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Bosna i Hercegovina i proces evropskih integracija

Author(s): Dina Bajraktarević / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji označeno je kao jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva vanjske politike Bosne i Hercegovine, čija realizacija je započeta Procesom stabilizacije i pridruživanja. navedeni proces je rezultat novog pristupa Evropske unije zemljama jugoistočne Evrope s ciljem kvalitetnijeg pružanja pomoći i omogućavanja brzog napretka u evropskim integracijama. dobrovoljnu harmonizaciju bosanskohercegovačkog zakonodavstva, započetu još 2000. godine, danas je zamijenilo obavezujuće usklađivanje domaćih propisa. ispunjavanje kriterija kojima je uvjetovano punopravno članstvo predstavlja prioritet Bosne i Hercegovine, koja trenutno ima položaj potencijalnog kandidata za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji. Pravni okvir napretka Bosne i Hercegovine u procesu evropskih integracija određen je Sporazumom o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju koji je potpisan u junu 2008. godine.

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„Meka sila” u funkciji spoljnopolitičke strategije Ruske Federacije

Author(s): Jelica Kurjak / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Promene na geopolitičkoj karti sveta koje su se dogodile krajem XX veka, sa tendencijom dalje rekonstrukcije, bile su i jesu do te mere svestrane i sveobuhvatne da su rezultirale potpunom promenom paradigme u sistemu vrednosti poznatom i prihvaćenom posle Drugog svetskog rata, pa i nekoliko decenija i vekova unazad. Jedna od najradikalnijih promena s najupečatljivijim posledicama jeste završetak bipolarne podele sveta. Podela na Istok i Zapad, čije su imanencije bile Sovjetski Savez sa svojim Varšavskim blokom (i istoimenim vojnim savezom), i SAD sa NATO, značile su ne samo višedecenijsko življenje na granici ratnih sukoba, već i deobu na dva sistema vrednosti, dva ekonomska sistema i dve političke opcije razvoja. Pokazalo se posle pola veka postojanja, da je sukobe moguće izbeći i bez postojanja te dve glomazne tvorevine koje je delio sve veći jaz nepremostivih razlika u ekonomskom razvoju. Dok je zapadni deo sveta koračao sve većim i bržim koracima ka prelasku u postindustrijsko, a zatim u informaciono društvo, istočni deo sveta je sve više zaostajao pritisnut rastućim izdvajanjima za trku u naoružanju, da bi krajem osamdesetih godina XX veka konačno posustao i nevoljno, ali nužno iskazao želju da se promeni stanje stvari. To je za posledicu imalo ne samo demontažu sistema i ideologije kao takve, već pre svega raspad jedne super sile i unutrašnje imperije koju je ona predstavljala, tj. SSSR.

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Beograd i Kijev između Brisela i Moskve

Author(s): Boris Varga / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U ovom radu uz pomoć komparativne analize medija, izjava i intervjua, autor istražuje kakva je geopolitička pozicija Beograda i Kijeva u Evropi, u situaciji kad su odnosi između Evropske unije (EU) i Rusije u uslovima ukrajinske krize pali gotovo na nivo onih iz doba hladnog rata. U fokusu istraživanja je Srbija i njena spoljna politika, a rad je podeljen u pet poglavlja – prvo: Ukrajinska kriza i Rusija, drugo: Ukrajinska kriza i Srbija, treće: Srbija između Evropske unije i Evroazijskog saveza, kao i Zaključci i Preporuke. Istraživanje prati tok podela u Evropi nakon ukrajinske krize, na dva političko-ekonomska bloka – Evropsku uniju i Evroazijski ekonomski savez – i njihov uticaj na zonu tranzicionih država, gde spadaju Srbija i Ukrajina. Autor zaključuje da bi Beograd i Kijev trebalo odlučnije da sprovode reforme i integrišu se u evroatlantske strukture, ukoliko ne žele da ostanu izolovani ili prepušteni uticaju rastuće moći autoritarnih država, poput Rusije i Kine. Isto može da se dogodi ukoliko Brisel odustane od integracije tranziconih država u EU.

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Više politike nego poslova

Author(s): Dimitrije Boarov / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U ovom radu razmatraju se ekonomski odnosi Srbije i Rusije na početku XXI veka u kontekstu nominovanog „evropskog puta” srpske politike i tradicionalnog „političkog prijateljstva” srpskog i ruskog naroda, na slovenskoj i pravoslavnoj osnovi. Glavna hipoteza je da su ekonomski odnosi Rusije i Srbije u suštini od marginalnog značaja ne samo za Rusku Federaciju nego i za Republiku Srbiju, te da oni ne daju gotovo nikakvu podlogu za proširivanje saradnje dve države, to jest ne pružaju realističnu perspektivu u kojoj bi privredna saradnja Srbije sa Rusijom bila bilo kakva alternativa njenom uključivanju u Evropsku uniju.

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Srbi i Rusi na vojnoj obuci

Author(s): Petar Popović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Krajem 2016 – ove jeseni sledi nova, već treća po redu zajednička taktička vežba specijalnih vojnih jedinica Srbije i Rusije. Prva vežba je održana 2014, s epicentrom uvežbavanih postupaka u Sremu, na vojno-školskom poligonu u Nikincima. Druga, naredne 2015, u zoni Novorasijska u Rusiji, tada i uz učešće još i vojnih jednica Belorusije. A, ovogodišnja, koja je već najavljena, ali datum njenog održavanja nije preciziran, vraća se ponovo na teren Srbije, ma da, ovog trenutka još bez objavljene lokacije očekivanog dešavanja. Nema ni drugih, javnosti ponuđenih podrobnosti o predstojećem vojnom vežbanju, osim informacije da će akteri biti jedinice za antiterorističke operacije.

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Crna Gora: Rusko odmeravanje sa NATO

Author(s): Sonja Biserko / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Opredelenje Crne Gore da udje u NATO izazvalo je krajnje negativnu reakciju Rusije. Od kada je dobila poziv za NATO članstvo Rusija je pojačala svoje prisustvo u Crnoj Gori kako bi poslala poruku Zapadu, ali I Srbiji ukoliko krene istim putem. Zvanična Crna Gora I premijer Milo Djukanović na poziv NATO gledaju kao na ogroman uspeh Crne Gore i priznanje za reforme koje ona sprovodi. Djukanović ističe da je to važan korak u pravcu učvršćivanja regionalne, evropske i svetske bezbednosti, koji će takodje ubrzati i put Crne Gore u EU. On posebno ističe da je članstvo u NATO najefikasniji i najracionalniji način da se osigura i nagli priliv investicija, što je za crnogorsku ekonomiju principejelno važan faktor. Djukanović je podvukao da je poziv Crnoj Gori za članstvo istorijski dan, najznačajniji posle referenduma 2006. godine, jer Crna Gora ulazi u ekskluzivni krug zemalja koje su sinonim najboljih vrednosti savremene civilizacije

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Dylematy polityki obronnej Wielkiej Brytanii po wyborach parlamentarnych 2010

Author(s): Grzegorz Gogowski / Language(s): English,Polish Publication Year: 0

The article discusses major weapons investments carried out at present and planned in the future by the United Kingdom. Individual investments are analyzed in terms of their potential relevance for the British armed forces, the costs of completion and the factors that influence the decision to choose a particular variant of the weapon. In the last part of the paper, the British dilemmas with nuclear forces are characterized.

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Szkocja na rozdrożu politycznym

Author(s): Alexander Parmee / Language(s): English,Polish Publication Year: 0

In his work the author presents the relations between Scotland and England. He tries to explain how Alex Salmond’s party NSP (National Scottish Party) gained majority in Scottish Parliament

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Wzrost gospodarczy Brazylii po kryzysie finansowym 2008 roku

Author(s): Paweł Jaskuła / Language(s): English,Polish Publication Year: 0

Znaczący wzrost gospodarczy krajów BRIC, który miał miejsce w latach 2001–2010, był solidną podstawą do wysnucia tezy o rodzącej się nowej sile ekonomicznej na świecie. Kryzys gospodarczy, który wybuchł w 2008 roku, okazał się dużym wyzwaniem, w szczególności dla krajów opierających swój rozwój na sprzedaży surowców mineralnych. Zarówno Rosja, jak i Brazylia odnotowały spowolnienie ekonomiczne, co doprowadziło je nie tylko do stagnacji, ale wręcz kilkuletniej recesji. Celem tego tekstu jest przedstawienie obecnej pozycji Brazylii na forum gospodarki globalnej, która coraz bardziej opiera się na wiedzy oraz zaawansowanych technologiach. To jedno z najbardziej rozwiniętych państw Ameryki Południowej niewątpliwie dysponuje imponującym potencjałem prowzrostowym, natomiast w ostatniej dekadzie wyraźnie oddaliło się od statusu gospodarki wzrastającej, którą zdaniem wielu badaczy jeszcze do niedawna była.

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Polityka zagraniczna Polski w setną rocznicę niepodległości

Author(s): Agnieszka Bieńczyk-Missala / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The article discusses Poland’s foreign policy in 2017/2018. The governmentcontinued the implementation of main foreign policy plans adopted after the Lawand Justice party came to power. It showed scepticism towards further deepeningof European integration, but it did not present any official proposals of EU reforms.Poland’s position in the EU was weakened by the rule of law control mechanisminitiated by the European Commission. Bilateral relations between Poland andWestern European countries were limited. There was no breakthrough in the East,in relations with Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine. Opportunities for development ofcooperation within the Visegrad Group, the Three Sees and the Nine of Bucharest were explored. As in the past, its security policy was determined by the fear ofRussia’s policy. It was focused on NATO and cooperation with the United States.Postulates of permanent presence of American soldiers in Poland were formulated.The government has not used the 100th anniversary of Poland’s independence toorganize international celebrations.

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Wybiórczy realizm na sterydach. Power politics à la Donald Trump

Author(s): Tomasz Pugacewicz / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The aim of the paper is to determine whether Donald Trump’s foreign policyemploys a power politics perspective. The proposed hypothesis states that theprimary goal of President Trump’s foreign policy is a great powers competition.The paper is divided into three parts. Firstly, research design is presented. Secondly,empirical analysis of four selected issues is conducted: (1) Donald Trump’s politicalbeliefs; (2) released US strategic documents; (3) institutional change in the field offoreign policy making; and (4) the shape of defence budget. In the final part, thehypothesis is confirmed at the level of President Trump’s political beliefs (fully) andthe US strategic documents (partly), however, at the level of institutional change andthe defence budget shape it is hard to find unambiguous conclusions. As a result, thepower politics approach declared by the US President – considered by some expertsas realism on steroids – is, in fact, implemented only selectively. The research strategyused is a case study. The method of data acquisition is qualitative text analysis.

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Power politics w polityce zagranicznej Turcji po 2011 r.

Author(s): Adam Szymański,Adam Szymański / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The aim of this article is to examine, from the perspective of power politics,Turkey’s foreign policy after the so called Arab Spring, particularly in the last fewyears (2015–2019). The author answers the following questions: Has power politicsin Turkey’s foreign policy intensified? If so, how does it manifest and how is it different from the policy of the first decade of the 21st century? Is it justified toclaim that Turkish foreign policy has turned back to the 1990s model? What are thereasons for the current change in the foreign policy of Turkey? The text providesarguments that in the last few years there have been elements of power politics inTurkish foreign policy, which have been the result of adaptation, i.e. keeping theparadigm and main directions of the policy unchanged while making more frequentuse of hard power tools in relation to soft power measures which are still applied.The current incarnation of Turkey’s foreign policy is a reaction to specific externaland domestic determinants, similar to those in the 1990s (though not the same) andleading to re-securitization of Turkish policy as well as to attempts to enhance itsweakened regional position.

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Contradictory messages of Slovakia’s eastern policy in 2018

Author(s): Juraj Marušiak / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The trends that emerged after Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity” and the annexation of Crimea in 2014 which led to the deep crisis in relations between the West and Russia were again a key factor in Slovakia’s Eastern Policy in 2018. Relations with Russia, and subsequently Ukraine, remain a strong dividing line within Slovak society. As proposed by President Andrej Kiska, in October 2017, Slovakia’s three highest officials – President A. Kiska, Prime Minister Robert Fico and Speaker of the National Council Andrej Danko adopted a common declaration on the country’s common priorities in the EUand NATO. It stated “unequivocally continuing in a pro-European and pro-Atlantic direction is in the strategic interest of the Slovak Republic.” They stressed their desire to improve the security of citizens “by implementing the updated Security Strategy, Defense Strategy, and Military Strategy of the Slovak Republic” and that this would “support Slovakia’s future inside the core of European integration.”

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Seizing the opportunity: A view on the potential of the EU-Russia common exonomic space

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

EU-Russian relations have enormous economic potential. In the view of the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT), the future benefits available to the EU and Russia from closer cooperation on economic issues are greatly underestimated. Russia has an unprecedented opportunity to strengthen its position as a global economic power house. Meanwhile the European Union could benefit substantially from increased economic integration with its largest neighbour and one of its best customers. The foundations for realising the potential of this relationship are already in place. In May 2005, the EU and Russia agreed to establish detailed frameworks for intensifying mutual cooperation in four areas, including the creation of a Common Economic Space. This approach provides an excellent opportunity to work together to foster shared economic growth and prosperity.

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The United States: A normative power?

Author(s): Daniel S. Hamilton / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

To what degree can the US be considered a normative power? The US foreign policy mainstream tends to reflect a varying blend of normative and hegemonic approaches. The US has been and continues to be simultaneouslya guardian of international norms; a norm entrepreneur challenging prevailing norms as insufficient; a norm externaliser when it tries to advance norms for others that it is reluctant to apply to itself; and a norm blocker when it comes to issues that may threaten its position, or that exacerbate divisions among conflicting currents of American domestic thought. On balance (and despite exceptions), theUS has sought to manage this normative-hegemonic interplay by accepting some limits on its power in exchange for greater legitimacy and acceptance of its leadership by others. The unresolved question today is whether the US and other key players are prepared to stick with this bargain.

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India as a Foreign Policy Actor – Normative Redux

Author(s): Radha Kumar / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter analyses India’s behaviour as a foreign policy actor by looking atIndia’s changing relations over the past decade with the EU, US, China, Japan,Myanmar, Pakistan, Nepal and, in a historical departure, the former princely state of Sikkim. It argues that though India has almost always been a normative actor, Indian foreign policy is today transiting from abstract, and frequently ‘unrealpolitik,’ views of what constitutes normative behaviour. India’s ‘Look East’policy has been the cornerstone of this transition, indicating that economic growth, maritime capability and peace and stability in its neighbourhood are key goals of India’s present behaviour as a normative foreign policy actor.

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What strategy for the greater Middle East?

Author(s): Michael Stürmer,Steven Simon,Irina Zvyagelskaya,François Heisbourg / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

We were fortunate in having ahead of the meeting three thoughtful, broad-spectrum papers from which to work. All three of the authors of the papers were asked by the Chairman to pronounce on the validity of the ‘Greater Middle East’ (GME) concept. Michael Stürmer, who made the first presentation, commented that there is a certainunity to the region, notably in terms of the problems it shares. In referring to his paper, he warned against the American tendency to see democracy as apanacea, as it takes a very long time indeed to establish democracy in cultural terms. In the interval, the Americans should make sure that they really want what they say they want.

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Political Cooperation on the Balkans: Mission (Im)Possible?

Author(s): Maria Bakalova,Anton Parvanov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

It would not be an overstatement to claim that political cooperation on the Balkanshas been thwarting in the last three decades. Looking retrospectively, it becomes very conspicuoushow scarce, inconsequential or even dead-born have been the attempts at multilateral cooperationamong the Balkan states in that period. The present paper offers possible answers to the question"Why regional political cooperation on the Balkans has not marked sufficient success after the endof the Cold war?" Usually answers are sought in historical past and experience from previousinteractions and/or influence and intervention from extra-regional (f)actors. These (f)actors by nomeans should be neglected. Our claim, however, is that answers should be sought also on regionaland internal political level. In other words, in explaining the crippled efforts at all-Balkan political cooperation we look at internal political actors and the ways they might perceive externalstimuli and incentives. We argue that unlike previous historical periods when external environment and circumstances were rather unfavorable or even hostile to cooperation within the Balkans, since the beginning of the new century the external environment produces more positive incentives and stimulates political cooperation on the Balkans. Hence, the uncertain and stumblingpolitical cooperation on the Balkans is not due to external (f)actors. The emphasis on the internalpolitical actors reveals that political cooperation among Balkan states depends significantly onthe actors’ political will. Thus, the (im)possibility of Balkan political cooperation leans on theways political actors in the region perceive and interpret the signals from external environmentand communicate them back and forth to the national internal settings.

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The Western Balkans: Arena of Rivalry among Global and Regional Actors

Author(s): Georgi Chankov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The European Union is implementing the "transforming force" strategy towards the countries of Southeast Europe. The Union can expect no economic benefits from adopting theseunderdeveloped countries. Besides, the Western Balkan countries have unsolved problems thatcould be transferred to the EU itself in the process of inclusion. Nevertheless, the EU cannot afford to withdraw from the region because of the already invested financial and political capitalthere. Due to their geographic and geopolitical location, the Western Balkans are subject of rivalry among the USA, Russia, China and Turkey. This rivalry threatens the EU with loss of its farpartial control there. In this competition the EU faces great difficulty in defining its strategy towards the region.

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Croatia between Eurointegration and Nationalism

Author(s): Lilia Markova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The focus on the present article is on Croatia – the newest EU member-state. It isargued that ethnic politics in the country, although still somewhat connected to nationalism as apolitical principle, has overcome the pitfalls of the past through successful social and politicalconsolidation. The successive efforts since the end of Tudjman’s rule have led to the fulfillment ofthe conditions imposed by the EU. The reconsideration of the country’s foreign policy prioritiesafter 2000 shows that ethnic politics in the Balkans is not necessarily conflicting. The country canserve as an example and even "export" good practices. Nevertheless, ties with other countries inthe Western Balkans remain tight and controversial. Unresolved disputes and mutual accusationsbetween Croatia and its neighbors persist.

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