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Lišavanje slobode i prisilni rad u hrvatskom/jugosla-venskom zakonodavstvu 1945.–1951.
4.90 €

Lišavanje slobode i prisilni rad u hrvatskom/jugosla-venskom zakonodavstvu 1945.–1951.

Author(s): Vladimir Geiger / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Restrictions to freedom and forced labour in the Croatian, that is Yugoslavian, legal system following the Second World War, during the period of “National Democracy,” was determined by a series of decrees, resolutions, and laws. From 1945 to 1951, the Yugoslavian penal code recognized four types of non-free labour: forced labour without the removal of personal freedom, forced labour with restrictions to personal freedom, corrective work and socially useful work. This article, on the basis of sources, literature, and above all the most important decrees, resolutions, and laws applied in Croatia, and elsewhere in Yugoslavia, during the period of “National Democracy”, from 1945-1951, reviews the matter of state repression and the question of the restrictions to freedoms and forced labour in the penal code.

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Neke forme prinudnog rada u Srbiji 1944–1950
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Neke forme prinudnog rada u Srbiji 1944–1950

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Forced labour in Serbia, in the first postwar years, appeared in specific situations and affected various social groups, and it was carried out in the conditions of revolutionary political change. During the time of liberation and immediately afterward “mobilization” appeared as a specific form of required labour, while in the later period work referred to as “required service” or “required work” received special significance. Failure to comply with these orders carried sanctions in terms or criminal or administrative penalties. Specific social categories, the war prisoners and Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans), who li-ved in camps were employed as forced labour and their freedom was restricted as a whole; other social categories were required to work through judgments of the courts and these sentences could be applied in jails or in freedom; a third type of required labour, which affected groups such as pensioners, occurred due to a lack experts, requiring them to accept various jobs in order to maintain their pensions. Regardless of the type of category, forced labour was in fact mobilized free labour, which was employed in numerous construction sites, mines, or other objects in fulfillment of the first Five Year Plan.

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Suvremena iskustva i rezultati suodnosa hrvatske i srbijanske historiografije (Dijalog povjesničara / istoričara)
4.90 €

Suvremena iskustva i rezultati suodnosa hrvatske i srbijanske historiografije (Dijalog povjesničara / istoričara)

Author(s): Igor Graovac / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the second Yugoslavia all the official bonds that Croatian historiography had with other former Yugoslav historiographies were broken. Still, the cooperation among historians was soon renewed, especially between Croatian and Serbian historians through participation on the international scholarly conferences called Dijalog povjesničara / istoričara (Dialogue among historians) organized by Foundation Friedrich Naumann. During eight years (1998-2005) the foundation organized 10 conferences, and published the conference proceedings. These conferences managed to gather 165 participants (from twelve different countries), who delivered their papers and worked in the form of workgroups. The most important part of these conferences is the fact that they were organized without any political influence, though many participants emphasized idea of international and internal reconciliation project. However, this reconciliation does not include political reconciliation but only reconciliation with the past. Throughout the years, these conferences showed that historians from both countries can cooperate and exchange ideas without any significant problem but only in the framework of a scholarly dialogue.

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«SVJETSKI RAT I HRVATI», DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O PILAROVU PROMIŠLJANJU HRVATSKE POLITIKE U UVJETIMA PRVOGA SVJETSKOG RATA (1915.)
4.90 €

«SVJETSKI RAT I HRVATI», DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O PILAROVU PROMIŠLJANJU HRVATSKE POLITIKE U UVJETIMA PRVOGA SVJETSKOG RATA (1915.)

Author(s): Zlatko Matijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Ivo Pilar, Ph. D., (1874-1933), attorney-at-law, completed his brochure The World War and the Croats (Svjetski rat i Hrvati) in March 1915. It was published in Zagreb that same year. Knowing that the authorities of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would not be pleased with some of his theses, Pilar published the brochure under the pseudonym Dr. Juričić. The author’s fears of a possible negative reaction to his geopolitical ideas were not ungrounded, since the state’s censor abridged Pilar’s original text thoroughly before he allowed it to be published. The second edition of Pilar’s brochure, containing many sentences that had been censored out of the first edition, most of them pertaining to the Central Forces’ unfaithful ally Italy, was published two years later. In his analysis of the political situation at the beginning of World War I, Pilar concluded that the times were fateful for the Croatian people, since the outcome of the war was going to decide with which country the Croatian territories would side in the long run. Tuđman felt that Pilar’s views were a reflection of the ideas of all the factions in Croatian politics that sought to solve the Croatian national question within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and within the Central European geopolitical territory. Even though Pilar’s basic hypothesis had proved wrong (he assumed Germany and Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would win World War I), some of his ideas, particularly the ideas about the geopolitical position of Croatian territories and their historical fate, still hold their original value.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O USTROJSTVU I DJELOVANJU REPRESIVNOG SUSTAVA REŽIMA MONARHISTIČKE JUGOSLAVIJE NA PODRUČJU HRVATSKE (1918.-1941.)
4.90 €

DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O USTROJSTVU I DJELOVANJU REPRESIVNOG SUSTAVA REŽIMA MONARHISTIČKE JUGOSLAVIJE NA PODRUČJU HRVATSKE (1918.-1941.)

Author(s): Zdravko Dizdar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

As a historian, Franjo Tuđman arrived to important conclusions about the relations between Croats and Serbs and the internal and external causes of the situation and the crisis in the country that was ultimately going to cause its breakdown in his research of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia in the period between 1918 and 1941, and in his research of Croatia’s position therein. Analyzing archive sources and other materials, along with relevant literature, Tuđman looked into the organization and the actions of the repressive system of monarchist Yugoslavia’s regime in Croatian territory and their dealings with the Croatian people. He recognized the basic elements of Serbian hegemony in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia, the Vidovdan centralist regime and the struggle to preserve it at all costs, proving that it would all have been impossible without the principal exponents – the king, the army, the gendarmerie, the police, the state administration, the judiciary, the government, and the political parties. Tuđman proved how King Alexander Karađorđević, supported by his loyal army and gendarmerie, established himself as the top authority in the country since the very beginning in 1918, and how Serbian political and ruling elite gathered around his court and him personally. The constitution gave him authority over the parliament, which he made full use of in the practice, and the parliament held a subordinate role for the entire time. This role of the king and his courtiers would remain unchanged until the end of monarchist Yugoslavia. The army with the king at its helm was, in Tuđman’s opinion, the second most important factor. From the very beginning the army had been built as the principal instrument of Great-Serbian hegemonist and counter-national politics and of Serbian hegemony, fully living up to the role in reality, preserving the monarchy and its centralist and hegemonist system, and serving as an active factor of the state politics until its breakdown in 1941. The army was a tool in the hands of the court that was used as counterweight to parliamentalism and the strivings of political parties to run state politics. Considering the significance of the army for the ruling structure, the expenditures for the army remained at a very high level continually, often having a considerable negative impact on the development of the economy in non-Serbian territories.

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POGLEDI FRANJE TUĐMANA DO 1971. GODINE O RADNIČKOM POKRETU U HRVATSKOJ, KPH/SKH (KPJ/SKJ), NOP-U/NOR-U, KOMUNIZMU I SOCIJALIZMU (Kratki pregled)
4.90 €

POGLEDI FRANJE TUĐMANA DO 1971. GODINE O RADNIČKOM POKRETU U HRVATSKOJ, KPH/SKH (KPJ/SKJ), NOP-U/NOR-U, KOMUNIZMU I SOCIJALIZMU (Kratki pregled)

Author(s): Petar Strčić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman, an academician, Ph. D., and the first president of the Republic of Croatia, published his first text in Belgrade in 1952, a publicist article about a current military topic that he published as an officer of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). He published his first article about the subject matter of this paper, history, in 1954 in Krapina. It was another publicist article about his home region of Hrvatsko zagorje in the People’s Liberation Struggle, in which he had been an active participant as a member of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. His writing was politically intoned in the customary post-Stalinist register. He wrote his first works of historiographical value after he was moved to the study department of the Supreme Command in Belgrade in 1957, and his works after 1961 were written outside of the confines of the Army at the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement in Croatia, whose co-founder and first director Tuđman had been. Addressing the topics that are the subject matter of this paper, he developed into a distinguished scientist (Europe), holder of a Ph. D. (Zadar), and an associate university professor (Zagreb). In addition, at the Institute he influenced the professional development of a number of other distinguished Croatian historiographers who researched this and other subjects. He strove to adhere to the globally recognized scientific and professional standards of the time, set forth in Croatia by Jaroslav Šidak: he based his writings on sources and on critical contemplation of literature (both Yugoslav and foreign), and he made his own historiographically useful scientific and professional judgments and assessments. The antifascist and supernational ideas are prevalent in his work, but the Croatian national idea also gains importance as time passes by. His writings have held their value, but have for the most part been (unjustly) neglected in comparison with other writings he produced after the 1970s, when he, expelled from the League of Communists of Croatia and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, removed from the position of the director of the Institute, and no longer allowed to teach, functioning as a prisoner and active politician, supplemented his old writings about this subject with new, mostly publicist values characterized by prominent Croatian national spirit in the contemporary anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav political standing. Still, his overall contribution to this subject is positive, and he also provided very vigorous impetus to his critics and followers, including scientists and experts, regardless whether their views about his work were positive or negative. Some of them made their own new contributions to historiography and publicist writing by defending or rejecting his theses and results, sometimes even unwittingly. These solid results about this subject would be nonexistent without Franjo Tuđman.

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CROATIA IN THE “SPRING OF THE NATIONS”
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CROATIA IN THE “SPRING OF THE NATIONS”

Author(s): Vlasta Švoger / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The unstable economic situation with frequent financial crises in developed European countries, years of crop failure, and famine among the lower classes, a widespread dissatisfaction with the political situation, the strengthening of national movements, and the spread of liberal ideas created fertile ground for a new wave of unrests in Europe. The first revolutionary sparks ignited in January 1848 in Palermo, and in February in Paris. In the following weeks, they escalated into a revolutionary fire that engulfed much of Europe. The revolutionary turmoil was especially strong in France, the German and Italian lands, and in the Austrian Empire. Different social strata took part in the revolutionary movements, and their core consisted of the citizenry, craftsmen and merchants, workers and peasants, students, and in some places the nobility (for example, the petty and middle nobility in Hungary). Therefore, their goals were also different. Nevertheless, in most countries the main goals of revolutionary movements imbued with liberal and national spirit were the enactment of a constitution (except in France, which had one), i.e. the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, electoral reforms, expansion of the suffrage, abolition of the feudal order (in the countries east of the Elbe, which still had it), introduction of civil rights and freedoms, and creation of unified nation-states.

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WORLD WAR I
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WORLD WAR I

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Early in May 1914, when official news about Archduke Francis Ferdinand’s military manoeuvres in Bosnia appeared in the Croatian newspapers, no one could have guessed that the tragedy of World War I was imminent. Although tensions between Austria-Hungary and the Kingdom of Serbia had been growing since the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkan turmoil, few were predicting an escalation of the conflict in a domino effect. Assassination of the Crown Prince and his wife Sofia on June 28, 1914, in the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, led to the outbreak of a war in which the political map of Europe would be redrawn. The struggle for European supremacy between two blocs of states brought to the fore major military and foreign policy is-sues, in which smaller nations without their independent states had to demonstrate their ability to survive. In Croatia, the political public unanimously condemned the terrorist act of the Yugoslav revolutionaries gathered in the organization Young Bosnia (Mlada Bosna). It was committed on Vidovdan, a significant religious holiday for the Eastern Orthodox Serbs commemorating the notorious defeat of medieval Serbia in a conflict with the Ottoman Empire in Kosovo and symbolizing hope in revenge. Further developments were expected, in which the Croats could not play a significant role due to the underrepresentation of the Croatian elite in the leading positions in Austro-Hungarian key institutions: the governments of both countries, various ministries from foreign affairs to public finances, and the army.

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HUMAN LOSSES DURING WORLD WAR II
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HUMAN LOSSES DURING WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Marica Karakas Obradov,Martina Grahek Ravančić,Vladimir Geiger,Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The duration and intensity of warfare in Yugoslavia and the Independent State of Croatia, the presence of significant occupation forces of the German Reich, Italy, and Hungary, and the activities of NDH Army, the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland (the Chetniks), and the People’s Liberation Army and the Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia / Yugoslav Army resulted in direct conflicts between the warring parties, which led to severe human losses among the soldiers and civilians alike. The irreconcilable ideologies and political and military interests in the armed conflict and the civil war multiplied the casulaties.

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Ivo Politeo i politička kultura mišljenja
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Ivo Politeo i politička kultura mišljenja

Author(s): Nada Kisić Kolanović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The opus of the lawyer Ivo Politeo (1887-1956), rich as it is encompasses a wide intellectual and chronological framework. This research text provides an arena to consider Politeo’s reactions to the unbridled encroachment of the state into the autonomous civil sphere in the historical context of Monarchist and Communist Yugoslavia. For Politeo’s understanding of political power in the epoch of Monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1920 to 1941) his cooperative efforts with the journal Nova Evropa [New Europe], a subject that has not been written about at all, is particularly important. Nova Evropa appeared on Zagreb’s intellectual horizon in 1920, covering such fields as politics, litera-ture, contemporary history, law and anthropology. The range of criticism of Yugoslavia’s pseudo-Parliamentarianism offered by Politeo and the intellectual circle around Nova Evropa is well-illustrated by the document known by the title “the Zagreb Memorandum’’ which came to be on 4 and 5 November 1934 wherein it was requested of the Regency to restore civil freedoms to the people. The other major current of Politeo’s discourse during the 1920s and 1930s was directed at concrete legal practice in the domain of the extraordinary Yugoslav laws which incriminated politically penalized acts. These laws were the core of the instrumental violence of the state apparatus and the spread of the web of the police. In his homeland Politeo is above all known as a defense lawyer for people of quite varying ideological orientations and as the author of the book Politički delikt (1921) in which he rejects the notion of mixed political offenses because “there are no pure of mixed absolute or relative political offenses but rather only ‘political offenses’ whose motive and purpose is political’’.

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Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Elsa Tulmets / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Rok 2008 nenaznačil, že by došlo ke změně nebo úpravě postavení států východní dimenze ENP v oficiálních vládních dokumentech, které mají tendenci spojovat země „východní Evropy“ s otázkou rozšíření EU. Takový je i koncept zahraniční politiky z let 2003–2006, který navíc nevykazuje přílišný zájem o východní prostor. Přesto však české předsednictví Visegrádské skupiny (V4) v první polovině roku 2008, příprava na předsednictví Evropské unie (EU) a především válka, která vypukla mezi Gruzií a Ruskem v srpnu 2008, částečně mobilizovaly politickou i širší veřejnou diskusi ohledně zahraniční politiky vůči státům východní dimenze ENP, stejně jako zvýšily zájem tvůrců ČZP o země ležící mezi EU a Ruskem.

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Blízký východ, Středomoří a Afghánistán v české zahraniční politice

Blízký východ, Středomoří a Afghánistán v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

V české diplomacii ve vztahu k Blízkému východu a Středomoří převažoval reaktivní přístup vyvolaný mezinárodním vývojem či bezprostředním vnějším tlakem. Tato situace může být dána mimo jiné do souvislosti se skutečností, že koaliční vláda Mirka Topolánka neměla zformulovanou koncepci zahraniční politiky. Ve vztahu ke sledovanému regionu byl preferován jednotný postup v rámci společné zahraniční a bezpečnostní politiky EU, který měl být koordinován s USA, především v rámci NATO. Rozpory mezi transatlantickými spojenci, které existovaly během války proti Iráku, byly nežádoucí. Převažoval názor, že USA mají schopnost likvidovat hrozby v globálním měřítku, ohrožující evropskou bezpečnost, což vyžaduje českou politickou i jinou podporu.

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Dálný východ v české zahraniční politice

Dálný východ v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Dálný východ (DV), ke kterému je v této studii pro svůj rostoucí význam přiřazen také Vietnam, představuje kontinuálně oblast bez specifi ckých politických zájmů ČR a jeho relevance spočívá jednoznačně v ekonomické sféře. Ve vládních dokumentech – tj. v Koncepci zahraniční politiky České republiky na léta 2003–2006 a v Programovém prohlášení vlády není DV zmiňován jako specifi cké téma, které by přesahovalo společný rámec rozvojových zemí (Asie, Latinská Amerika, Afrika) a Austrálie. V obou případech je téma DV obsaženo jen velmi obecně a ještě s důrazem na multilaterální rovinu v případě sdružení ASEM (Asia -Europe Meeting), téma vlastní bilaterální agendy se zeměmi DV mimo rámec ASEM a EU není zmíněno.

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Subsaharská Afrika v české zahraniční politice: Nová koncepce, obnovení odboru a výzvy předsednictví EU

Subsaharská Afrika v české zahraniční politice: Nová koncepce, obnovení odboru a výzvy předsednictví EU

Author(s): Ondřej Horký / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

I v roce 2008 zůstal region subsaharské Afriky na okraji politického a hospodářského zájmu České republiky. Ministerstvo zahraničních věcí nevnímá region jako prioritu, ale jako nezbytnou agendu ČZP. Zejména v reakci na připravované české předsednictví Evropské unie v prvním pololetí roku 2009, ale také na možnost přehodnocení vztahů se vzdálenějšími teritorii po začlenění České republiky do evropských a transatlantických struktur, však pozornost k subsaharské Africe posílila jak na institucionální, tak i na koncepční úrovni. To z ní mezi ostatními regiony tvoří výjimku.

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Multilaterální rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Multilaterální rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Veronika Bílková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Aktivity České republiky v OSN, Radě Evropy a OBSE zůstaly v roce 2008 dále ve stínu angažovanosti v EU, NATO a mezinárodních ekonomických institucích. Přesto se i na těchto fórech pokoušela ČR prosazovat své zájmy a postoje a dosáhla některých úspěchů.

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Státy Visegrádské skupiny a Rakousko v české zahraniční politice

Státy Visegrádské skupiny a Rakousko v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Michal Kořan / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Pokud v minulých letech stála česká středoevropská politika na okraji zájmu politických aktérů, rok 2010 – i díky obecně ještě slabšímu zájmu o zahraniční politiku – zaznamenal ještě další propad. Pouze zvýšená asertivita vlády Viktora Orbána vůči citlivým minulostním otázkám, která narušila pro ČR nedotknutelné hájemství vzniku Československa, podnítila české politiky k tu více tu méně patřičným reakcím. Stejně jako v roce 2009 byl ovšem politický nezájem vyvažován aktivním a širokým zapojením nejvyšších exekutivních aktérů do středoevropských relací.

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Rusko v české zahraniční politice

Rusko v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Petra Kuchyňková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

V roce 2010 nebyla česká zahraniční politika poznamenána na rozdíl od roku 2009 mimořádnými okolnostmi (české předsednictví v Radě EU). Přesto tento rok přinesl zajímavé události, které se dotýkaly nejen česko-ruských vztahů, ale měly přesah i mimo záběr české zahraniční politiky. Prezident Medvěděv sice v únoru ještě svým podpisem posvětil novou vojenskou doktrínu, která mezi hlavními hrozbami pro ruskou bezpečnost jmenuje další rozšiřování Severoatlantické aliance a budování projektů protiraketové obrany. Zároveň však v dubnu v Praze podepsali ruský a americký prezident novou smlouvu o omezení strategických zbraní nahrazující START I, jejíž platnost vypršela v roce 2009, a v listopadu 2010 se konal summit NATO v Lisabonu, věnovaný také hledání nových vztahů mezi Aliancí a Ruskem. Také na česko-ruských politických vztazích je to znát uvolněním a posílením pragmatické roviny, i když nezmizely kontroverzní body (např. do médií dále prosakují zprávy o aktivitách ruských tajných služeb na českém území).

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Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Petra Cibulková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

České předsednictví Rady Evropské unie (EU) v první polovině roku 2009 a zahájení Východního partnerství jako jedné z jeho hlavních priorit zvýšily pozornost, kterou česká zahraniční politika do té doby věnovala zemím východní Evropy.1 Po skončení předsednictví EU a v souvislosti s vnitropolitickou situací (pádem vlády a přípravou parlamentních voleb původně plánovaných na podzim 2009) zahraničněpolitická témata výrazně ustoupila do pozadí. Vývoj české zahraniční politiky a bilaterálních vztahů se zeměmi východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství (ENP) ve druhé polovině roku 2009 nicméně naznačoval, že tento region si své místo mezi českými prioritami zachová. Rok 2010, včetně nových koncepčních dokumentů relevantních pro zahraniční politiku ČR, ukazují, že Česká republika považuje projekt Východního partnerství a posílení vztahů s jeho účastnickými zeměmi za důležitou součást nejen své, ale i evropské „východní politiky“.

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Blízký východ, Středomoří a Afghánistán v české zahraniční politice

Blízký východ, Středomoří a Afghánistán v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš,Marek Čejka / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Česká zahraniční politika a její vztah k Blízkému východu nebyla v roce 2010 zdaleka tak sledována jako v roce předchozím. Pokles zájmu je celkem pochopitelný, neboť v první polovině roku 2009 probíhalo české předsednictví, které se překrývalo s tak závažnými událostmi, jako byla izraelská intervence do pásma Gazy (operace „Lité olovo“). To platí jak pro pozornost vůči zahraniční politice z pohledu vnitřního, tak i vnějšího, hlavně EU. Přesto lze říct, že zájem Fischerovy vlády byl mnohem větší než v případě následné Nečasovy vlády rozpočtové zodpovědnosti.

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Subsaharská Afrika v české zahraniční politice

Subsaharská Afrika v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Ondřej Horký / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Loňské vydání této řady analýz afrického rozměru české zahraniční politiky označilo předchozí rok za „nejrušnější od roku 1993“ v historii vzájemných vztahů se subsaharskou Afrikou. Rok 2009 také označilo za „nadějný“ z hlediska naplňování koncepce Příprava strategické debaty o přístupu ČR k Africe. Zároveň ale bylo v kapitole zdůrazněno, že přes mimořádnost předsednictví v Radě Evropské unie zůstává subsaharská Afrika i nadále na okraji české politické scény: „Může se totiž stát, že postupný proces evropeizace zahraničněpolitické agendy povede v rámci dělby práce k dalšímu posílení východního a jihovýchodního rozměru české zahraniční politiky na úkor vztahů se subsaharskou Afrikou.“ Rok 2010 tento trend potvrdil.

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