Spoljna politika Jugoslavije 1950-1961.

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Russian,Serbian

The collection of paper consists of 34 articles written by Serbian, Russian, Bulgarian, Israeli, Greek, Finish, Czech, Montenegrin, Croatian and Slovenian historians about different aspects of the foreign policy of the socialist Yugoslavia in the period between 1950 and 1961. In the focus of the researchers’ interests were the issues of the normalization of the relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and its allies after the confrontation which lasted from 1948 to 1953, the opening of Yugoslavia towards Western world, the way of the creation of the new concept of Yugoslav foreign policy based on the bloc non-alignment concept and the participation of Yugoslavia in the creation of the Balkan Pact with Greece and Turkey (1953-1954).

1968 - четрдесет година после

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

1968 – Forty Years Later represents a collection of historiographical works of 26 authors from different countries (Serbia, Russia, Czech, Croatia, Bulgaria, and Germany) about the international relations and the foreign-relation temptations of Yugoslavia and also about the domestic circumstances in Yugoslavia during the years 1967-1969. The first part of the book is dealing with topics like: 1968 as the turning-point for Eastern Europe, „Prague Spring“ after the increase of Soviet pressure on Czechoslovakia (July 1968), „Prague Spring“ and the attitudes of the Hungarian leadership, its influence in Bulgaria, the phenomenon of the Czechoslovak opposition after the defeat of the „Prague Spring“ in 1969-1972, the year 1968 as a point of departure of the new Yugoslav foreign policy orientation, Yugoslav reactions to the crisis in the Middle East and dictatorship in Greece, Yugoslav-Soviet, Yugoslav-Romanian and Yugoslav-Italian relations in the days of the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia relations with the Federal Republic of Germany in 1960s, Yugoslav economic emigration in West Germany and the visit of the crew of Apollo 11 to Yugoslavia in 1969. The second part of the book is consisted from the works about Yugoslavia's activities in domestic and foreign policy after the intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Czecholsovakia in 1968, Yugoslav People’s Army’s ordeals in 1960s, the echo of the global student revolt of 1968 in Yugoslav youth and student press, student demonstrations in Belgrade and Yugoslavia in 1968, the case of Krunoslav Draganovic as one aspect of Yugoslav − Vatican relations, liberalization of Yugoslav theatre, and „rebellious“1968 in Istria. Most works are based on the new historical researches and they, after forty years, try to give a new answer and point of view on the issues connected with the happenings in 1968. The book contains also Chronology of the important events in 1968 and Bibliography of the selected Works on 1968.

Kapitolami najnovších slovenských dejín. K sedemdesiatym narodeninám Michala Barnovského

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak,English,Czech

During and after World War II, Slovakia underwent massive political, economic, social and state constitutional changes. Being the part of the international events of the “hot” and Cold War, it had been brand marked by the two nondemocratic, totalitarian regimes – fascist and communist. After the Slovak Republic, which was in 1939 – 1945 a satellite state of the Nazi Germany, Slovakia became a part of the reconstructed Czechoslovak Republic with its specific system of “the limited democracy”. The communist coup d’état in February 1948 had brought the country under the rule of another totalitarian regime, spreading from Moscow to all states of the Soviet block. Though, the Czechoslovak society in 1968 tried to reform the communist system, it was unsuccessful in the same way as some other Soviet block countries, which also attempted to disengage the chains of the Soviet imposed regime. This period of the modern Slovak history has been – mainly after 1989 – a subject of numerous studies. Nevertheless, it is still researched only partially, some problems more other less. At the most is missing the synthesis of the contemporary history of Slovakia. The Institute of History of SAS is trying to fill this gape with a project Slovakia in the 20th century granted by the state Agency for Support of Science and Research. The part of this project will be the collective monograph (as the volume V) dealing with the history of Slovakia in 1945 – 1968, and its authors plan for the future also the next, sixth, volume of this synthesis. The book Chapters from the Slovak Contemporary History, which now the reader has in his hands, is also aimed at the presentation of some key or important problems of the Slovak war and postwar history. But it is not the only goal. The publication is also a tribute to the 70. life jubilee of an outstanding Slovak historian Michal Barnovský. His forty-five years of scientific career in the Institute of History have enriched the Slovak historiography in the field of the contemporary Slovak history. In which researched themes and to what extend, the reader may find in the introductory article and in the selected bibliography of Dr. Barnovský. The book begins with chapters showing the multiplicity of the history of the Slovakia and the Slovak question during World War II. The first one (author Jozef Bystrický) describes the role, which the Slovak army played in the plans of the Czechoslovak Ministry of National Defense (MND) in London in 1943 – 1944. Various documents, especially the Directives from 1943, enclosed the views of the London exile, how to engage the army of the Slovak state in the rising against its regime and in military resistance against the Nazi Germany. Though, the Military Headquarters in Slovakia preparing and then in August 1944 realizing the uprising had had to take in account the specific situation on the Slovak territory at the given moment, the MND instructions and directives influenced highly positive the contents, character and the quality of the military-technical arrangements for the rising. The second chapter of this Slovak state points at issue deals with the specific phenomenon of the regime propaganda. In this connection the author Marína Zavacká analyses a Slovak state journal Vĺča (The Young Wolf) for boys of age between 6 and 10, members of Wolf corps of the Hlinka’s Youth organization. It served as a regime-sponsored source of officially approved children’s role-models, including patterns of deeds to be followed. The study summarizes different propagandist vehicles used for making up heroic stories, ranging from social sacrifice to the sacrifice of life. Following four chapters concentrate on several important problems during the period of “the limited democracy”. One of the crucial questions of those times was the position of the Slovakia in the newly reconstructed republic and the search for the model of the future co-existence of the Czechs and Slovaks. Marek Syrný in his text examines this complicated problem from the point of view Democratic Party (DP), which arouse from the Slovak National Uprising as the strongest noncommunist political subject in Slovakia. The idea of its leaders was the Czechoslovakia as de facto federal state. The decline of this DP plans was pronounced in the course of discussions to the three Prague agreements, which had been till February 1948 more and more influenced by the struggle for power between democrats and communists. The next chapter by Slavomír Michálek shows one of the key problems of this period in the sphere of the foreign policy: the aims and the activities of the Czechoslovak delegation at the Paris Peace Conference 1946, which were concentrated on the preparation of the treaty with Hungary. Beside the participation of the two leading figures of the delegation – Jan Masaryk and Vladimír Clementis – the author follows especially Juraj Slávik. Slovak born Slávik, who during his professional life belonged to the influential personalities of the Czechoslovak policy and diplomacy, participated at the finalizing the peace treaty texts regarding Hungary. Although the Slovaks felt the Hungarian problem as the most important for them, there had been another national community in Slovakia which postwar destiny radically changed. The German minority had been evacuated by German authorities, before the Red Army had crossed the Slovak borders (the chapter written by Milan Olejník). After the war had ended many of the Germans returned home, but there they fell under the decrees of President Beneš. Due to them they lost the Czechoslovak citizenship, underwent political, economic and social discrimination and 32-tousand of them were expelled. In 1948 to the rest of them the citizenship was returned, but the minority rights they have been lacking until 1989. The last chapter covering the period 1945 – 1948 belongs to the commentated document in which the French Consul General in Bratislava E. M. Manac’h informs his government about the key political phenomena in Slovakia during the Czechoslovak crisis in February 1948. The commentator of the material – published in Slovak translation and in French original – Pavol Petruf stresses, that E. M. Manac’h stated that the events between 21 and 27 February 1948 had shown the communists, in comparison to their democratic opponents, as better prepared for solving the batte for power. Couple of problems connected with the the communist coup d’état in February 1948 are the subject of another chapters. Miroslav Londák in his text analyses the changes of the economy system in Czechoslovakia and Slovakia, which had taken place in the first, “founding” period of the new regime. They resulted into the socalled socialist economy, based almost entirely upon the state ownership and directed by the centrally composed five years plans. The author also points out the specifics of the development in Slovakia and the determinants of its socialist industrialization. Another sector of economy – the agrarian one, is the topic of the chapter written by Viera Hlavová. The strategy of the communists immediately after the war was to get peasants on their side and therefore they had rejected the cooperatives of the Soviet type. But after the February 1948 the primary task became to re-orient the small agrarian production to the large-scale socialist one, to form state agricultural enterprises and, in the same time, to fight the “capitalist elements” in the country. The village had been transformed according to the Soviet mode, without respecting the specifics of the Czechoslovak and Slovak agriculture. The same regime changes as upon the Slovaks, dropped down upon the members of the Hungarian minority. In addition to it – as Soňa Gabzdilová-Olejníková states – immediately after the coup d’état the exchange of the inhabitants between Czechoslovakia and Hungary continued, the plans were made for the second stage of re-Slovakization and there was no hope for in the Czech lands deported Hungarians to return back to Slovakia. In this respect the situation changed with incorporation of the principles of so-called proletarian internationalism into the mutual relations between the communist parties of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The communist coup d’état influenced also the Slovak postwar emigration, which had been concentrated at the free and independent Slovakia. As Karel Kaplan in his chapter analyses, this Slovak exile was for a long time devided, but after the February 1948 Karol Sidor – one of the leading figures of the Slovak autonomist émigrés – successfully formed the Slovak National Council Abroad, the umbrella organization of the Slovak political exile. The direct influence of the exile states in his text also Vladimír Varinský, who surveys the formation of The White Legion organizations in Slovakia. Although it was possible, that some of these organizations provoked the State Security, the newest research shows that the main cause of their secret existence and activities was a spontaneous resistance of the people against the practices of a new regime. And the reaction of the communist establishment was persecutions. The most brutal form of them had been the framed political trials and the two of them from the beginning of the 50ties depicts in his chapter Jozef Leikert. Based upon the archival research, but mostly upon oral testimony he analyses them from the point of view of their insider, journalist and writer Ladislav Mňačko. He witnessed these trials as the daily news Pravda journalist and influenced the public in accordance with the regime propaganda. But later on he came round to realize its fabricated character and confessed his part of guilt. In the shadow of the “founding” period of the communist system with its totalitarian practices and persecutions stays the sometimes natural development – though politically and ideologically distorted – of various phenomena in the Slovak society. One of them, the development of the Slovak science from its half-amateur stage to internationally accepted partner, shows in her chapter Elena Londáková. She concentrates on the Slovak Academy of Sciences, but deals also with the complex of the state and party policy towards the science and its various branches. On the outside and from the point of view of communist leaders the “founding” period represented a successful establishing of the communist system. But already in this time there were the signs of the crisis, which is immanent to this type of regime. Jiří Pernes in his text summarizes the various opinions regarding its beginnings. Unlike Karel Kaplan, who talks about the crisis in 1953 – 1957, Pernes inclines to take in account deeper tokens of it, which perhaps started the crisis development already in the early 50ties. With the chapter of Václav Vondrášek the themes of the publication move chronologically to the history of the 60ties. He surveys the activities of the Hlinka’s Peoples Party exile at the turn of 50ties and 60ties and the countermeasures of the communist establishment in Slovakia. The efforts to unify this exile abroad, watched the communist regime in Czechoslovakia with suspicion. As the reaction, the State Security activities towards the potential followers of this exile branch started to intensify. So much more that in connection with the further restriction of power of the Slovak national institutions and worsening of the economic situation the discontent in Slovakia had grown. This special Slovak national discontent created also one of the differences in perception of the “Prague Spring” in the Czech and Slovak societies. As the author of this chapter, Stanislav Sikora states, during the attempt to reform the Soviet type of socialism in 1968, both state building nations in Czechoslovakia had their own conceptions of the democratization process. While in the Czech lands the priority was the general democratization of the political system, Slovaks felt it as the opportunity for the further national emancipation. But the newest studies also show that also the Slovak society was more diversified than this traditional characteristic says. The next chapter of the book treats the staffing transgression of the communist regime into the activities of the Slovak Evangelic Church of the Augsburg Confession in 1948 – 1989. Jan Pešek in his text analyses the communist regime attempts to rule over all spheres of the society, including the churches. In the case of Slovak Evangelic Church of the Augsburg Confession the establishment used the traditional election of all church and laic authorities for its own purposes. With various practices influenced the elections to the benefit of persons, willing to cooperate with the regime. In this way the ability of the Evangelic Church of the Augsburg Confession to resist the pressure of the communist system had been markedly weakened. Also the following chapter treats a specific issue. Jan Rychlík surveys the travel relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland in 1980 – 1989. The point is that in connection with the strikes in Poland and forming the independent trade union Solidarity, the Czechoslovak authorities started to be afraid of the free travel possibilities between two countries. There were two causes for this fear: political and economic. The author very precisely documents the official measures and economic circumstances, which for more than a decade regulated the travel transfer between the Czechoslovakia and Poland. The last chapter of the book by Juraj Marušiak bridges the history and contemporary development. It is an analysis of the perception of the past by the Slovak society and of its influence on the development after the November 1989. The author concentrates on the perception of the two totalitarian regimes – that of the war Slovak state and of the communist period. He comes to conclusion that in the Slovakia the roots of democratic tradition are not strong enough, which should be the result of the political system before 1918. Both totalitarian regimes of the 20th century used these behavior patterns of the population and on the other hand a great part of the people identified themselves with these regimes.

Občan, spoločnosť, národ v pohybe slovenských dejín

Author(s): Milan Zemko / Language(s): Slovak

The author of the book pays attention to four major problem areas in the modern history of the Slovak nation, the society and the country. The research is focused on the Slovak history in the first half of the 20th century and, particularly, the period of the Czechoslovak Republic between the two World Wars. In chapters of Part 1 entitled Slovak Society within Changes of Historical Time the author tried to classify relatively short period of interwar Slovak history in wider historical interrelations. In the first chapter he examines the problem of periodization of the Slovak history within the context of history of the other Central European nations, and points at the open methodological questions of the Slovak history research ensuing from insufficient investigation of the changing collective identity of the Slovaks. The next two chapters of Part 1 are devoted to historical heritage of the Slovaks and its peripetia related to generation of Ľudovít Štúr, as the first politically oriented and functioning generation in the modern history of the Slovaks, and following generations up to the origin of Czechoslovakia in 1918. The topic of the following chapter is the examination of historical traditions and stereotypes of the last two centuries which support, eventually weaken the renewed democratic political system in Slovakia after the fall of the Communist regime in 1989 and the origin of the independent Slovak Republic in 1993. Next two chapters research a historical memory of the Slovak society relating to the autoritarian Slovak Republic between 1939 and 1945 and to the Slovak National Uprising of 1944, being the symbol of anti-fascist struggle and democratic future of Slovakia. The last chapter of Part 1 deals with the simplifying contradiction between the civil and national principle in the history and the present time, as manifested in expert discourse as well as in journalism upon renewal of the democratic regime after 1989. In Part 2 entitled Politics and Its Faces on Interwar Party Arena the author is concentrated on domestic policy in interwar Czechoslovak Republic. The first chapter deals with violation of some democratic rules in the first decade of existence of the new Czechoslovak State. The further two chapters are concerned with the question of relations between the Agrarian Party, as the largest government party and Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party in the time of functioning in the joint government coalition in the second half of twenties of the former century and the conflict relations between two head personalities of the Slovak agrarians Milan Hodža and Vavro Šrobár. The subject of the author’s study is also the trend of authorities to keep the cult of the first president of the Republic T. G. Masaryk already during his lifetime in dimensions unusual for the European democratic countries. The last but one chapter of this part of the book examines the fragility and weakness of the Slovak democracy which had fully manifested itself in autumn months of 1938 after adoption of Munich Agreement by the Czechoslovak government. The People’s Party had managed then, also due to inability of the weakened democratic parties to remove in a short time the parliamentary democracy and to set down an authoritative rightist regime in Slovakia. The loyal service of the Slovak intellectual Vladimír Clementis to the Communist movement and regime, for which he was “rewarded” by death penalty and execution in 1952, is depicted in the last chapter of this part of the book. Part 3 of the book entitled Political Echoes of Ethnic Colourfulness of the Republic in Interwar Period is devoted in its five chapters to one of the most remarkable features of interwar Czechoslovakia and its consequences – to question of more or less conflict coexistence of nations and ethnic groups living in this Republic. The examination of regional aspects of the ethnic problem in the capital of Slovakia, Bratislava, is treated in the first two chapters of this part of the book. The next two chapters are concerned with policies of the national minority parties in the Czechoslovak Republic and participation of the German minority parties in the government coalitions of the interwar period. Based on the research the author comes to the conclusion that the proportional electoral system of interwar Czechoslovak Republic enabled in principle equitable representation of national minorities in the Parliament, and some German minority parties took an active part in the government policy since mid-20’s up to spring 1938, when the political game was energetically encroached by a strong external factor – Nazi Germany. The last chapter is devoted to interwar sources and inspirations for, in final consequences, unsuccessful attempt of radical “solution” of Hungarian question in Czechoslovakia after World War II. The final part of the book entitled Slovakia in the Modern Central European History includes the chapters with a various themes concerning the position of Czechoslovakia and, in its context, of Slovakia in the Central European area: a sharp critique of Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty of 1935 from the point of view of radical rightist and nationalist newspaper Nástup, differences in views on postwar future of Central Europe by two prominent exile politicians – the former president Edvard Beneš and the former prime minister Milan Hodža during World War II, complex interwar and war geopolitical challenges for Czechoslovakia faced with by E. Beneš, as well as the CzechoslovakHungarian and Slovak-Hungarian disputes about the southern border of Slovakia since the Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920 up to the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947. The influence of the modern Central Europe history on international position of the Slovak Republic after attaining of its independence in 1993 is outlined in the final chapter of this part of the book. To the book is added, as a historical document, a politological reflection of the spring 1968 entitled Socialism and National Democracy drafted as a contribution to a discussion on the future of the Slovak society in the period of the so-called Prague Spring, that is, before occupation of Czechoslovakia by the Warsaw Pact armies.

Put u varvarstvo

Author(s): Srđa Popović / Language(s): Serbian

Srđa Popović's analysis in détail of Serbia's way into the wars and conflicts of the 1990s

Srpska krhka vertikala

Author(s): Marko Nikezić,Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian

Description of structural Problems of the Serbian political System by Marko Nikezić, former member of the Yugoslav Central Committee of the League of Communists.With a detailed introductory chapter by Latinka Perović

Milošević vs Jugoslavija. Knjiga I

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Human Rights and Collective Identity - Serbia 2004 -

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Savremenici fašizma 2. – Jugoslavija u okruženju 1933-1941.

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian

U kontekstu naglog uspona fašizma u Evropi i njegove pobede u pojedinim zemljama, jedno od pitanja koje se postavljalo u beogradskoj javnosti, odnosilo se na mogućnosti njegove pojave i u Jugoslaviji, i u skladu sa tim, na analize uslova koji u zemlji postoje za eventualni razmah fašističkih ideja. Nasuprot dominantnom stavu da u zemlji nema fašističkih pokreta, levičari su registrovali njihovo prisustvo, posebno izraženo u rasističkim obeležjima. Demokratskoliberalno stanovište je odbacivalo ove teze sa obrazloženjem da se fašizam uglavnom javlja u gradovima, a da u zemlji seljaka fašističke ideje mogu da nastanu samo kao plod kafanskih razgovora. Po mišljenju intelektualaca ove struje, socijalni uslovi u Jugoslaviji nisu bili pogodni za njegov razvoj, a ideje pojedinih pokreta koje su „ličile“ na fašizam, uglavnom su ocenjivali kao marginalne i potpuno bezopasne. Minimizujući fašističku opasnost u zemlji, liberalno stanovište ni u Ljotićevom pokretu nije videlo sklonost ka fašizmu, već samo njegove „primese“, „loš surogat“ i „neozbiljna oponašanja fantasta“, sklonijih diktaturi nego temeljima ove ideologije. Ambivalencija konzervativnih krugova ispoljavala se i u ovom pitanju. Fašističke ideje su odbacivane kao i teze da su prisutne u zemlji, ali su se istovremeno za Jugoslaviju tražila rešenja koja su uzor pronalazila upravo u njima. Desničari su odricali da su i sami nosioci fašističkih ideja, ali ne zato što se sa njima nisu slagali, već što su verovali da su „novi nacionalizmi“ – fašizam i nacionalsocijalizam – specifično italijanski i nemački produkt, dok je ideologija Zbora, iako sastavni deo globalne pojave „novog nacionalizma“, autentična domaća tvorevina.

Milošević vs Jugoslavija – Knjiga II

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Srebrenica: Od poricanja do priznanja

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Knjiga koja je pred čitaocem je pokušaj da se u potpunosti sagleda kontekst srebreničkog masakra, kao pojedinačno najvećeg i najmonstruoznijeg zločina počinjenog tokom jugoslovenskih ratova 1991- 1999. godine. Taj zločin ostaje kao opomena čovečanstvu o neophodnosti stalne spremnosti za prepoznavanje politike koja planira takve zločine. Do njih nikada ne dolazi preko noći. Uprkos činjenici da međunarodno humanitarno pravo i korpus ljudskih prava nikada nisu bili razvijeniji, do najvećeg stradanja nedužnih civilnih žrtava došlo je upravo u XX veku. Do masovnog stradanja civila došlo je čak i nakon holokausta nad Jevrejima u Drugom svetskom ratu, što je međunarodnu zajednicu ponukalo na osnivanje dva ad hoc krivična suda, jedan za Jugoslaviju i drugi za Ruandu. Njihovo postojanje ubrzalo je i stvaranje stalnog Krivičnog suda, takođe u Hagu. Zločin u Srebrenici dogodio se pune četiri godine nakon početka rata na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije. Rat u Bosni i Hercegovini je od početka 1992. godine bio genocidan, jer je politika zvaničkog Beograda podrazumevala etničko čišćenje. Ono je kroz različite forme nasilja i zastrašivanja, odnosno terora, imalo za cilj da, Bošnjake, sa teritorija na kojima su stolećima živeli, prvenstveno onih duž reke Drine, otera, kako bi se stvorile čiste srpske etničke teritorije. Etničko čišćenje nisu izmislili Srbi. Međutim, uznemirava činjenica da se ono odvijalo, uprkos svim informacijama kojima se raspolagalo o masovnim ubistvima, maltretiranju, uništavanju kulturne baštine, pljačkama privatne imovine, masovnom nasilnom transferu ljudi i sl.

Etnologija svakodnevnog života

Author(s): Aleksandar Bošković / Language(s): Serbian

Tehnologija je oduvek zaokupljala ljude, bilo iz praktičnih razloga (kako da sebi život učine lakšim), bilo iz radoznalosti (u smislu proširivanja granica ljudskog znanja). Kako tvrde umetnici/kritičari iz kolektiva Critical Art Ensemble, razmišljanja o svrsi i budućnosti tehnologije su se povezivala sa promišljanjima budućnosti ljudskog roda uopšte, i ona se najčešće odvijaju u dva smera: s jedne strane, tehno-utopisti koji smatraju da razvoj nauke i tehnike čovečanstvu može doneti neslućena dobra, blagostanje i lek protiv svih zala, a sa druge, tehno-distopisti, koji smatraju da je tehnologija izvor svih zala, i da se od nje ne može očekivati ništa dobro. Tehno-utopisti pravi procvat doživljavaju sa industrijskom revolucijom, kada vera u provi đenje ustupa mesto veri u kapitalizam. (Božja ruka provi đenja je nešto kasnije amputirana i prišivena kiborgu kapitalizma Adama Smita.) Naravno, sa dolaskom industrijske revolucije, težište se definitivno pomera u korist nauke i tehnologije: mislioci sa levice (Kondorse, Sen-Simon, Marks), kao i sa desnice (Kont, Spenser) su delili optimizam u vezi svetle budućnosti, uprkos različitim pristupima – tako je Sen-Simon predvi đao socijalizam saveta, dok je Spenser očekivao pojavu buržoaskog Natčoveka.

Kovanje antijugoslovenske zavere – Knjiga 1

Author(s): Sonja Biserko / Language(s): Serbian

Poslednje dve decenije XX veka vratile su nacionalizam na evropsku političku pozornicu, pre svega u istočnu i centralnu Evropu. Pojava nacionalizma u postkomunističkim istočnoevropskim zemljama bila je rezultat krize identiteta kao posledica kolapsa komunizma i njegovog vrednosnog sistema na kojem je taj identitet počivao, te nesposobnosti i nespremnosti za transformaciju (Jugoslavije) i nespremnosti za tranziciju. Probuđeni nacionalizam u Srbiji bio je karakterističan, pre svega, po teritorijalnim aspiracijama, odnosno osvajačkim pohodima van granica Srbije. Instrumentalizacija vlastitog naroda u cilju mobilizacije za ratne pohode u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, a potom i na Kosovu, tehnologija i karakter ratovanja, srpski nacionalizam krajem XX veka čini najsličnijim nacionalsocijalizmu. Srpski nacizam je izraz palanke, kaže srpski filozof Radomir Konstantinović, pokušaj povratka duhu plemena, istorijska regresija. Svaka apsolutizacija mita, pa naravno i ksosovskog, vodi netrpeljivom nacizmu. Srpski nacizam s početka osmadesetih XX veka počeo je reaktiviranjem kosovskog mita, koji je "postao izvor i oblik zla sopstvenom apsolutizacijom". Ivo Banac ga definiše kao "novi oblik srpskog integralnog nacionalizma s naznakama fašističkih i komunističkih utjecaja. Premda prividno podupire parlamentarnu demokraciju, Miloševićeva ideologija povezuje protudemokratske ideje i s leva i s desna.

Kovanje antijugoslovenske zavere – Knjiga 2

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Vukovarska tragedija 1991 – U mreži propagandnih laži i oružane moći JNA (Knjiga I)

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Knjiga „Medijska priprema rata u Hrvatskoj“ predstavlja deo kontinuiranog nastojanja Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji da dokumentuje stvarne uzroke raspada Jugoslavije. Materijali i dokumenti sakupljeni u ovoj knjizi doprinose razumevanje političkog i društvenog konteksta koji je prethodio ratu. Zbog toga ovo izdanje Helsinškog odbora spada u korpus nezaobilaznih izvora za istraživače koji se bave aktuelnom istorijom balkanskog regiona. Presudom “Vukovarskoj trojci”, a pre toga presudom za Dubrovnik, te onoj Milanu Martiću, hrvatski rat je dobio i svoj sudski epilog. Posebna optužnica protiv Slobodana Miloševića podignuta 17. septembra 2002. godine i to za učestvovanje u udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu, koji je “nastao pre 1. avgusta 1991, a trajao je najmanje do juna 1992”, nažalost, nije dobila svoj sudski epilog.

Vukovarska tragedija 1991 – U mreži propagandnih laži i oružane moći JNA (Knjiga II)

Author(s): Sonja Biserko / Language(s): Serbian

Cilj ove studije je analiza uloge Operativne grupe Jug Oružanih snaga SFRJ (Gardijske motorizovane brigade i dodatne jedinice) tokom dejstava u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu u cilju zauzimanja Vukovara, i nakon tih operacija (od septembra do 24. novembra 1991). Dva su bitna aspekta ove analize. Prvo, u izveštaju se istražuje struktura oružanih snaga SFRJ, doktrina komande i kontrole (nad oružanim snagama i unutar njih), disciplina i ostali važni aspekti. Drugo, u izveštaju se analizira na koji način je Operativna grupa Jug oružanih snaga SFRJ u jesen 1991. izvodila operacije u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu (i Vukovaru), uključujući odnose između Gardijske motorizovane brigade i drugih oružanih grupa koje su dejstvovale na vukovarskom području pre, za vreme i posle evakuacije vukovarske bolnice. Da bi postigla svoj cilj na najefikasniji način, studija je podeljena na dve velike celine. Svaka celina se sastoji od više delova. Da bi se olakašalo čitanje, svaki deo počinje sažetim prikazom. Skraćenice su navedene i objašnjene posebno u Glosaru.

Scenografija rata – Nova putovanja u Bosnu i Srbiju

Author(s): Jens-Martin Eriksen,Frederik Stjernfelt / Language(s): Serbian

Ova knjiga je nastala tokom dramatičnih godina za srpsku politiku. U martu 2003. ubijen je premijer Đinđić – sve ukazuje na to da je ubica poticao iz „Crvenih beretki“ pod komandom Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova, uključujući njihove kontaktie u beogradskoj mafiji – pri čemu su možda bili uključeni i veći delovi državnog aparata. Posle više predsedničkih izbora bez rezultata, zbog premalog odziva birača, parlamentarni izbori od 28. decembra 2003. bili su iznenađenje za one koji su mislili da je Srbija na putu normalizacije. Pobednici su bile stranke koje su podržavale ranijeg predsednika Miloševića i još radikalnijeg Vojislava Šešelja – iako su obojica sedeli na optuženičkoj klupi u Hagu. Šešeljeva radikalna stranka postala je najjača, sa 28% glasova – i jedino ju je koalicija četnika, monarhista, liberalnih reformskih ekonomista i prethodnog predsednika, levičarskog nacionaliste Koštunice, sprečila da preuzme vlast; Koštunica se, pak, isključivo zahvaljujući goroj alternativi, predstavljao kao umeren.

Rat u brojkama - demografski gubici u ratovima na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije od 1991. do 1999.

Author(s): Ewa Tabeau,Marcin Żółtkowski,Jakub Bijak,Arve Hetland,Henrik Urdal,Helge Brunborg,Neda Lončarić,Fritz Sheuren,Patrick Ball,Wendy Betts,Jana Dudukovich,Meghan Lynch,Amelia Hoover / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian

Hronološki prvi demografski ekspertski izveštaj pojavio se na saslušanju u Međunarodnom krivičnom sudu za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ITCY) juna 2000. godine. Izveštaj se odnosio na nestala lica prilikom pada Srebrenice 1995. i predstavljen je u slučaju “Krstić” (IT-98-33). Potpisala su ga dva norveška demografa – Helge Brunborg, viši istraživač Statističkog zavoda Norveške, koji je pre toga radio kao demograf pri Tužilaštvu tribunala u Hagu (ITCY), i Henrik Urdal, u to vreme pomoćni istražitelj Tužilaštva, a potom istraživač Instituta za mirovne studije (Peace Research Institute) u Oslu. Izveštaj je napisan za potrebe Tužilaštva u slučaju “Krstić” s ciljem da rezimira odmazdu prilikom pada Srebrenice. Iako su se podaci korišćeni u izveštaju isključivo odnosili na nestala lica, a ne na potvrđen broj ubijenih na osnovu ekshumacija (jer ti podaci gotovo da i nisu bili dostupni u vreme suđenja Krstiću; do tada je bilo identifikovano samo 70 stradalih), izveštaj i svedočenje eksperta Tužilaštva Helge Brunborg pokazali su se izuzetno uspešnim; u obrazloženju presude generalu RADISLAVU KRSTIĆU, osuđenom na 46 godina zatvora (odnosno 35 po žalbi) našlo se nekoliko bitnih demografskih pokazatelja iz izveštaja, izvedenih u dokaznom postupku.

Dosije: Srpska dobrovoljačka garda

Author(s): Jovana Kolarić / Language(s): Serbian

Predlog praktične politike: Dosuđivanje imovinskopravnog zahteva žrtvama seksualnog nasilja u postupcima za ratne zločine pred sudovima u Srbiji

Author(s): Ivana Žanić / Language(s): Serbian