and extremism. But, as is well known and has been demonstrated previously, most visibly during the February 2014 protests, cooperation and coordination among these various structures is ad hoc and sporadic at best – not based on any institutionalized mechanisms, but rather often dependent on personalities and individual initiative.

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Scheduling the immunization: between superficiality and incompetence
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Scheduling the immunization: between superficiality and incompetence

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): English

Vaccination of the population is an effective tool for the prevention and control of COVID-19. Given that the vaccine development process was in its final phase in the second half of 2020, obtaining the anti-epidemic serum should have become a national priority for the authorities. Since July 2020, the Republic of Moldova is part of the COVAX platform which supports the research, development, and production of a wide range of vaccines and ensures equal access to these sera. Subsequently, by decision no. 41 of January 13, 2021, of the Extraordinary National Commission for Public Health, the National Immunization Plan against COVID-19 was adopted. This document describes the process of the organization of the vaccination that includes several elements: from authorizing and obtaining the vaccines, to the stages of immunization and monitorization of vaccinated persons.

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Proiectul Concepţiei Securităţii Naţionale - Test decisiv pentru Elita Politică Moldovenească
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Proiectul Concepţiei Securităţii Naţionale - Test decisiv pentru Elita Politică Moldovenească

Author(s): Dumitru Minzarari / Language(s): Romanian

The study addresses the subject by describing the security requirements of Moldova, established by the internal and external context. It takes the 1995 Concept of National Security, the new draft Concept and the existing model of strategic planning in the field of national security in the West as points of reference. Referring to these documents, the study offers suggestions for solving the current security problems facing the Republic of Moldova. These are summarized throughout the text in the form of recommendations, which even if they seem obvious, are still ignored in existing documents and projects, which generates critical vulnerabilities for the state. // In the study, in parallel with the traditionally accepted name in Moldova of “conception of national security”, the expression “national security strategy” or simply “security strategy” will be used interchangeably. We were led to use these terms by the experience of other states, which, depending on their history and political culture, have used one or another of the names listed above to define the main strategic reference document in the field of national security. We will also analyze the importance of the name, as well as its possible repercussions on the efficiency of the national security mechanism, based on the specifics of the political culture in our country. Presenting the subject of the debate (in order to confirm the existence of the dangers generated by the formalist attitude of the local political elites towards the national security strategy) we will initially investigate why a country would need such a document.

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Державна система захисту критичної інфраструктури в системі забезпечення національної безпеки
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Державна система захисту критичної інфраструктури в системі забезпечення національної безпеки

Author(s): O.M. Sukhodoli / Language(s): Ukrainian

The analytical report addresses the organizational and legal issues of protection (security) and sustainability of critical infrastructure in terms of management approaches. Based on the results of the review of foreign experience, the connection between issues of protection (security) of critical infrastructure and national security is demonstrated, as well as the influence of the maturity of public security and defense governance mechanisms on the choice of one or another model of protection of vital infrastructure systems. objects. In this context, the state of implementation of the concept of critical infrastructure protection in Ukraine and possible options for the development of public policy in this area are analyzed, recommendations for its improvement are offered. //Designed for representatives of government agencies, scientists, independent experts, representatives of public organizations and individuals, all who are interested in the problems of national security of Ukraine.

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Foreign Policy Insight, Issue 2014 - 02
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Foreign Policy Insight, Issue 2014 - 02

Author(s): Vasyl Filipchuk,Amanda Paul / Language(s): English

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Foreign Policy Insight, Issue 2015 - 19
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Foreign Policy Insight, Issue 2015 - 19

Author(s): Yevhen Yaroshenko / Language(s): English

The Iran Nuclear Deal: implications for Ukraine

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Jutrenje u vreme izolacije
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Jutrenje u vreme izolacije

Author(s): Miodrag Zupanc / Language(s): Serbian

Ako se dobro sećam, poslednji put me truba uzbunila u četiri sata izjutra 1975, negde u Puli, kasarna Rojc. Skoro pola veka kasnije, u četiri sata moj pametni telefon zvoni na uzbunu. Raspamećeno skačem, gasim zvono, da ne razbudim celu kuću. Saplićem se o spremno oruđe, trpam kese u kolica, navlačim masku kućne izrade, kopčam košulju do grla, ubadam se u rukavice iz ženinog kompleta za farbanje kose, iskradam iz kuće.

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National Security & Defence, № 035 (2002 - 11)
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National Security & Defence, № 035 (2002 - 11)

Author(s): Igor Zhdanov,Sergiy Vasiliev,Igor Lubchenko,Igor Zhdanov,Yuriy Yakymenko,Andriy Bychenko,Mykola Veresen,Vakhtang Kipiani,Olexander Kryvenko,Natalia Ligachova / Language(s): English

POLITICAL CENSORSHIP IN UKRAINE // 1. POLITICAL CENSORSHIP IN UKRAINE: THE STAGES OF IMPOSITION AND MECHANISMS OF IMPLEMENTATION // 2. CONCRETE MANIFESTATIONS OF POLITICAL CENSORSHIP AND THE METHODS OF ITS IMPOSITION // 3. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // THE POSITIONS OF REPRESENTATIVES OF STATE AND PUBLIC STRUCTURES // THE PROBLEM OF THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND POLITICAL CENSORSHIP ACCORDING TO UKRAINIAN JOURNALISTS // FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN UKRAINE ACCORDING TO UKRAINIAN CITIZENS // DEFINITIONS OF FREEDOMS, or Some cautious thoughts addressed to the popularly elected deputies on the day of the Parliamentary Hearings on the freedom of speech, or the absence thereof // THE PRINCE OF DARKNESS AND TEMNYKS // WE HAVE LIVED OUT: SOME OF THE OLIGARCHS WILL SOON BECOME THE LAST GUARANTORS OF UNDISTORTED INFORMATION // IS IT POSSIBLE TO WITHSTAND THE POLITICAL DEPENDENCE OF THE MASS MEDIA IN PRESENT-DAY UKRAINE? // A THORNY PATH TO FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN UKRAINE // MASS MEDIA: A GOVERNMENT WATCHDOG // THE PRESS: WORKING UNDER A PRESS // CENSORSHIP IN THE NON-POLITICAL MASS MEDIA: HOW TO STRUGGLE AGAINST IT?

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National Security & Defence, № 043 (2003 - 07)
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National Security & Defence, № 043 (2003 - 07)

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

UKRAINE IS AN INALIENABLE PART OF THE EURO-ATLANTIC COMMUNITY // UKRAINE-NATO RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION // LEGISLATIVE SUPPORT OF UKRAINE'S ACCESSION TO NATO // THE NEXT ELEVEN MONTHS ARE CRTICAL FOR UKRAINE'S FUTURE // MAKE YOUR PRIORITIES AND GET UNITED // BE REALISTIC // MEMBERSHIP ACTION PLAN FOR UKRAINE: WHAT SHOULD IT BE LIKE? // RAZUMKOV CENTRE PROPOSALS FOR UKRAINE’S FUTURE PARTICIPATION IN NATO'S MEMBERSHIP ACTION PLAN // CITIZENS' POSITION TOWARDS UKRAINE'S ACCESSION TO NATO: THE RAZUMKOV CENTRE'S NATION-WIDE SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY // WHAT DID THE UKRAINIAN AUTHORITIES PROMISE NATO? // THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF STRUCTURING MODERN ARMIES — IN THE CONTEXT OF UKRAINIAN SECURITY & DEFENCE REFORM // ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM AS A PRECONDITION FOR UKRAINE'S NATO MEMBERSHIP // NATO MEMBERSHIP AND CORRUPTION ARE INCOMPATIBLE // DEFENCE ASPECTS OF POLAND'S PREPARATIONS FOR NATO MEMBERSHIP // THE RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS OF UKRAINIANS: MERE DECLARATIONS ARE NOT ENOUGH TO JOIN NATO // FROM DOCUMENTS TO ACTION: A BRIDGEABLE GAP?

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National Security & Defence, № 062 (2005 - 02)
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National Security & Defence, № 062 (2005 - 02)

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

AGING STOCKS OF AMMUNITION AND SALW IN UKRAINE: RISKS AND CHALLENGES // INTRODUCTION // CHAPTER 1. THREATS TO SECURITY // CHAPTER 2. LESSONS OF PAST EXPERIENCES // CHAPTER 3. PLANS AND CAPABILITIES // CHAPTER 4. ASSESSMENT OF RESOURCE REQUIREMENTS // SOURCES AND SOLUTIONS // CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS // ANNEX 1. LIST OF AMMUNITION SUBJECT TO DISPOSAL WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE NATO TRUST FUND // ARTICLES INTERNATIONAL DEMILITARISATION ASSISTANCE: THE NEED TO ADAPT TO NEW THREATS // MEASURES TO BAN ANTIPERSONNEL MINES: THE CASE OF UKRAINE

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