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The author describes the accomplishments of Slovene historians who pursue answers to open questions of twentieth-century history, drawing special attention to questions which have been the least examined in the Slovene historiography. In addition, he comments on the relationship between current political events and the historiography of Slovenia.
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The author concentrates on the treatment of contemporary Croatian/Yugoslav history in several monographs, overviews, and summaries of Croatian history published over the past ten years. In addition, he completes a short re¬view of research on contemporary history included in the scientific-historical projects financed by the Republic of Croatia’s Ministry of Science, Education, and Sport. He concludes that when guided exclusively by scholarly criteria, the matrix of Croatian historiography is developing in a satisfactory manner.
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This book is among the few deep analysis on Islam in the Bulgarian lands, written by a Bulgarian author. The analysis covers the origin of Islam in the Bulgarian lands, it's spreading there and its relation to cult objects according to the Life of Demir Baba and Otman Baba. Studies, like this one, are very important for the polemic and uncertain times we live in, because they can help us understand better the culture of part of the population of our countries. We are witnessing conflicts on ethnic basis, caused by misunderstanding or disinformation on processes that were being formed for centuries. Understanding this culture is important not only to ourselves but to the person standing next to us, for respecting each other, despite of the religious differences. In this book the author made serious attempt to give an answer to a polemic academic topics related to the Alevi(Alevism), like their origin, their destiny and the parallels of their historical and cultural memory in the present.
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This volume contains studies, articles and research reports dedicated to Prof. Petar Garenov and the 60-th anniversary of his death. In his life Prof. Garenov was part of the academic department of History and Archaeology of Povdiv University "Paisii Hilendarski". The title of the collection represents the person Prof. Garenov was - an outstanding theologian, Doctor of history, sculptor and painter, who received various awards in all these areas during his life. All the studies and articles in this volume cover a large area of topics and subjects in the spheres of History, Archaeology, Language and Literature. Some of the works contain illustrations and images used to support the arguments of a concrete author. All the Bulgarian and foreign authors of this edition are prominent scientists and experts in different scientific areas.
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This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes.This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes. The original version of the journal Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) is the part of CEEOL also.
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This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes.This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes. The original version of the journal Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) is the part of CEEOL also.
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This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History), which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes.This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes. The original version of the journal Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) is the part of CEEOL also.
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This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History), which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes.This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes. The original version of the journal Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) is the part of CEEOL also.
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The book Rok 1968 Eto vaše delo is based on lecture cycle, organised by the Slovak Institute in Prague in cooperation with the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences and Institute for Contemporary History of the ASCR. The aim of this lecture cycle was to remember about the 40th anniversary of the reform process in Czechoslovakia in 1968. The lectures presented by Slovak historians, were extended and collected as papers, that are part of this book. The aim of the particular papers is to analyse the main aspects of the reforms, further their ideological roots, as well as their political, social and economic casualties. The authors intended to reflect the immanent development of the autonomous reform process in Czechoslovakia, taking into account both political, constitutional, national-political, socioeconomic, cultural and confessional issues. The opening paper written by Professor Ivan Laluha is an authentic testimony about the gradual maturation process, that was proceeding the reforms in the field of economic theory, which is the main field of interest of the author. The author’s goal was to outline the efforts undertaken in order to achieve a further development of reforms in the constitutional and national-political sphere. Jozef Žatkuliak is analysing the genesis of the ideas proposing a new, federal constitution for Czechoslovakia. The key focus of Slavomír Michálek’s study is based on the American political context of the Czechoslovak attempt for reform of Socialism. There is no doubt, that, during that time, the United States of America and the Soviet Union were trying to reach an agreement and that both sides were conducing a bipolar détente politics. On the one hand, in Washington there was a kind of sympathy for the reform process taking place in Czechoslovakia, but on the other hand, it was perceived as an internal problem of the Soviet Bloc. Two following studies writen by Stanislav Sikora are dealing with the ideological background of the Prague or Bratislava Spring, involving a critical analysis of the term „Socialism with human face”. In his study, Miroslav Londák is explaining the main principles of the economic reform in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s by going to the roots and anatomising the process of industrialisation of Slovakia since 1948. Furthermore, Londák is paying close attention to the efforts of Slovak economists undertaken in order to replant the special economic needs of Slovakia; these efforts were closely connected with the preparations for a federalization of the Czechoslovak state. The study of Jan Pešek is dealing with the process of a limited regeneration, under conditions of the Communist regime, of Churches. Elena Londáková is broaching the issue of reform movement in culture. She emphasised, that it were above all the exponents of cultural life, who acted as the pioneers of the reform movement and, in the same time, as the main critics of the whole social and political system.
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The formation of the Czechoslovak Republic was confirmed officially on October 28 and 30, 1918 by passing two constitutional acts – the Proclamation of the Czechoslovak National Council in Prague and the Declaration of the Slovak Nation in Turčiansky Svätý Martin. The implementation of Czechoslovak independent statehood, however, required another two years of consolidation in the territory of Slovakia, a period which ended by signing the Treaty of Trianon in June 1920. The period between these two milestones – October 1918 and June 1920 – was exceptionally demanding for Slovakia and its leading politicians. The author presents in her work “Slovakia on its Path to Democracy“ the complex problems that emerged immediately after the proclamation of the Czechoslovak Republic and that were closely connected with the process of integration of Slovakia into the new state. The crucial problem was especially the great gap caused by different levels of development of Slovakia and the Czech lands. It was exactly this feature that gave rise to new problems in the process of integration of the two territories. The Office of the Minister Plenipotentiary for the Administration of Slovakia was temporarily in charge of the consolidation of the new political situation. The Minister’s task was made more difficult by the efforts of Hungary to regain the territory of Slovakia or at least a part of it. This “war after the war” complicated the proper functioning of the administration and of the democratisation process in Slovakia, which was lawfully initiated and codified by the Revolutionary National Assembly. Many of its provisions could be implemented in the Czech lands only, as Slovakia had to be put under martial law in March 1919 because of new war events, with a military dictatorship being introduced in June 1919. Supplying the citizens with basic needs became more difficult, which led to an increase of post-war social tensions, disgruntled minorities, and even more complicating consequences on the domestic political scene. The author, besides describing the first steps that were made after the creation of the Czechoslovak Republic and the ideological and programmatic trends of Slovak policy, analyses some key issues that the Ministry Plenipotentiary had to face. These were closely linked to the changes in administration, staffing and funding, and the overall authoritative character of the post-war regime in Slovakia. Along with the national, economic, and social difficulties, they influenced the outcome of the general elections in 1920, which did not favour the Slovak middle-class parties, but made leftist parties victorious. In this context, the author focuses on certain prominent personalities of this era: especially Vavro Šrobár, Milan Hodža, and Juraj Slávik. They were representatives of the new Slovakia not only as government ministers, but also as leading politicians of the Agrarian Party, which played an important ideological, political, and economic role in Czechoslovakia from its beginning to its end. It is obvious that some problems that emerged immediately after the formation of Czechoslovakia (e.g. the struggle for Slovak autonomy and official recognition of Slovak national identity) and were not properly resolved, continued to reproduce themselves. They polarised the Slovak political scene to an unfortunately large degree, reappeared after twenty years in a more radical form, and proved fatal to the Republic as a whole and to Slovakia in 1938.
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The aim of the presented collection of 29 chapters and essays is to sketch a comprehensive picture of Slovak society, reflecting the interactions between its political and cultural elites, as well as the coherence of historiography and historical consciousness in the 20th century. It might be stressed that these relations weren’t static, although in their frames, some resistant stereotypes arose which are still very popular in some parts of Slovak society. The stereotypes, auto-stereotypes and myths never failed to exist; just the contrary – they were going through a process of specific evolution, influenced by numerous fundamental, state-political and constitutional changes, that attended the life of Slovak society in the past century. These changes, or better, ruptures with global social impact had not only positive, but also – and this seems to be the majority of the cases – negative consequences for the situation of particular generations living in Slovakia. Simultaneously, their determined all spheres of cultural life of Slovak society, much like the Slovak historiography influencing both its internal development and its perception by the public. The presented work is divided into four thematic parts. First of them is dealing with both the direct and the indirect impact of political events and decisions taken by the administration on citizens, i.e. particular parts of society. This is the reason, why the tragic issue of the so-called social engineering and Holocaust is also taken into consideration. The author is supposing, that the discrimination and persecution of certain groups of population defined by their nationality, religious, racial or class identity afflicted not only individual victims, but, taking into account its global impact, it was a tragedy for the whole society. In particular it devastated the moral, cultural and religious values of the society and its constitutional consciousness. Culture also suffered by these socio-political processes. The culture and its prominent representatives enjoyed a specific position within the public life in Slovakia, since they were either substituting the absenting “national policy” or they were an active part of this policy – representing and defending universal ideals of humanity proclaimed by themselves or, in other cases, representing the political elites. This contradicted engagement and existing intellectual disunity were symptomatic especially during the existence of non-democratic, i.e. totalitarian political regimes, which afflicted the most part of the decades of Slovak history in the 20th century. As a logical consequence, it resulted not only in disappointment and frustration of Slovak cultural elites, but also in lost of confidence by the citizens in what they have represented. The situation of the Slovak historiography that, as a professional scientific discipline and in its institutional form was going through a process of intensive development just in the frames of communist regime was some kind similar. Just as the culture, the Slovak historiography was also strongly influenced and eventually deformed by the political reality. Slovak professional historiography was facing two main challenges: on the one hand it had to reflect scientific problems and questions and, on the other hand, there was a necessity of defending its own social status and position within the social hierarchy. This position only partly resulted from the scientific outputs of the Slovak historiography, since the role it had to play was strictly defined by the communist state. During that time, the Slovak historiography was going through a difficult development including hopes, unfulfilled illusions, disappointments, disgraceful moral and professional failures, but also happier stages such as significant achievements or civil resistance against the political regime and its leading figures. From today’s perspective, taking into account these phenomenons, the biggest detriment the Slovak historiography had to suffer seems to be the multiple interruption of natural continuity of its development and the visible lack of confidence on the side of citizens that it is permanently trying to regain. On the other hand it should be pointed out that in spite of unfavorable political and social conditions in the past the Slovak professional historiography achieved remarkable scientific results that allowed, after 1989, to be a part of European scientific community. Fourth thematic part of the presented book is dedicated to chosen historical personalities playing significant role in the modern history of Slovakia. Also reflected are chosen historians, which in their professional career and work were able to harmonize their scientific abilities with their civic attitudes, regardless of the risks.
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The Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences honors with this collective monograph the 70th jubilee of the one of its outstanding colleagues and friends – PhDr. Ivan Kamenec, CSc. Although Mr. Kamenec studies and interprets the modern Slovak history of the 20th century in its complexity, his lifelong scientific interest belongs to the Slovak Republic during World War II, especially its political history and personalities. He is to be counted to the top rated Slovak historians in this field. But in the first place his name in the history of the Slovak historical science is connected with the pioneer role in researching the Holocaust in Slovakia. Before 1989 he had been the first to open this taboo theme and the years later his research results inspired the whole group of new historians and brought Dr. Kamenec the international respect among Holocaust specialists. The collective monograph From the History of the Democratic and Totalitarian Regime in the 20th Century Slovakia and Czechoslovakia deals with not yet fully researched areas of the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks and its international context and relations. The texts are aimed at some historical events in the period of the first, interwar Czechoslovak Republic, at the phenomena in the history of the Slovakia during WWII and at the development before and after communist takeover after the war. All the chapters are written by outstanding specialists in the given themes, coming from the Institute of History of SAS, from the other history institutions and universities of Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The book begins with the two texts dealing with the professional life and the scientific work of Ivan Kamenec. In the first one Herta Tkadlečková – the former university teacher of I. Kamenec – remembers in an essay like form “how has become the modest student a reputable historian”. Taking as an example the birth and its circumstances of the Kamenec’s books, she depicts the complicated lot of a historian dealing with the modern history. The second text written by Nina Paulovičová compares the crucial “Holocaust” book of Ivan Kamenec On the Trail of the Tragedy with some same topic books published in abroad. Showing various aspects of the author’s interpretation of the Jewish fate in war time Slovakia she prizes not only the scientific value of this monograph, but also its social and moral importance. The next part of the book already speaks about some aspects of the (Czecho-) Slovak history in the time between the two world wars. Milan Zemko analyzes the political system of the first Czechoslovak Republic from the point of view of the political parties acting in the National assembly. He shows the changing picture of their antagonisms and cooperation, being more and more based upon nationalism and resulting in the hard confrontation between “Czechoslovak” (Czech and Slovak) political parties and the political representative bodies of the national minorities – German and Hungarian. Ľubica Kázmerová has aimed her attention at the development of the Slovak educational system in the given period. Comparing the differences and common features of the Slovakia and Czech lands, she presents how at the beginning the disastrous educational situation in Slovakia positively changed in the first two decades of the existence of the Czechoslovak Republic. The third text of this part of the book written by Peter Švorc is a sound into the regional and local history of the small Spiš town – Spišská Belá. The author deals with the local political life represented by leftist and right wing political groupings and concentrates in the case of Jewish inhabitance on the interethnic relations. Wartime Slovak state, Jewish question and the Slovak uprising are the main subjects of the second part of the monograph. Eduard Nižňanský states that the anti-Semitic politics was characteristic not only for the wartime Slovak Republic (from March the 14th, 1939), but its basic features had developed already in the last phase of the Czecho-Slovakia’s existence – in the period of the Slovak autonomy. This statement author documents on the case of the Anti-Jewish pogrom in Piešťany in early March 1939. The term “Jew” and its place in the law system of the wartime Slovak state examines in her text Katarína Zavacká. Analyzing the corresponding legal acts, she shows the parallel between depriving the Jews of their civil rights and the decay of democratic system. On the contrary to the Jews, who were not acknowledged as a minority, in the Slovak Republic existed three officially declared national minorities – German, Hungarian and Ruthenian. At the problem of their legal status in the political system of the wartime Slovak Republic is aimed the text of Ondrej Podolec. From the point of view of international context the historians deal in the given period with the two aspects – first there are the international relations of the Slovak Republic, and second aspect are the activities of the Slovak Pro-Allied exile. The less known events in the official relations between Slovak republic and U.S.S.R. examines Dagmar Čierna-Lantayová. Based upon the archival research in Moscow the text shows the development of the diplomatic relations from their beginning to the time, when the Slovak army entered the war against Russia. The exile problem represents the writing of Vilém Prečan. It comments four here-published documents, which show the unknown facts and the chain of circumstances of the detention of Vladimír Clementis – the prominent Slovak communist – during his stay in France in 1939. About the French attitude to the Slovakia and Slovak question writes also Pavol Petruf. In the text he concentrates on the given problem at first till the defeat of the France in 1940 and then on the attitude of the Vichy and the de Gaulle’s Free France to the Slovak Republic and in the same time to the Slovak exile. The last block of this part of the book pays attention to the various, less known aspects of the Slovak National Uprising in 1944. It begins with the first research results on the anti-resistance propaganda in the uprising and on the uprising, including the German official media. The military campaigns of rising are not perceived here as an object of research, but as case of escalation of the social conflict, widely covered by printed media. The author – Marína Zavacká widely analyses and interprets the vocabulary of this propaganda. The print-media are the subject also of the text of Jan Rychlík. In this case the author in details documents, how the official newspapers in Protectorate reflected the course of the uprising and how they used it for their own propaganda. The closing text crosses the chronological line of this part. It looks at the uprising from the point of view of historical memory. Its author – Elena Mannová – using the social-historical and cultural-historical approach is searching for various interpretations of the rising and their reflection in the collective memory from 1945 to the end of the century. Mannová’s text leads the reader to the part of the monograph dealing with the post-war period before and after the communist takeover. In the first text Michal Barnovský gives the brief characteristics of the function, structure and the activities of the National Front in Slovakia in 1945- 1948. After analyzing them the author states that although the monopoly of power of the NF made the communist takeover in February 1948 easier, its existence had not been the necessary condition for it. The communist coup d’etat had been victorious because of using the material power and the Soviet pressure. The second text dealing with the given period is from Edita Ivaničková. She tries to document the foreign policy interests of the Slovaks in 1944-1948, shows their possibilities, limits and their outcomes. Being concentrated on the solution of the Slovak question within the post-war republic, the Slovak politicians paid less attention to the foreign policy and loosing their fight for democracy they also lost the opportunity to develop their foreign policy interests. Another text dealing with the international aspects has written Slavomír Michálek. He depicts the case – known in its time in the West as “the freedom flight” – when the three Czechoslovak citizens trying to escape the communist regime highjacked in 1953 the airplane and landed in the U.S. occupation zone of Germany. The following diplomatic incident between United States and Czechoslovakia was the only constructive solved matter in that period of the fully frozen bi-lateral relations. Being Michálek’s text based upon the archival research, the next one – by Jozef Leikert – is an interesting combination of Oral History and the study of the contemporary material. It shows one period of the life of the well-known Slovak writer and journalist Ladislav Mňačko, when he was as a young communist working in the daily paper Pravda and supporting the Stalinist regime in Czechoslovakia. The next text written by Vladimír Goněc concentrates on another personality, this time from the camp of the communist opponents. He analyses the activities and above all the ideas of the one of the leaders of the émigré organization – the Council of Free Czechoslovakia – Hubert Ripka. The reader may get acquainted with his opinion in the second half of the 50-ties not only on the development in the Central Europe, but on the global policy as well. With the text of Jan Pešek the book turns back to the inner development of Slovakia within the Czechoslovak state. The author describes one fragment in the history of the Slovak communist party with long reaching consequences – the changes in its leading positions in 1962-1964. It means the fall of the old functionaries connected with K. Gottwald and A. Novotný and the coming of a new guard of communist leaders (e.g. A. Dubček) not directly burdened by the unlawfulness of the past. The next text by Miroslav Londák follows up chronologically with the previous chapter. The author analyzes the Czechoslovak economic reform in the 60-ties and its break down after the invasion in August 1968. He states that the base and the scope of the reform plans had been incompatible with the given socialist system in Czechoslovakia and it undermined its fundaments. The new democratic Czechoslovakia and its break down is the theme examined by Jozef Žatkuliak. He goes through the discussions about the new relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks in a federal republic after 1989, follows the proceedings of various political groupings and their leaders up to the end of the Czechoslovakia and the birth of the independent Slovak state in 1993. The last part of this collective monograph deals with the themes of democracy, individual and collective ideological consciousness in the 20th century Slovakia. Dušan Kováč writes about democracy, political culture and the heritage of totalitarianism in the historical process. He states among others that in Central European countries is the experience with the life in democracy very limited. Czechoslovak republic in the inter-war period was only a single country with the real parliamentary democracy. Introduction of the general suffrage and the plural political party system was not without danger in Central Europe and in other post-communist countries. Functioning democracy needs a relative high level of political culture. Without this could democracy shrink to the electoral machinery connected with populism and with the growth of nationalism. Roman Holec returns back into the end of the 19th and the first half of 20th centuries and introduces the “forgotten Slovak leftist intellectual” – Hugo Matzner. He follows his life from his youth up to the death in 1948. Through Matzner’s activities in the social-democratic party and his leftist intellectual maturity the author indirectly shows the development in Slovakia from the last period of Austria-Hungary till the communist take over in 1948. Another portrait of the well-known Slovak personality Alexander Matuška – the best representative of the Slovak literary criticque and essay in the 20th century – closes the summarized monograph. Vlasta Jaksicsová in her text goes though the key moments of his life and writings, where he presents himself as an original and severe critic of the Slovak past and present and the commentator on the Slovak characteristic features. And she underlines, that Matuška is a favorite author also for Ivan Kamenec and that the writer and the historian have many common features.
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"A group of about three to four people in their 40s approached us. They were visibly inebriated and started swearing at 'our Chetnik mother', asking 'how come we were not ashamed to come to Zagreb'. My wife and I looked at each other and remained silent. What were we to do, we were here with small children? We waited for their rampage to end but it went on for a while and then they left with the message that they would take care of us and the children, should we ever return", Dušan Kovačević, the director of the Novi Sad music festival Exit, said during his visit to Zagreb. The incident occurred in mid-February 2017, the same month that stickers appeared on the streets of Vukovar with the invitation to hang Serbs, and that members of the extreme right party Autochthonous – Croatian Party of Rights (A-HSP) marched through the Croatian capital dressed in black. Last February will also be remembered as a month when an Ustasha graffiti appeared on the Orthodox church of Holy Trinity in Bjelovar, a protected cultural monument. Also in February, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) MP Milanka Opačić, received police protection because of the photomontage inspired by her Serb nationality, published by the portal Dnevno.hr. Dalmatia was no exception to this trend. At the end of February, organisers of a carnival in Kaštele near Split, torched before hundreds of spectators and effigy of Milorad Pupovac, the president of the Serb National Council (SNC) and of the Independent Democratic Serb Party (SDSS).
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On the most general level, it is evident that transnational activities and structures play a decisive role in our current globalized world. Accordingly, research focused on the transnational level has gained importance in the fields of political science and sociology. The past two decades of social science research have seen a number of publications written in the area. They include Císař 2004; Kolářová 2009; Della Porta, Tarrow 2005; Imig, Tarrow 1999, 2001; Snow, Benford 1999; Tarrow 1998; and Tarrow 2005. It is noteworthy that each of these researchers has chosen to examine transnationalism in the context of social movements.
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In 2011, Egyptians overthrew their authoritarian president, Hosni Mubarak. Since then, tumultuous shifts in civilian rule and military interventions have marred Egypt’s transition to democracy, prompting speculation about the potential for reversion to an authoritarian system. How revolutionary was Egypt’s change and how much of it remains? Among the most basic barometers of overall systemic revolutionary change is the education system and, more precisely, the way history is taught. “History is written by the victors,” Winston Churchill was to have remarked, and so history is often rewritten after a revolution. The victors usually want the old narrative removed and their own, new vision presented in textbooks, as they are understood to shape young people’s understanding of the past and present, thus they are conducive to the survival of the new regime.
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Opravdu se sem těch několik zvláštních bolestných slov na rozloučenou nehodí? Takto přece odcházela ztracená generace mladých, kteří umřeli na válku nemající do té doby v dějinách obdobu. Takto odcházeli i příslušníci dalšího pokolení, jež pohltily flanderské, verdunské, karpatské, tannenburské, piavské mlýnky na maso. Mnozí z těch, kteří přece jen přežili, se v odpovědích na neodbytnou otázku otázek, jak se to mohlo stát, obrátili proti řádu, který ještě nedávno vypadal na civilizační triumf a důstojný život, a teď se jevil téměř jako inspirátor útoku pochybné či zneužité civilizace na lidské žití. Vzplanuly barbussovské ohně hněvu a zároveň touhy, aby bylo jinak.
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Ovaj izveštaj je rezultat sistematskog praćenja uspostavljanja tranzicione pravde u zemljama nastalim raspadom bivše Jugoslavije, koje sprovode organizacije za ljudska prava Fond za humanitarno pravo (Beograd) i Documenta (Zagreb). Dezintegraciju jugoslovenske federacije obeležila su tri oružana sukoba visokog intenziteta: u Hrvatskoj (1991-95.), Bosni i Hercegovini (1992-95.), i na Kosovu (1998-99.), u kojima je najmanje 130.000 ljudi izgubilo život, milioni su bili prinuđeni da napuste svoje domove, a stotine hiljada kuća su razorene. Uz to, do kraćih oružanih sukoba, sa relativno malim brojem žrtava, došlo je u Sloveniji (jun-jul 1991.) i Makedoniji (januar-novembar 2001). Više od 1.300 Srba, Roma i Albanaca, prepoznatih u albanskoj javnosti kao srpski saradnici, ubijeno je nakon oružanih sukoba i dolaska međunarodnih snaga na Kosovo, u vremenu od 12. juna 1999. do kraja 2000. godine. Sudbina oko 17.000 nestalih u regionu još uvek je nepoznata. Prelaz iz stanja oružanog sukoba i državne represije u period mira i izgradnje demokratskih institucija zahteva od ovih društava da se odrede prema masovnim kršenjima ljudskih prava iz bliske prošlosti. Skup mera koje vlasti i civilno društvo preduzimaju radi suočavanja s ovim kršenjiima prava čini kompleks tranzicione pravde, čiji su osnovni elementi utvrđivanje činjenica, suđenja, reparacije, i institucionalne reforme. U toku 2007. godine, u Bosni i Hercegovini i, u manjoj meri, u Hrvatskoj, napravljen je pozitivan korak u snaženju kapaciteta za suđenja za ratne zločine; u Srbiji, aktivnosti na procesuiranju ratnih zločina ostale su na nivou onih iz prethodnih godina, a u Crnoj Gori i na Kosovu bile su neznatne. Ni u jednoj post-jugoslovenskoj državi vlasti nisu pokazivale interes za uspostavljanje državnih komisija za istinu ili drugih tela za utvrđivanje činjenica o teškim kršenjima ljudskih prava u ratu, niti za reforme čiji bi cilj bio uklanjanje iz institucija pojedinaca koji su kršili ljudska prava pre, u toku, ili u periodu nakon oružanih sukoba. Dobijanje reparacija, na osnovu zakona ili sudskim putem, i dalje je za brojne kategorije žrtava bilo teško ostvarivo. SUĐENJA ZA RATNE ZLOČINE: Suđenja za ratne zločine su u 2007. godini, kao i ranije, predstavljala onaj segment tranzicione pravde koji je u post-jugoslovenskim zemljama izazivao najviše pažnje javnosti, i u kom su vlasti bile naročito preduzimljive. U Hrvatskoj je pred županijskim sudovima tokom godine održano ukupno 35 suđenja, za trećinu više nego u prethodnoj godini. Nepravosnažnim presudama završilo je 15 prvostepenih postupaka. Ranija pristrasnost po etničkom osnovu, u radu istražnih i tužilačkih organa, imala je odraza i u 2007. utoliko što se mnogim optuženim Srbima – njih više od polovine – sudilo u odsustvu, a osim toga samo se pripadnicima ove etničke grupe, a ne i Hrvatima, sudilo i za dela koja nisu uključivala smrtnu posledicu (pljačka i uništavanja imovine, i drugo). Sudovi u BiH su doneli ukupno 29 prvostepenih presuda (šest više nego u 2006.), a uz to je na kraju godine 19 suđenja bilo u toku. Specijalizovano Odeljenje za ratne zločine Tužilaštva BiH, kao i Veće za ratne zločine Suda BiH, sve više su snažili svoje kapacitete za procesuiranje ratnih zločina, tako da je u toku godine Veće izreklo deset presuda, a na kraju godine u toku je bilo devet suđenja. S druge strane, rad redovnih sudova i tužilaštava na lokalnom nivou bio je ograničen nedovoljnim kapacitetima za uspešno procesuiranje zločina. Etnički sastav optuženih pred Odeljenjem za ratne zločine i lokalnim sudovima bio je veoma raznolik, što bi moglo da ukazuje na povećanu spremnost bosansko-hercegovačkog pravosuđa da goni osumnjičene za zločine bez obzira na njihovu etničku pripadnost. U Srbiji su aktivnosti na procesuiranju ratnih zločina ostale na nivou onih iz prethodnih godina, odnosno održan je relativno mali broj suđenja (šest) i donete su samo dve prvostepene presude. Na Kosovu su 2007. godine održana samo dva suđenja za ratne zločine, a u Crnoj Gori 2007. godine nije održano nijedno. Ipak, istražni organi su vodili nekoliko istraga koje su crnogorski mediji i najšira javnost pažljivo pratili, tako da je krajem godine izgledalo da će u predstojećem periodu u tim predmetima biti podignute optužnice. U svim delovima bivše Jugoslavije, sa izuzetkom Crne Gore, uspostavljene su tokom decenije specijalizovane strukture za procesuiranje ratnih zločina, i bio je primetan pozitivan efekat njihovog rada, naročito u smislu veće profesionalnosti i ozbiljnijeg pristupa predmetima ratnih zločina nego ranije. Nastavljena je i saradnja tužilaštava iz BiH, Hrvatske i Srbije, a korisnu komunikaciju uspostavila su i tužilaštva Hrvatske i Crne Gore. S druge strane, većina problema koja je prethodnih godina ograničavala efikasnost napora da se privedu pravdi odgovorni za ratne zločine, nije otklonjena. Podrška političkih struktura krivičnom gonjenju osumnjičenih za ratne zločine bez obzira na nacionalnost bila je nedovoljna. Vlasti nisu stvorile uslove u kojima bi se svedoci osećali slobodnim da potpunim i istinitim iskazima pomognu utvrđivanju istine o zločinima i ulozi osumnjičenih. Ostao je nerešen problem nekažnjivosti za mnoge počinioce zločina u BiH koji sada žive, i stekli su državljanstvo, u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj, gde im je ustavom ili zakonom zagarantovano neizručivanje, dok BiH nije voljna da prepusti suđenja tim licima pravosuđu Hrvatske i Srbije. UTVRĐIVANJE ČINJENICA I KAZIVANJE ISTINE: Ni u jednoj od zemalja naslednica SFR Jugoslavije nije u 2007. godini bilo ozbiljnijih rasprava o mogućem uspostavljanju komisija za istinu. Još uvek ne postoji neko zvanično telo u post-jugoslovenskim zemljama koje bi na sistematski način, na nivou pojedine države ili više država, utvrđivalo činjenice o kršenjima ljudskih prava i humanitarnog prava u proteklom periodu. Komisija za utvrđivanje činjenica o stradanjima Srba, Hrvata, Bošnjaka, Jevreja i ostalih u Sarajevu u periodu 1992-95, osnovana odlukom Saveta ministara BiH u junu 2006. godine, nije u 2007. godini ostvarila nikakav napredak u prikupljanju podataka, prvenstveno zbog neslaganja među članovima Komisije o njenom mandatu. U parlamentarnim raspravama i u udžbenicima, u Srbiji, Hrvatskoj i BiH, preovladavalo je prikazivanje samo svog naroda kao žrtve. Krajem 2007. godine, u regionu je bilo oko 17.000 nerešenih zahteva za pronalazak nestalih lica. Broj identifikovanih u toku godine u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu smanjio se u odnosu na prethodne godine, što je među udruženjima porodica nestalih povećalo bojazan da će proces nalaženja posmrtnih ostataka trajati još jako dugo, ili će dobrim delom ostati nezavršen. Prestanak rada Međunarodnog krivičnog tribunala za bivšu Jugoslaviju (MKTJ), objektivna ograničenja nacionalnih sudova u procesuiranju ratnih zločina (duga suđenja, smrtnost počinilaca i svedoka), minimiziranje zločina protiv drugih, kao i sporost u rešavanju sudbine nestalih lica, naveli su Fond za humanitarno pravo, Documentu i Istraživačko-dokumentacioni centar (Sarajevo), da u maju 2006. godine pokrenu inicijativu koja bi krajem decenije trebalo da rezultira osnivanjem zvanične komisije za utvrđivanje činjenica na regionalnom nivou o događajima iz devedesetih. Pomenute organizacije pažljivo su i postepeno tokom 2006. i 2007. godine stvarale prostor za jačanje podrške inicijativi unutar civilnog društva, pre prelaska u završnu fazu, odnosno pre no što zatraže od vlasti u post-jugoslovenskim zemljama da svojim autoritetom stanu iza osnivanje regionalne komisije. INSTITUCIONALNE REFORME: Ni u jednom delu bivše Jugoslavije u toku 2007. godine nije sprovedena “lustracija” niti šira institucionalna reforma čiji bi smisao bio da umanji mogućnost da državni organi u budućnosti krše ljudska prava. Jedine sveobuhvatne reforme institucija koje su preduzete u nekoj zemlji sa prostora bišve Jugoslavije, a čiji je deklarisani cilj bio uklanjanje sa položaja pojedinaca odgovornih za kršenje prava u devedesetim, jesu reforme policije i pravosuđa u BiH, provedene u periodu između 1999-2002. odnosno 2002-2004. godine. Srbijanski Zakon o odgovornosti za kršenje ljudskih prava, iz 2003. godine, ostao je mrtvo slovo na papiru, i u zemlji je jačalo uverenje da je vreme za “lustraciju” prošlo. U Hrvatskoj i Crnoj Gori ni u jednom periodu posle rata ključne političke grupacije nisu zahtevale slične reforme, zbog toga što su političke partije koje su bile na vlasti u devedesetim nastavile da dominiraju političkim životom, ili zato što postoji rasprostranjeno mišljenje u javnosti da je postupanje ondašnjih vlasti bilo generalno ispravno te stoga nema razloga za detaljnom proverom načina na koji su, sa stanovišta ljudskih prava, pojedini predstavnici vlasti delovali. Opoziciona Liberalna partija Crne Gore predala je predlog Zakona o lustraciji Skupštini Crne Gore 16. marta 2007. godine, ali se vladajuća Demokratska partija socijalista, koja drži vlast neprekidno od početka devedesetih, usprotivila usvajanju zakona. Na Kosovu, u pitanje se dovodi samo postojanje konteksta za eventualnu primenu lustracionih mera, jer su učesnici u zakonodavnoj, izvršnoj, sudskoj i administrativnoj vlasti iz devedesetih nakon 1999. godine u velikom broju napustili Kosovo, ili iz drugih razloga više ne participariju u vladajućim strukturama. REPARACIJE: U toku 2007. godine, u post jugoslovenskim zemljama primenjivale su se sledeće vrste reparacija: naknade (na osnovu zakona i na osnovu sudskih odluka); restitucija (povrat i obnova imovine); utvrđivanje sudbine nestalih; utvrđivanje činjenica i njihovo javno iznošenje; uvođenje činjenica o kršenjima prava u obrazovne materijale; i, podizanje spomen-obeležja. Naknade i restitucija su prethodnih godina uglavnom obezbeđeni za pripadnike većine, odnosno za žrtve na pobedničkoj strani rata, dok u odnosu na pripadnike manjine proces još uvek traje, a negde je na samom početku. Spomen-obeležja se podižu gotovo isključivo u znak sećanja na žrtve-pripadnike većinskog naroda. U koncipiranju i primeni zakona o reparacijama, u svim post-jugoslovenskim zemljama upadljivo su privilegovana vojna lica, odnosno članovi njihovih porodica, u odnosu na civile. U svim delovima bivše Jugoslavije, izvestan broj civilnih žrtava rata i osoba čija su ljudska prava ozbiljno kršena u prethodnom periodu nastojao je da ostvari naknadu štete sudskim putem. Broj tužilaca je bio relativno mali, zbog neizvesnosti u pogledu mogućeg dobijanja spora, nepostojanja delotvornih sistema besplatne pravne pomoći i nepostojanja zakonskih rešenja kojima bi se žrtve izuzele od plaćanja sudskih taksi i troškova postupka u slučaju gubitka spora.
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Ni 14 godina nakon oružanih sukoba u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, i deset godina od kraja sukoba na Kosovu, žrtve još uvijek nisu imenovane niti priznate, a samo manji broj odgovornih izveden je pred lice pravde. Raspravu o mehanizmima za utvrđivanje i kazivanje činjenica o neposrednoj prošlosti započele su tri organizacije za ljudska prava, Fond za humanitarno pravo (Srbija), Documenta (Hrvatska) i Istraživačko-dokumentacioni centar (Bosna i Hercegovina) u rujnu 2005. godine, uz učešće stručnjaka Međunarodnog centra za tranzicijsku pravdu. Sudionici i sudionice skupa, predstavnici 10 vodećih organizacija za ljudska prava iz regije, podržali su suđenja za ratne zločine kao jedini pravni mehanizam za utvrđivanje pojedinačne odgovornosti, posebno ukazujući da je suradnja između državnih odvjetništava, tužiteljstava i sudova u regiji utjecala da se čuje glas žrtava ratnih zločina iz drugih etničkih zajednica. Imajući u vidu da su kazneni postupci fokusirani na optužene, tri organizacije su pokrenule regionalnu raspravu o instrumentima za utvrđivanje i kazivanje činjenica o ratnim zločinima, u čijem su fokusu žrtve, kako bi doprinijeli potpunijoj slici o svemu što se dogodilo u prošlosti. Rasprava (konzultacijski proces o mehanizmima za utvrđivanje i kazivanje činjenica o ratnim zločinima) je osmišljena kao niz regionalnih, nacionalnih i lokalnih rasprava (konzultacija) u manjim grupama (oko 30 sudionika i sudionica) sa predstavnicima različitih grupa civilnog društva. Dio procesa postali su i regionalni forumi za tranzicijsku pravdu, skupovi sa većim brojem sudionika (oko 250), na koje se kao gosti pozivaju i predstavnici država i međunarodnih organizacija. Cilj konzultacijskog procesa je od početka stvaranje javne platforme na kojoj će žrtve i predstavnici civilnog društva iznositi svoje potrebe u odnosu na kršenje ljudskih prava i nepravde počinjene u prošlosti. Drugi, podjednako važan cilj je jačanje podrške za prihvaćanje inicijative o regionalnom pristupu u utvrđivanju činjenica o ratnim zločinima, kako bi bila prihvaćena u svim zemljama regije, i od građana i od vlasti. U svibnju 2008. godine inicijativa je prerasla u prijedlog za formiranje Regionalne komisije za utvrđivanje i kazivanje činjenica o ratnim zločinima i drugim teškim povredama ljudskih prava. Od tada, konzultacijski proces dobiva i treći cilj: izgradnja modela Regionalne komisije (REKOM).
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U Hrvatskoj, kao i u drugim post-jugoslavenskim zemljama se, ne samo politički nego i znanstveno, problematiziraju pitanja posljedica sukoba. U Hrvatskoj, naravno, s naglaskom na žrtve u Domovinskom ratu 1991. - 1995. godine. Naime, Vladine i znanstvene institucije te organizacije civilnog društva (uključujući i udruge žrtava i organizacija za ljudska prava iz Hrvatske, Bosne i Hercegovine i Srbije) prikupljale su podatake o ubijenim i nestalima u ratu u Hrvatskoj još od 1991. godine. Prema dostupnim podacima, procjenjuje se da je broj ubijenih, poginulih i nestalih tijekom rata u Hrvatskoj od 1991. - 1995. oko 22.000. Procjene se kreću od 21.000, pa sve do 24.000 žrtava rata. Demograf Dražen Živić, u radu objavljenom 2004. godine iznio je do tada najcjelovitije podatke izravnih demografskih gubitaka (ratni mortalitet) u Hrvatskoj uzrokovan agresijom i okupacijom. Prema njegovu izračunu poginulo je 8.147 (36,7%) hrvatskih branitelja, 6.605 (29%) hrvatskih civila, a broj nestalih hrvatskih branitelja i civila iznosi 1.218 (5,5%), ukupno 15.970. Brojku poginulih i nestalih Srba, vojnika i civila, Živić je procijenio na 6.222 (28,0%). Rat je dakle, prema Živićevim istraživanjima odnio ukupno 22.192 žrtava, građana Republike Hrvatske. Povjesničar Ivo Goldstein broj stradalih na hrvatskoj strani (uključujući i nestale) procjenjuje na 13.583, dok su ljudski gubici srpske strane iznosili 8.039, od čega 6.760 na područjem pod kontrolom pobunjenih Srba. Na Kenotafu crkve Svete Mati Slobode u zagrebačkom naselju Jarun uklesana su 15.392 imena hrvatskih “palih branitelja” (i poginuli civili ubrajaju se među “pale branitelje”), prema podacima dobivenima od Ministarstva obitelji, branitelja i međugeneracijske solidarnosti Republike Hrvatske. Prema službenim beogradskim podacima, broj poginulih i nestalih pripadnika nekadašnje JNA je 1.279. Iz ovih podataka vidljivo je da se rezultati različitih znanstvenih istraživanja donekle razlikuju, a kada njima pridodamo i nalaze organizacija za ljudska prava te razlike mogu biti i veće. Na žalost, zbog nedostatka političke volje proces prikupljanja podataka o svim žrtvama do danas nije završen te smo suočeni s činjenicom da niti petnaest godina nakon završetka sukoba nije utvrđen vjerodostojan, provjerljiv i neprijeporan (poimenični) broj ubijenih u ratu. Kako bi dopunila već prikupljene podatke o ljudskim gubicima Documenta je 2009. krenula u dodatna terenska istraživanja. Naime, od svog osnutka Documenta doprinosi razvijanju individualnih i društvenih procesa suočavanja s prošlošću u izgradnji održivog mira u Hrvatskoj i široj regiji, produbljujući javni dijalog i inicirajući debate o javnim politikama koje potiču suočavanje s prošlošću, prikupljajući podatke, objavljujući istraživanja o ratnim događajima, ratnim zločinima i kršenjima ljudskih prava, te prateći sudske procese na lokalnoj i regionalnoj razini kao doprinos poboljšanju sudskih standarda i prakse u suđenjima za ratne zločine. Neophodnost realizacije projekta “Ljudski gubici u Hrvatskoj 1991 – 1995” proizlazi iz potrebe za sprječavanjem političkih i ideoloških manipulacija brojem žrtava rata u Republici Hrvatskoj i regiji. Takvo stanje ne pridonosi u dovoljnoj mjeri ublažavanju ratnih posljedica što je preduvjet razvoja multietničkih i multikulturalnih sredina. Utvrđivanje činjenica o ratnim događanjima i posljedicama izuzetno je važno za građane/ke RH, susjednih postjugoslavenskih zemalja i cijele Europe. Stvaranje poimeničnog popisa svih poginulih, ubijenih i nestalih građana i građanki Republike Hrvatske onemogućit će proizvoljne, netočne i zlonamjerne manipulacije brojem žrtava rata, a osiguranje relevantnih podataka biti će od pomoći institucijama i organizacijama koje sudjeluju u procesima kažnjavanja (domaći sudovi, MKSJ), izgradnje održivog mira i povjerenja. Na taj način pridonosi se individualizaciji odgovornosti za zločine i destigmatizaciji čitavih društvenih skupina ili naroda za nedjela pojedinaca. U svojem istraživanju polazimo od pretpostavke da je nužno utvrditi činjenice o svim žrtvama, bez obzira na njihovu etničku, političku, socijalnu pripadnost ili svojstvo. Pri dokumentiranju ljudskih gubitaka koristimo primjerenu znanstveno utemeljenu metodologiju, koja se bazira na metodama analize sadržaja i intervjua uz korištenje moderne informacijske tehnologije u prikupljanju, obradi i objavi podataka. U prvoj fazi provedbe projekta istraživački tim fokusirao se na područje Sisačko-moslavačke županije. Prikupljen je značajan broj dokumenata, intervjuirali smo na stotine ljudi i evidentirali nekoliko tisuća žrtava. Sastavljan je poimenični popis s ukupno 5.672 žrtava s tog područja sa svim dostupnim informacijama o njima i okolnosti njihove smrti. Istraživački tim odradio je više od 2.000 intervjua i sastanaka s članovima obitelji žrtava, svjedocima, udrugama žrtava, veterana i partnerskih organizacija koji su doveli do informacija o više od 2.200 žrtava. Tim je na terenu proveo oko 850 radnih dana. Uspješno je obrađeno više od 230 gradova, sela i zaseoka u Sisačko-moslavačkoj županiji, i prijeđeno preko 18.000 km automobilom i 250 km pješice, na ponekad teško prohodnom terenu. U suradnji s Documentinim stručnjacima/kinjama za kazneno pravo koji prate suđenja za ratne zločine, istraživači/ ce su analizirali sve optužnice, presude i druge dostupne sudske dokumente sa suđenja i istraga vođenih za ratne zločine nad civilima ili ratnim zarobljenicima u Sisačko-moslavačkoj županiji i drugim hrvatskim regijama(sa suđenja pred hrvatskim sudovima i MKSJ). Također, pregledali smo više od stotinu relevantnih knjiga, ogroman broj novina/časopisa iz 1990-ih iz cijele regije, i digitalizirali preko 10.000 stranica sudske dokumentacije. Istraživački tim snimio je i više od 1.000 fotografija lokacija ubojstava, masovnih grobnica, grobova i spomen obilježja, kao i tisuće stranica iz različitih privatnih i službenih arhiva. Svi prikupljeni dokumenti i podaci (popisi žrtava, evidencije, dokumentacija sa suđenja za ratne zločine, kronologije, analize, demografski podaci, fotografije, video snimke, press-clipping ...) su pažljivo klasificirani i arhivirani u skladu s najvišim profesionalnim standardima. Pokrenuta je i posebna web stranica posvećena projektu www.ljudskigubici.info, putem koje je omogućeno ispuniti online karton žrtve, što se pokazalo posebno korisnim za osobe koje ne žive u Hrvatskoj ili regiji, a posjeduju podatke, informacije i dokumente o stradanjima članova/ica svojih obitelji. Žrtvama želimo odati pijetet tako što ćemo omogućiti da njihova imena i okolnosti stradanja budu poznate bez obzira na to kojoj su etničkoj ili vjerskoj skupini pripadali, koju su političku ili ideološku ideju branili. Smatramo da je obaveza svakog društva osvijestiti da žrtve ratnih stradanja nisu naprosto brojevi, već ljudi s imenom i prezimenom. Upravo iz tih razloga organizirali smo dvije javne rasprave o problematici dokumentiranja ljudskih gubitaka. Ti su okrugli stolovi, održani u Zagrebu 2006. i 2010. godine, okupili brojne predstavnike/ce znanstvenih institucija, vladinih tijela, komisija, nevladinih organizacija, pravosudnih tijela, različite stručnjake, istraživače, sociologe, povjesničare i novinare koji godinama predano rade na utvrđivanju činjenica o stradalima, ubijenim i nestalim građanima i građankama, na izgradnji mira i povjerenja i ublažavanju ratnih posljedica. Ova publikacija rezultat je upravo tih javnih rasprava i sadrži cjelovite transkripte te zaključke i preporuke koji su, ili će tek biti, od velike pomoći u aktivnostima sustavnog prikupljanje građe o ratnim zbivanjima i utvrđivanju činjenica. Vjerujemo da će i ova publikacija dati značajan doprinos tome te potaknuti dodatnu javnu raspravu s ciljem jačanja kapaciteta i vidljivosti organizacija i institucija koje radi na sličnim projektima, ali i poboljšanja i intenziviranja dokumentiranja svih žrtava širom svijeta te zagovaranja važnosti prikupljanja činjenica o okolnostima stradanja. Zahvaljujemo se svim sudionicima i sudionicama koji su svojim konstruktivnim promišljanjima pridonijeli uspjesima spomenutih konferencija, te Veleposlanstvu Republike Finske koje je omogućilo tisak publikacije.
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