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The Budget Support System in Eastern Partnership Countries

The Budget Support System in Eastern Partnership Countries

Author(s): Elżbieta Kaca / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Here we present the general aims and characteristics of budget support in the EaP region, the volume of support and a breakdown by country. Budget support is the predominant EU tool in the Eastern Partnership countries, as around 60% of bilateral financial resources are scheduled to be spent through such means. This comprises financial assistance supporting government reforms and paid directly to the state budget of a specified country. Therefore, it requires close cooperation between the national administration and the EU delegation, ensured by frequent communication as well as the participation of common monitoring committees. Two types of budget support have been in use in the EaP region: general budget support and sector budget support. Under the former, funding is provided for a broad range of reforms planned by the government for a given period of time, for instance, implementation of the association agenda or action plans. The latter, sector budget support, goes for reforms only in a given sector, e.g., energy or health. Sector budget support has been the dominant form of support in all of the EaP countries except Armenia, where general budget support was employed.

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Poland: A Problem Shared?

Poland: A Problem Shared?

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Since the onset of the Eurozone debt-crisis, Poland’s approach to the EU has gone through at least three distinct shifts as it responds to the deepening of Eurozone integration and the changing locus of power within the bloc. The first of these saw Poland acting as the bloc’s equality supervisor, defending the principle of parity between governments, particularly as guaranteed by the supranational institutions. During its presidency of the Council in the second semester of 2011, it forged a successful partnership with the Commission and Parliament. Yet that effort ended with the British “veto” at the December summit and with the signature of the fiscal compact, a parallel legal architecture potentially excluding non-Euro members. For Poland, signing the compact meant still belonging, but to a different kind of EU.

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Azerbaijan-Armenia Relations in Historical Context: Periods and Dynamics

Azerbaijan-Armenia Relations in Historical Context: Periods and Dynamics

Author(s): Farahila Babayeva-Shukurova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Soviet Union is one of the old political forces that coerced or voluntarily held together ethnic or religious origins. It is a power that has left a very deep history in its past. The bipolar system in the world came to an end after the Cold War. After this situation, ethnic conflicts increased and spread to the Soviet Union in the 1980s and caused great repercussions in the world (Aslanlı, 2013). Conflicts occurring in the world have been a threat to security. These conflicts resulted in disintegration and in the early 1990s, the USSR was replaced by 15 new independent republics at the end of 1991 (İbadov, 2007).

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Ekonomik Büyüme, Ticari Açık, Yenilenebilir Enerji Tüketimi ve Nüfusun CO2 Emisyonu Üzerindeki Etkilerinin ARDL Yöntemiyle İncelenmesi: Türkiye Üzerine Kanıtlar

Ekonomik Büyüme, Ticari Açık, Yenilenebilir Enerji Tüketimi ve Nüfusun CO2 Emisyonu Üzerindeki Etkilerinin ARDL Yöntemiyle İncelenmesi: Türkiye Üzerine Kanıtlar

Author(s): Tahsin Avcı,Nedim Mercan / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Ekonomik büyüme özellikle İkinci Dünya Savaşından sonra Neo Liberal politikaların bir getirisi olarak neredeyse tüm ekonomilerin temel hedef politikası olmaktadır. 1980 sonrasında Neo Liberal politikalar ile birlikte büyümeye verilen önem iyice artmakta ve büyümenin pozitif getirilerinin yanında birçok negatif getirisi de olmaktadır. Büyümenin önemi herkes tarafından bilinmektedir. Nitekim büyüme hedeflerine doğru ilerlerken negatif getiriler zamanla önemli çevre sorunlarına neden olduğu görülmektedir. Büyümenin çevreye verdiği tahribat 1990’lara gelindiğinde küresel ısınma ve iklim değişikliği gibi global sorunlara yol açtığı görülmekte ve ülkelerin gündeminde ilk sırayı almaktadır. Bu süreçten sonra küresel ısınma ve çevre kirliliği gibi insanlığın geleceğini önemli ölçüde etkileyecek olaylara dikkat çekmek ve bunların tahribatını azaltmak için küresel ölçekte çeşitli konferanslar, protokoller ve düzenlemeler hazırlanmaya ve kabul edilmeye başlanmıştır. Fakat ekonomiler kendi büyüme politikalarından vazgeçmemiş ve büyümenin doğa üzerindeki tahribatı giderek artmaya devam etmiştir.

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İsmet İnönü Era: Assessing the Challenges of Democracy in Turkey

İsmet İnönü Era: Assessing the Challenges of Democracy in Turkey

Author(s): İbrahim Yorgun / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The aim of study is to analyze the İsmet İnönü era in Turkey during his tenure while concentrating on the challenges and shortcomings of democracy. The study will focus on various dimensions, including political restrictions, limitations on freedom of expression, one-party rule, electoral systems, socio-cultural factors as well as economic policies in order to offer a detailed examination of the complex dynamics which shaped the democratic landscape of Turkey of the time. Studying the mentioned dimensions is expected to uncover the factors which led to the inadequacy of democracy during the İnönü era and eventually to evaluate their implications for Turkey's democratic development, which on the one hand encompasses the succession from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Republican People's Party's (CHP) dominant role and on the other hand emphasizes the consolidation of power and the challenges to political representation. Particularly, the analysis of electoral practices can provide insights into the limitations of democratic processes, such as restrictive laws, voter intimidation, and limited political pluralism. Moreover, the study will examine the impact of these challenges on democratic decision-making which would include but not limited to the centralization of power, the marginalization of opposition voices and their meanings for citizen participation. The study will also try to evaluate the restrictions on freedom of speech and the media landscape, discussing the limitations imposed on critical voices, media control, and its consequences on public discourse and democratic participation. In addition to these, the study is expected to assess the socio-cultural dynamics which would focus on İnönü's modernization policies and their impact on social transformation. The study will explore the tensions between traditional values and cultural constraints, too. This will be carried out by highlighting the challenges faced by less represented groups and the inclusiveness of the political system. The economic policies of the İnönü era, including the economic vision and development strategies will be scrutinized, with particular attention given to the socio-economic disparities and their effects on democratic participation as well as political power dynamics. Furthermore, the study will attempt to examine the international relations and foreign policy approach of İsmet İnönü. This examination will be through the consideration of the implications for democracy and Turkey's international standing. The influence of external factors on democracy in Turkey during the mentioned timeline will also be assessed. Finally, the study will be concluded with the evaluation of the legacy of the İnönü’s era, weighing the democratic gains and losses while drawing lessons for Turkey's democratic development and considering the implications for the post-İnönü era. This comprehensive analysis is expected to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the İsmet İnönü era's impact on democracy in Turkey which could highlight the complexities and challenges faced during his tenure. The critical examination of the various dimensions, the study will provide valuable insights for scholars, policymakers as well as for any expert who is interested in Turkey's democratic history and in the ongoing democratic journey.

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Avrupa Birliği-Türkiye İlişkilerinde İş Birliği ve Çatışma Alanı Olarak Suriyeli Sığınmacılar Meselesi

Avrupa Birliği-Türkiye İlişkilerinde İş Birliği ve Çatışma Alanı Olarak Suriyeli Sığınmacılar Meselesi

Author(s): İrem ALGEDİK,Pelin Aliyev / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

1945’te yerle bir olan Avrupa’nın tekrar toparlanması ve ayağa kalkmasında kömür ve çeliği kilit unsurlar olarak gören anlayışın güçlü savunucularından biri olan Fransız Dışişleri Bakanı Robert Schuman’ın öncülüğünde hazırlanan Schuman Planı kapsamında Almanya, Fransa, İtalya, Belçika, Hollanda ve Lüksemburg’un katılımı ile 1952 yılında AKÇT (Avrupa Kömür ve Çelik Topluluğu) kurulmuştu (Goldstein ve Pevehouse, 2017: 460-461). Bugünkü AB (Avrupa Birliği) ise AKÇT’nin kurulmasıyla yarım asırdan fazla bir süre önce başlayan bir sürecin sonucu olarak görülmektedir (Pinder ve Usherwood, 2018: 1).

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Deprem Sonrası Psikoloji: Değiniler ve Öneriler

Deprem Sonrası Psikoloji: Değiniler ve Öneriler

Author(s): Ulaş Başar Gezgin / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Depreme hazırlıklı değiliz (Çoban, Sözbilir ve Göktaş, 2016; Öztürk, 2013). Deprem, dünyanın güvenli bir yer olduğu biçimindeki algımızı kırar (Nakajima, 2012), onu kabullenmek bu nedenle zordur. Karancı (2008)’e göre, afet zararlarını azaltmada psikolojik bir rolü vardır. Gerçekten de çeşitli psikolojik değişkenler, depremin olumsuz sonuçları üzerinde etkili olmaktadır. Herkes deprem nedeniyle travma yaşamaz. Kimin travma yaşayıp yaşamayacağı, başa çıkma yöntemlerinden sosyal desteğe, depremin şiddetinden yakın kaybına; göçük altında kalmaktan önceki yaşantılara kadar çeşitli değişkenler tarafından belirlenir (Bödvarsdóttir ve Elklit, 2004; Karancı, 2003; Sönmez, 2022).

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Definitions explained

Definitions explained

Author(s): Leonie Haiden,Jente Althuis / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In 2019 the Terminology Working Group of the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence defined strategic communications as follows: strategic communications, n.: a holistic approach to communication based on values and interests that encompasses everything an actor does to achieve objectives in a contested environment. As of 2022, strategic communications is conceived as a normative project, and as such its theorists and practitioners recognise certain principles that underpin their activities: #1 StratCom affirms the right of the individual to choose between competing ideas or reject them. #2 StratCom affirms a need for transparency and the right of individuals to hold those who practise StratCom to be held to account. #3 StratCom affirms the right of the individual to free speech.

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CONCEPTUAL REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND DISSEMINATION

CONCEPTUAL REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND DISSEMINATION

Author(s): Neville Bolt / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

There’s a fallacy shared by most who practise strategic communications. The common mistake is to talk of messaging and the possible effectiveness that attaching such messages to grievances and those who hold them can achieve. Messages like narratives are an overused term, put through the wash once too often and bleached of the intellectual col-our they once sported. It is as if by sending out a slogan, a cause-and-effect relationship can be brought to bear on a pre-identified audience. The danger inherent in this ‘post-it’ approach to communications is to place all hope on linear, one-way agency while ignoring the nature of the discursive context or what is frequently and unadvisedly called the information environment. As if communicators were caught in a call-and-response exchange or a dangerous thrust-and-parry. By this token, communications is forced into a zero-sum game, rather than the organic or fluid negotiation between contiguous discourses that it really is.

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BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA NA PUTU KA NEZAVISNOSTI: PRAVNI IZAZOVI I ISKUŠENJA (1991‒1992)

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA NA PUTU KA NEZAVISNOSTI: PRAVNI IZAZOVI I ISKUŠENJA (1991‒1992)

Author(s): Sead Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ever since Tito’s death in 1980, the socialist Yugoslavia was going through difficult political, economic, and social temptations, involving ample domestic and international actors, along with the accompanying consequences of the era change of on a global level. The Yugoslav state crisis should be observed in a broader context which will provide a more complete answer. The remaining two fundamental pillars of the Yugoslav federation – Yugoslav Communist Party (SKJ) and Yugoslav National Army (JNA) ‒ were undermined in early 90’. The then republics’ elites, guided by partial interests, mutually confronted to one another, were not ready to adequately face the challenges of democratization that captured the Eastern euripi following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The Yugoslav republics took numerous legal steps towards strengthening their own sovereignty. The crisis culminated in 1991 with the separation of Slovenia and Croatia from Yugoslavia, and the armed conflicts that followed. Confronted with the new legal and political surrounding, Bosnia and Herzegovina also began with the revival of its independence. This path proved to be extremely difficult and challenging, mainly due to the revived great-Serbian and great-Croatian attempts to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly expressed in 1991 during the negotiations between Slobodan Milošević, president of Serbia, and Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia. In early days, these plans, with a strong support of regime affiliated media from Belgrade and Zagreb, manifested in form of numerous obstructions in the operation of the highest authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, promotion of a thesis that Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot survive as an independent political entity, establishment of illegal Serb communities of municipalities and regions, and then Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croat ones in form of regional communities, whereby the most significant one was Herzeg Bosnia. In such complex circumstances, and in line with the recommendations of the Badinter’s Commission, referendum on independence was organized in 1992, when the citizens firmly voted in favor of independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. European Community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6th of April, while the USA did it on the following day. In conditions of aggression and four year long war destruction, a new chapter in legal and state development of Bosnia and Herzegovina began.

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ULOGA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE U KONTEKSTU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

ULOGA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE U KONTEKSTU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Alija Kožljak / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

International community has, on its own will, taken the responsibility to resolve the situation in the then Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, following its dissolution. This has particularly applied to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was threatened by an open aggression, even disappearance. To that end, ample peace plans were designed, and to a large extent based on ethnic divisions, which suggested intentions of the international community in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lack of a good will and unity aimed at prevention of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the prevention of mass crimes against its citizens, including the crime of genocide, as well as failure to prevent the destruction of state owned infrastructure, silent approval of the several years long siege of the capital, clearly speaks about the attitude on the part of international actors towards the aggressors and innocent victims, particularly the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lack of condemnation of the aggression, and permanent attempts to equalize the victims and aggressors serve as a direct confirmation that the initial attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina did not significantly change, although the circumstances to a large extent did. Current development of the situation on a global plan affects the changes in the perception of threat, including the relevance of the Western Balkans, and more specifically Bosnia and Herzegovina, which now suggests the new discourse of the West (EU and NATO Member States) in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is structured in five chapters: Dissolution of SFRY and international recognition of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Quest for a peace solution in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Intensification of the international community engagement; Final NATO operation and peace establishment; Post-war reaction of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Final considerations. The study is based on the qualitative analysis of documents and critical analysis of activities and actions of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1991-2022.

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ISTRAGE, OPTUŽNICE I PRESUDE U PREDMETIMA RATNIH ZLOČINA U PROCESU USPOSTAVE POVJERENJA I POMIRENJA NARODA I DRŽAVA ZAPADNOG BALKANA

ISTRAGE, OPTUŽNICE I PRESUDE U PREDMETIMA RATNIH ZLOČINA U PROCESU USPOSTAVE POVJERENJA I POMIRENJA NARODA I DRŽAVA ZAPADNOG BALKANA

Author(s): Ismet Alija / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The political goal of the total demographic extermination of the Bosniac Muslim people in Bosnia and Herzegovina is evidenced by the criminal practice on the part of the aggressor, which tried to systematically persecute said people from the territory in which they always lived. Such a goal could not be achieved in another way, but by criminal methods of waging warfare. In order to cover up the aggressive nature of the military force use against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, presenting it as a civil war within an internationally recognized country, the Belgrade regime established a so-called Republika Srpska para-state and constituted an army of the said para-state, which made an integral part of the Army of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The unjust and criminal political and military goals determined and directed the war of aggression primarily against the non-Serb civilian population, and only than against the other armed forces, given that most of the killed victims were civilians. The unjust policy based on the great-Serbian ideology against Bosnia and Herzegovina continued even after the signing of the General Frame-work Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter the Dayton Agreement), and continued up to the present day. This is just another proof that Serbia has not yet sincerely and in good faith recognized territorial integrity and the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, indicating that all anomalies and blockades in the implementation of the Dayton Agreement are a signal that Serbia, as of this day, does not consider its internationally recognized borders as being final. Such policy of the Belgrade regime is most concretely and indeed most destructively manifested in their attempts to cover up war crimes and glorify war criminals, aspiring to shifting the blame for starting the war and its consequences onto victims, and in that regard to equalize responsibility of the aggressor and Bosnia and Herzegovina defenders, ultimately to change the character of war. It is precisely the reason why the judiciary in the states that acted as aggressors against Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1991-1995 was burdened with anomalies resulting in blockades, even the setbacks in the commitments from the Dayton Agreement. This is the reason why trust cannot be built and reconciliation cannot be achieved on such foundations between the peoples and states of the Western Balkans. In that context, various concrete cases of unjust and illegal protection of war criminals should be analyzed, as well as numerous indictments fabricated by the Serbian regime and the Bosnia and Herzegovina entity of Republika Srpska should be considered. Obvious example of such practice is the indictment, including its confirmation, related to the events in Sarajevo’s Dobrovoljačka Street on May 3, 1992.

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POLITIČKI I VOJNI ASPEKTI ODBRANE SARAJEVA

POLITIČKI I VOJNI ASPEKTI ODBRANE SARAJEVA

Author(s): Nedžad Ajnadžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the defence of Sarajevo, was based on political and patriotic awareness of its citizens, who were genuinely committed to preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina specific political and statehood being, as a community of equal citizens and peoples. Based on assessment of a big relevance of Sarajevo for the survival of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the aggressor has thoroughly planned, prepared, and utilised large military forces to conquer the city and establish there its occupational authority. They wanted Sarajevo to be only a Serb capital of the so-called “Republic of Serb Bosnia and Herzegovina”. The combat activities carried out by the 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised in a very complex strategic, operational, and tactical conditions, under the conditions of besieged free territories in which the units and the commands of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina operated, including the conditions of specific military siege of a major part of the 1st Corps in the city of Sarajevo. Strategic and operational-tactical positions of the aggressor’s forces were rather favourable for them, given that they controlled main roads that were connecting Bosnia and Herzegovina battlefield with the sources of mobilization into the aggressor’s army with soldiers and material means in the so called Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), and the countries that supported aggressor. The extent of human losses, during and after every war, turned into a big political, historic, and moral and ethical issue. Pursuant to the character of response of the warring parties and their allies to the question of the extent of human losses, it is possible to identify the character of policy that served as a basis for war engagement and support to any of the warring parties. In general, the factors on the side of the warring party that waged the righteous war strive to present truthfully the number of victims, whereas the factors on the side of the warring party that waged unfair war strive to fake the number of victims and adapt it to the character of its unfair political views related to the causes and consequences of the war. Given the fact that the international community with its embargo harmed the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina defence forces, which operated on the grounds of fair policy and righteous war, we arrive at a conclusion that the embargo was unfair, in favour of unfair aggressor’s policy, criminal and genocidal war practice.

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MEĐUNARODNA NAUČNA KONFERENCIJA „POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)” SREBRENICA ‒ POTOČARI, 12. OKTOBAR 2023.

MEĐUNARODNA NAUČNA KONFERENCIJA „POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)” SREBRENICA ‒ POTOČARI, 12. OKTOBAR 2023.

Author(s): Rifat Škrijelj,Dženeta Omerdić,Denis Zvizdić,Pavle Krstić,Husein Kavazović,Mirko Pejanović,Ćamil Duraković,Rasim Muratović,Sedad Bešlija / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Introductory remarks by: - Prof. Ph.D. Rifat Škrijelj, rector of the University of Sarajevo - Prof. Ph.D. Dženeta Omerdić, Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Office of Dr. Denis Bećirević) - Prof. Ph.D. Denis Zvizdić, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Ph.D. Pavle Krstić, Minister (Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Youth of Sarajevo Canton) - Ph.D. Husein-ef. Kavazovića, reisul-ulema (Islamic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina) - Academician, prof. Ph.D. Mirko Pejanović (President of the Scientific Committee of the Conference of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina) - Ćamil Duraković (Vice President of the RS entity) - Prof. Ph.D. Rasim Muratović, Director of the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo - Ph.D. Sc. Sedad Bešlija, director of the Institute of History

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ZAKLJUČCI DRUGE MEĐUNARODNE NAUČNE KONFERENCIJE POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)

ZAKLJUČCI DRUGE MEĐUNARODNE NAUČNE KONFERENCIJE POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Moralno-pravna i politička obaveza svijeta i Evropske unije i Bosne i Hercegovine jeste ne samo spriječiti buduće, civilizacijski katastrofične zločine poput genocida nad Bošnjacima u Srebrenici i oko nje nego, i prije svega, spriječiti njegovo planski aktivno i politički, medijski, kvazinaučno, sistematsko poricanje i negiranje. Tome svjedočimo danas i svih poratnih godina u Bosni i Hercegovini i njenom susjedstvu. Umjesto odgovornosti za nesprečavanje genocida, u Srbiji se i dalje veličaju ratni zločinci koji su doveli do izvršenja genocida. Upornim i neskrivenim javnim veličanjem zločina i međunarodno presuđenih ratnih zločinaca, praveći od njih nacionalne heroje s jedne, i stigmatiziranjem kritičkoga govora i priznavanja genocida od strane grupacija ili pojedinaca u njihovom javnom angažmanu na tu temu, s druge strane, ohrabruju se politike i zagovornici opetovanja genocidnog zla i njegovo javno, nekažnjeno, stadionsko i medijsko veličanje, poput transparenata tokom utakmica na kojima se zanavlja napis: Nož, žica, Srebrenica.

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Das Frauen - und Kinderkonzentrationslager Loborgrad in Kroatien (1941-1942)
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Das Frauen - und Kinderkonzentrationslager Loborgrad in Kroatien (1941-1942)

Author(s): Carl Bethke / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

The study focuses on the concentration camp Loborgrad for women and children in Northwest-Croatia from the time of its erection in October 1941, till the deportation of nearly all of its internees to Auschwitz in August 1942. Its about 1500 mostly Jewish prisoners came from Bosnia (Sarajevo) and Nor-thern Croatia, apart from them were some Jewish refugees, among these many from Vienna, plus approximately 200 Serbian women. Before the deportations the latter were sent to Serbia or to Germany in order to perform forced labor. Apparently the camp was under the supervision of the ”Jews Department” of the Ustaša police, however the commander in chief Karlo Heger and the gu-ards belonged to the ethnic German group. Physical abuses are reported from the camp, during epidemics in 1941/42 up to 200 inmates died.

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Prinudni rad folksdojčera u Vojvodini 1944–1950.
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Prinudni rad folksdojčera u Vojvodini 1944–1950.

Author(s): Zoran Janjetović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Forced labour for the Germans of Vojvodina was introduced in the first days after the new government was established. It was an expression of the necessity of making up shortages in the supply of labour as it was also seen as a punishment for the German minority’s support for the Axis powers during the Second World War and the participation of some of its members in war crimes. Some people were marched under armed guard to work in forests, fields, vineyards, the clearing of rubble, the construction or repair of buildings, roads, railways, and bridges, while some people were concentrated in special camps from which they were taken to work every day. The organization of work camps overlaps with the period of martial law, while the whole process took shape in stages, in an attempt to concentrate labour supply, preserve Ger-man property, open areas for the settlement of colonists and others. Conditions in the camps were inadequate in terms of supporting and maintaining the ability of inmates to perform work, and there was a lack of any motivation to improve them. In the autumn of 1947 it became clear that the policy toward the German minority was changing, and in the spring of 1948 the Communist authorities began to dismantle the camps. Because of these types of conditions and the fact that in the first years following the dismantling of the camps their work in large measure retained the qualities of forced labour, a large majority of Volksdeutsche decided to emigrate from Yugoslavia when this became a legal possibility. Their work, instead of contributing to the development of their homeland, contributed to the West German “economic miracle.”

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Položaj političkih osuđenika u zatvorima Srbije 1945–1985.
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Položaj političkih osuđenika u zatvorima Srbije 1945–1985.

Author(s): Srđan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The work follows the evolution of the position of political convicts in Serbia in post-war period. Shortly after the end of the war, the position of political convicts was extremely bad and the prisoners were often subject to brutal torture. Prison conditions underwent gradual evolution in the period between 1953 and 1985, so that since the beginning of 50s, and especially during 60s and 70s, they grew better and better. Still, their improvement was limited by material as well as political and ideological factors and remained behind the standards of the west democracies.

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Bosna i Hercegovina u Kraljevstvu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, s posebnim osvrtom na stanje u Hercegovini (1918.–1921.)
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Bosna i Hercegovina u Kraljevstvu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, s posebnim osvrtom na stanje u Hercegovini (1918.–1921.)

Author(s): Ivica Lučić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the outbreak of the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Bosnia and Hercegovina became a centre of “national concentration” and the newly proclaimed state. The government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was taken over by the Serbian political elite which ascribed to Bosnia and Hercegovina the role of a unified area which would prevent the creation of any kind of Croatian state while strengthening the newly created state and the Serbian dominance within it. The new government established its authority through terror and violence directed against the non-Serbian peoples. It attempted to undermine every political action or publicly expressed demand of the Croats for a federal unit, or an independent state. Mu-slims saw their land confiscated through the Agrarian Reform, which while in part brought to an end feudal relations and corrected historical injustices, also materially ruined numerous families. In harmony with Serbian political tradition the Constitution and other agreements merely acted as “manifestations” to appease “European public opinion.” The interests of other (non-Serbian) peoples were treated as illegitimate or anti-state activities: nationalism and separatism. Various repressive measures were directed at individuals deemed to be the carriers of these interests. Territories in the new state toward which the government lacked sympathy for national or political reasons and which did not figure into particular plans for unitarism were systematically destroyed and neglected. The key argument for unitarism and centralization was a call to the rights and “decisiveness” of the Serbian people, which was intermixed among the others to bring them to “belong to Serbia.” In this spirit the Vidovdan Constitution was brought into being which eliminated historical rights and historical lands, and created the basis for further unitarism and centralization of the state, but likewise strong reasons for dissatisfaction and resistance. States are determined by the nature of their formation. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes came into existence due to historical circumstances as an intellectual creation and not the result of national development. Primarily, violence was used to impose “unity” and centralized government.

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Knezovi Blagajski i tvrdi grad Blagaj nakon osnutka Jajačke banovine 1464. godine
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Knezovi Blagajski i tvrdi grad Blagaj nakon osnutka Jajačke banovine 1464. godine

Author(s): Hrvoje Kekez / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Blagaj castle is situated near the mouth of the River Japra into the River Sana, close to the most important medieval road through the valley of the River Una and leading from the Eastern Adriatic coast to the Pannonian basin. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the castle of Blagaj was the residence of Counts of Blagaj, the descendants of the earlier Babonić counts. While the collapse of the medieval Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 foreshadowed Ottoman raids into the Sana valley, it was the foundation of Banate of Jajce that put an end to Ottoman raids for a couple of decades. Nevertheless, historical documents sporadically indicate constant threat of Ottoman raids around the turn of the sixteenth century. This is even more clearly depicted by the remains of the castle of Blagaj that show abundant construction work conducted during the anti-Ottoman defensive wars. In this essay, the author contextualizes the known information about the Ottoman attacks in the Sana valley and the importance and the role of the Blagaj castle in the anti-Ottoman defence system of the castles. Although these buildings are today in poor condition, the ruins of the Blagaj castle indicate a major extension of the castle’s fortification system built after 1503, and the beginning of the deconstruction of the defensive system of Banate of Jajce. A special attention is given to the establishnig of the final Christian (i.e. Croatian) desertion of the Blagaj castle during the 1540s.

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